Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2017  with  funding  from 
Duke  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/lifepublicservic01  nort 


WALKER  BLAINE 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

—OF— 

Hon.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE 

“THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT” 


—CONTAINING— 

A FULL  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  EARLY  LIFE;  HIS  EDUCATION 
AND  CAREER  AS  A TEACHER;  HIS  BRILLIANT  SER- 
VICES IN  CONGRESS  AND  AS  SPEAKER  OF 
THE  HOUSE;  HIS  ABLE  AND  PATRI- 
OTIC RECORD  IN  THE  SENATE 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

—INCLUDING— 

His  Nomination  for  the  Presidency;  his  Eminent 
Services  as  Secretary  of  State ; his 
Sickness  and  Death. 

The  Whole  forming-  a Complete  and 
Graphic  Account  of 

AMERICA’S  MOST  DISTINGUISHED  STATESMAN. 

BY  HENRY  DAVENPORT  NORTHROP,  D.D. 

Author  of  “ Story  of  the  New  World,”  Etc. 

EMBELLISHED  WITH  SUPERB  PHOTOTYPE  ENGRAVINGS. 


H.  J.  SMITH  & CO.,  Publishers, 


234  South  Eighth  Street, 
PHILADELPHIA,  PA. 


263  & 265  Wabash  Avenu«. 
i CHICAGO,  ILL. 


Copyright,  1893 


q r n ' ■ rj 
/ ri  <y  » ^ / v 

3 d /( 


PREFACE. 


For  many  years  the  name  of  James  Gillespie  Blaine 
has  had  a remarkable  magnetism,  and  has  awak- 
ened the  Greatest  enthusiasm.  No  American  states- 
man  ever  filled  the  hearts  of  the  people  more  com- 
pletely than  he  did. 

The  martyrdom  of  Lincoln  and  Garfield  won  for 
.,iem  a peculiar  veneration,  but  Mr.  Blaine,  while  liv- 
:ng,  gained  the  highest  place  in  public  esteem.  He 
' ras  admired  as  the  most  brilliant  statesman  of  his  day. 
He  was  loved  for  his  warm  and  generous  nature ; his 
patriotism  was  so  broad  and  bold  that  it  won  the  ap- 
plause of  his  political  opponents.  He  was  followed 
with  the  devotion  and  enthusiasm  of  the  army  that 
bore  the  eagle  of  France  when  Napoleon  marched  to 
his  world-renowned  victories,  and  even  in  defeat  he 
was  worshiped  as  was  the  man  of  destiny  after  Mos- 
cow and  Elba. 

The  complete  and  graphic  story  of  his  marvelous 
career  is.  written  in  this  volume.  The  life  and  public 
services  of  James  G.  Blaine  are  a part  of  our  country’s 
most  thrilling  history,  and  this  superb  work  is  worthy 
of  the  “ Plumed  Knight’s  ” dazzling-  achievements.  It 
contains  the  fascinating  story  of  the  deeds  of  the  most 
renowned  leader,  orator  and  statesman  of  our  time. 

The  work  shows  how  an  American  lad,  born  and 

(iii) 


O A f"  Q ; k 

6 U'/oa  d 


tv 


PREFACE. 


raised  in  a country  town,  secured  a good  education 
aikl  acquired  habits  of  industry  and  self-reliance, 
which  were  the  ground-work  of  the  great  name  he 
was  to  make  in  after  life. 

How,  by  diligence,  tact  and  faithfulness  to  duty,  he 
gained  distinction  as  a teacher,  and,  by  masterly  abil- 
ity and  untiring  industry,  achieved  the  highest  success 
as  an  editor  and  leader  of  public  opinion. 

How  he  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  his 
adopted  State,  took  high  rank  among  his  colleagues, 
was  chosen  to  be  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  showed 
all  the  commanding  abilities  of  oratory  and  statesman- 
ship which  afterward  made  him  the  most  majestic 
figure  in  Congress. 

o o 

How  he  was  elected  a Member  of  Congress,  con- 
tinued fourteen  years  in  this  position,  and  during  six 
years  of  the  period  was  Speaker  of  the  House,  taking 
highest  rank  among  the  distinguished  statesmen  who 
have  occupied  the  Speaker’s  chair. 

How  he  received  the  Portfolio  of  Secretary  of  State 
in  President  Garfield’s  Cabinet,  and  upon  the  death 
of  the  President  delivered  a magnificent  eulogy  upon 
him  before  both  houses  of  Congress. 

How  he  was  honored  with  the  nomination  for  the 
Presidency,  became  Secretary  of  State  in  President 
Harrison’s  Cabinet,  vigorously  defended  American 
rights  in  the  fisheries  disputes  with  England,  con- 
ducted the  Pan-American  Conference,  and  secured 
the  grand  results  of  Reciprocity  and  commercial  rela- 
tions with  the  South  American  nations. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

CHAPTER  I. 

Early  Life  of  tlie  Great  American  Statesman  . . .17 

CHAPTER  II. 

Young  Blaine  as  a Student  and  Teaclier  ....  34 

CHAPTER  III. 

Editor  and  Political  Leader 54 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Blaine  a Member  of  the  State  Legislature  ...  69 

CHAPTER  V. 

First  Term  in  Congress 88 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Second  Term  in  Congress 101 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Third  Term  in  Congress 120 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  .Representatives  . . . .132 

CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Famous  Mulligan  Letters 154 

CHAPTER  X. 

“The  Plumed  Knight”  and  the  Presidency  . . .185 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Blaine  in  the  United  States  Senate 200 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Blaine  as  Secretary  of  State 240 

(v) 


O A ^ C O o 

oU  i Ddo 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Eulogy  of  James  A.  Garfield 

PACK 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

National  Convention  of  1884  at  Chicago 

• 

• 

• 

. 316 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Enthusiasm  for  the  “Plumed  Knight” 

• 

• 

• 

• 332 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Blaine  Nominated 

• 

• 

• 

• 347 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Accepts  the  Nomination  .... 

• 

• 

• 379 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  Great  Campaign  of  1884 

• 

• 

. 409 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Again  Secretary  of  State  .... 

CHAPTER  XX. 
Striking  Characteristics  of  the  Man 

• 45 1 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

James  G.  Blaine 

./ 

. 469 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Blaine  as  a Man  Among  Men  . 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Home  Life  and  Personal  Traits 

• 

• 

• 493 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Reminiscences  of  the  “ Plumed  Knight  ” 

• 

• 

• 521 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

In  the  Valley  of  Death  .... 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

The  Closing  Scenes 

— 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

East  Honors  to  the  Dead  Statesman 

• 565 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Friendly  Tributes  to  the  Great  Leader 

• 583 

JOSEPH  R HAWLEY 


JOHN  SHERMAN. 


LIFE  AND  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

OF 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Early  Life  of  the  Great  American  Statesman. 

High  on  the  roll  of  America’s  illustrious  sons 
stands  the  name  of  James  Gillespie  Blaine.  As  a 
statesman  he  was  wise  and  far-seeing.  As  an  orator 
he  was  magnetic  and  persuasive.  As  a citizen  he 
was  public-spirited,  faithful  to  his  convictions  and 
principles,  and  was  respected  and  honored  by  his 
countrymen.  “ Death  loves  a shining  mark,”  and  has 
pierced  with  his  unerring  dart  the  most  distinguished 
statesman  of  his  time. 

The  annals  of  our  country,  rich  in  the  immortal 
names  of  patriots  and  heroes,  contain  no  brighter 
page  than  that  which  relates  the  history  of  the  great 
chief  who  has  fallen.  He  was  born  to  be  a ruler 
among  men.  His  public  career  was  long  and  bril- 
liant; his  eminent  services  to  his  country  have  placed 
-him  in  the  front  rank  of  those  whom  the  nation  de- 
lights to  honor  ; his  eulogy  is  written  in  the  hearts  of ; 
the  American  people,  and  his  name  is  wreathed  with 
perennial  fame. 

2 


(17) 


18 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Sympathetic  in  his  nature,  broad  in  his  views,  com- 
manding in  his  personal  power,  he  was  greater  than 
any  political  party,  and  possessed  the  grandeur  of  a 
true  and  lofty  manhood.  History  is  already  em- 
balming his  illustrious  deeds,  and  millions  of  his 
countrymen  point  with  pride  to  his  magnificent  career. 
The  story  of  his  life  should  quicken  the  pulses  of 
patriotism  and  inspire  the  young  men  of  the  nation 
with  noble  purposes  and  resolves. 

blaine’s  ancestry. 

James  Gillespie  Blaine  was  born  January  31,  1830, 
in  Union  township,  Washington  county,  Pennsylvania. 
He  came  from  noted  Scotch-Irish  stock,  his  ancestors 
having  been  among  the  pioneers  who  a century  and 
a half  ago  ascended  the  great  limestone  valley  in 
which  Carlisle  is  situated,  and  founded  that  thriving 
town. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  great-grandfather,  Colonel  Ephraim 
Blaine,  lived  here  for  many  years.  This  officer  was 
originally  a colonel  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  but 
during  the  last  four  years  of  the  Revolutionary  war 
he  was  Commissary-General  of  the  Northern  Depart- 
ment, and  during  the  terrible  winter  at  Valley  Forge 
did  his  best  to  keep  the  wolf  of  famine  and  destitution 
from  the  American  camp. 

“ In  this  great  field  of  patriotic  duty,”  writes  one  of  his 
biographers,  “ Colonel  Blaine  won  a splendid  reputa- 
tion. Through  himself  and  immediate  friends  he  was 
able,  at  different  times,  when  the  Continental  treasury 
was  empty,  to  advance  large  amounts  of  money  toward 


HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE’S  BIRTHPLACE. 


20 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


purchasing  supplies  for  the  army ; and  during  the 
terrible  winter  at  Valley  Forge,  Washington  attributed 
the  preservation  of  his  troops  from  absolute  starva- 
tion to  the  heroic  and  self-sacrificing  efforts  of  Colonel 

O 

Blaine.  The  high  esteem  with  which  Colonel  Blaine 
was  held  by  Washington  and  his  great  patriotic 
leaders  in  the  Revolution  was  attested  by  numerous 
letters  from  them,  official  and  unofficial,  still  in  the 
possession  of  Colonel  Blaine’s  descendants  in  this 
State. 

A LOCAL  TRADITION. 

“ It  is  yet  one  of  the  pleasing  local  traditions  of 
Carlisle  that  in  1793,  when  the  Whisky  Insurrection 
arose  in  the  western  counties,  President  Washington, 
accompanied  by  his  Secretaries  of  the  Treasury  and 
War  Departments,  Hamilton  and  Knox,  on  their  way 
to  the  scene  of  the  trouble,  halted  for  many  days  at 
Middlesex  as  the  guests  of  Colonel  Blaine,  and  while 
there  heard  of  the  dispersion  of  the  insurgents  and 
returned  to  Philadelphia.  Their  visit  was  the  occasion 
of  the  most  lavish  hospitality  and  old-fashioned  merry- 
making. and  was  long  remembered  with  pleasure  by 
the  generation  of  Carlisle  residents  who  have  passed 
away.” 

Colonel  Ephraim  Blaine’s  son,  James  Blaine,  emi- 
grated from  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania,  into  the  then  wilder- 
ness of  Southwestern  Pennsylvania,  and  established  a 
country  store  at  the  mouth  of  Ten  Mile  Run,  in  Greene 
county.  He  remained  there  but  a short  time,  and 
then  moved  to  Brownsville  with  his  wagon-load  of 


SIMMONS  BLAINE. 


JAMES  G.  BLAINE.  JR 


blaine’s  early  life. 


21 


goods,  and  opened  a store  which  he  kept  for  the  rest 
of  his  life. 

* 

James  Blaine’s  son,  “ Squire  Blaine,”  as  he  was 
known  in  the  community,  was  married  to  Miss  Gilles- 
pie, a devout  member  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
but  their  seven  children — five  boys  and  two  girls — 
adhered  to  the  traditional  faith  of  the  Blaines.  The 
eldest  of  these  five  sons,  James  Gillespie  Blaine,  is 
the  subject  of  this  volume. 

RELIGIOUS  FAITH  OF  THE  BLAINE  FAMILY. 

Concerning  the  religious  faith  of  his  family  and  his 
own  attitude  in  religious  matters,  Mr.  Blaine  wrote 
in  later  life — March  ioth,  1876 — as  follows: 

My  ancestors  on  my  father’s  side  were,  as  you  know, 
always  identified  with  the  Presbyterian  church,  and 
they  were  prominent  and  honored  in  the  old  colony 
of  Pennsylvania.  But  I will  never  consent  to  make 
any  public  declaration  upon  the  subject,  and  for  two 
reasons : first,  because  I abhor  the  introduction  of 
anything  that  looks  like  a religious  test  or  qualification 
for  office  in  a republic  where  perfect  freedom  of  con- 
science is  the  birthright  of  every  citizen  ; and,  second, 
« because  my  mother  was  a devoted  Catholic.  I would 
not  for  a thousand  Presidencies  speak  a disrespectful 
word  of  my  mother’s  religion,  and  no  pressure  will 
draw  me  into  any  avowal  of  hostility  or  unfriendliness 
to  Catholics,  though  I have  never  received,  and  do  not 
expect,  any  political  support  from  them. 

The  Kennebec  Journal  (Augusta,  Maine),  about 
this  time,  said  on  the  same  subject  that  “ Mr.  Blaine 


22 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


has  been  for  nearly  twenty  years  a consistent  member 
of  the  Orthodox  Congregational  Church  in  this,  the 
city  of  his  home.  Orthodox  Congregationalism  in 
Maine  is  precisely  the  same  creed  as  Presbyterianism 
in  Pennsylvania.” 

blaine’s  boyhood. 

Speaking  of  Blaine’s  boyhood  a well-known  jour- 
nalist thus  wrote  of  a visit  to  his  early  home  in  West 
Brownsville,  Pennsylvania : 

I stood  beside  two  old  graves  to-day  in  this  village, 
that  are  in  the  shadow  of  the  little  church  that  so 
quickly  recalled  to  me  Longfellow’s  beautiful  lines. 
The  marble  that  marked  them  was  much  newer  than 
the  mounds  and  the  surroundings  impressed  me  with 
the  thought  that  a dutiful  and  reverent  son  had  years 
after,  when  means  and  opportunity  came  that  were 
wanting  when  death  called  father  and  mother  away, 
placed  a fitting  monument  to  mark  the  spot  where 
they  slept.  It  is  a plain,  unpretentious  stone  that 
marks  these  graves,  and  it  was  the  names  only  that 
attracted  my  attention.  They  were  those  of  Ephraim 
L.  Blaine  and  Maria  Gillespie  Blaine. 

“Who  were  these  two  people  in  life?”  I asked  of 
an  old  gentleman,  who  had  wandered  along  with  me 
to  this  quiet  city  where  the  dead  sleep. 

“ Why,  they  were  the  father  and  mother  of  James 
G.  Blaine.  I knew  them  both  well.  Eph  Blaine  and 
I went  to  school  together.  He  was  one  of  the  founders 
of  this  town,  and  was  squire  here  for  many  a year. 
He  was  elected  prothonotary  of  the  county  in  1842, 


blaine’s  early  life. 


23 


and  moved  to  Washington,  the  county-seat.  He  mar- 
ried Maria,  a daughter  of  old  Neal  Gillespie,  the 
smartest  man  in  this  whole  section,  and  from  his 
people  James  Gillespie  Blaine  derives  his  middle 
name. 

a remarkable  family. 

“ The  Gillespies  were  among  the  most  prominent 
families  in  the  State.  The  seal  of  nature’s  nobility  was 
stamped  upon  them,  one  and  all.  The  men  were  brave 
and  stalwart;  as  strong  in  character,  too,  as  they  were 
stout  of  limb.  The  women  were  very  handsome,  and 
carried  themselves  as  proudly  as  though  the  blood  of 
a hundred  earls  were  coursing  through  their  veins. 
The  beauty  of  old  Mrs.  Blaine,  James’  mother,  passed 
into  a proverb.  Even  in  her  decrepit  age  she  pre- 
served much  of  her  early  attractiveness,  and  her  eye 
was  like  a hawk’s,  as  clear  and  flashing  then  as  in  the 
days  of  her  budding  womanhood.  This  was  a pecu- 
liarity of  her  family,  and  she  transmitted  it  to  all  her 
children. 

“ The  Gillespies  were  ardent,  intense  Catholics,  and 
made  their  religion  the  leading  feature  of  their  lives. 
Neal  Gillespie  owned  a good  deal  of  land  about  here, 
and  Eph  Blaine  built  the  brick  house  you  see  yonder 
on  a portion  of  it,  after  his  marriage  with  Miss  Gilles- 
pie. There  their  first  child,  James,  was  born  in  1830. 

STORY  OF  THE  BOY. 

“ I remember  him  very  well  when  he  was  a lad  and 
used  to  paddle  about  on  the  river  and  make  mud 
pies  along  its  banks.  He  was  a bright  lad. 


24 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


“I  remember  one  little  story  about  him,  which  I 
often  heard  in  those  days,  and  which  is  interesting  as 
showing  how  truly,  in  his  case,  the  child  was  father  to 
the  man.  When  he  was  but  a little  toddler,  so  to 
speak,  some  laborers  were  engaged  digging  a well  on 
his  father’s  premises.  The  future  statesman  was 
caught  one  morning  peering  down  into  the  excavation, 
and  one  of  the  men,  with  the  idea  of  frightening  him 
and  thus  preventing  him  from  again  putting'  himself 
in  danger,  thrust  his  shovel  toward  him,  and  made  all 
sorts  of  ugly  faces. 

“Jim  ran  away,  but  only  to  nurse  his  anger  and 
await  an  opportunity  for  revenge.  Venturing  to  the 
well  a day  or  two  after  he  had  been  driven  away,  he 
found  the  men  working  away  at  the  bottom.  Im- 
proving the  opportunity,  he  seized  a clod  of  earth  and 
hurled  it  with  all  his  little  might  full  at  the  head  of  his 
unsuspecting  enemy,  with  the  consolatory  remark, 
‘ There,  take  that.’  Clod  followed  clod  in  fast 
succession,  with  accompanying  expletives,  until  the 
men  were  fairly  beside  themselves  with-  rage  and  with 
the  fear  that  the  desperate  child  might  take  it  into  his 
head  to  use  some  of  the  stones  lying  about  him  as 
messengers  of  wrath  more  effective  than  mere  lumps 
of  earth. 

“ Their  shouts,  however,  brought  his  mother  to  the 
scene,  and  the  little  avenger  was  unceremoniously 
hustled  off  to  the  house.  That  was  the  old  blood  assert- 
ing itself.  A Gillespie  or  a Blaine  never  turned  his 
back  upon  friend  or  foe. 


blaine’s  early  life. 


25 


A BOAT  WITH  A FAMOUS  NAME. 

“That’s  the  new  packet  ‘James  G.  Blaine’  that 
runs  from  here  to  Pittsburg.  The  two  people  who 
sleep  in  this  graveyard  little  thought  when  they  died 
that  they’d  have  a son  big  enough  to  have  a packet 
named  for  him.  They  died  when  Jim  was  young,  and 
they  didn’t  leave  anything  for  him  to  start  with  either. 

“ Eph  Blaine  was  a rich  man  once.  His  grandfather 
left  him  some  fifty  thousand  dollars,  but  he  spent  it 
having  a good  time.  He  was  not  a money-saver,  but 
believed  in  enjoying  the  world  as  he  lived.  He  used 
to  drive  fine  horses,  and  drove  ’em  tandem,  too.  Old 
Neal  Gillespie  used  to  call  him  ‘ My-gig-and-tandem 
son-in-law.’  The  Gillespies  wasn’t  so  slow,  either, 
but  Eph  Blaine  led  ’em  all  in  this  country.  It’s  no 
wonder  Jim  Blaine  is  smart.  He  comes  of  good 
stock  on  both  sides.  All  the  Gillespies  were  smart. 
Neal  Gillespie  was  the  biggest-brained  man  in  all  this 
country.” 

“ Do  the  Blaines  or  any  of  the  relatives  own  the 
old  homestead  ? ” 

“ No,  indeed.  It’s  long  since  passed  into  strange 
hands.  There  was  little  of  either  the  Blaine  or  the 
Gillespie  estate  left  when  the  settlement  day  came. 
The  children  all  had  to  begin  new.  None  of  either 
family  live  about  here  now.” 

PROUD  OF  THE  STATESMAN. 

There  is  much  that  is  strange  in  the  story  that  the 
old  man  told  me,  and  much  more  that  is  interesting. 
VVe  finished  the  talk  beside  the  restless  waters  of  the 


26 


LIFE  OF  HON„  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Monongahela,  near  which  Mr.  Blaine  was  born,  and 
his  family  lived  for  years.  The  little  brick  house 
doesn’t  stand  more  than  forty  rods  from  the  river,  and 
the  old  path  which  leads  from  the  doorway  that  Blaine 
helped  to  make  in  childhood  is  still  there.  The  best 
boat  on  the  river  now  bears  his  name,  and  the  plain 
people  love  to  talk  of  his  having  been  born  in  their 
midst. 

A WILD  COUNTRY. 

It  is  a queer  section  of  country  in  which  to  have 
found  the  homes  of  two  such  families  as  the  Blaines 
and  the  Gillespies.  Both  strong  houses — both  fond 
of  the  best  things  of  this  life.  Both  educated  and 
brainy.  The  Gillespie  family  was  a rich  and  powerful 
family  in  the  region.  The  strength  of  mind  and 
character  for  which  all  the  family  were  noted  is  still  a 
proverb  in  the  region.  The  Monongahela  river  at 
this  point  separates  the  two  counties  of  Fayette  and 
Washington.  Brownsville  is  on  the  Fayette  side  and 
West  Brownsville  on  the  Washington  side.  They 
are  both  quaint  old  towns,  and  wear  the  mark  of  many 
years.  I don’t  suppose  there  are  5000  people  in  both, 
and  the  houses  straggle  along  the  banks  of  the  river  on 
the  lowlands,  which  are  just  high  enough  to  keep  them 
out  of  the  reach  of  the  overflow. 

This  country  was  new — I might  say  wild — when 
the  Blaines  and  Gillespies  came  here.  The  rich 
treasures  of  the  Youghiogheny  region  were  floated 
down  the  Ohio  river  in  rude  keel  boats,  and  the  un- 
told wealth  in  the  rugged  mountains  was  then  un- 


blaine’s  early  life. 


27 


known.  Albert  Gallatin  used  to  live  in  this  country 
then,  and  his  residence  was  but  a few  miles  up  the 
river  from  this  point.  But  mighty  changes  have  taken 
place  since  those  days,  when  he  left  his  impress  upon 
the  finances  and  credit  of  this  country  so  that  it  can 
never  be  effaced. 

There  seems  to  have  been  good  feeling  from  the 
first  between  the  Blaine  and  Gillespie  families,  and 
there  seems  to  have  been  a special  care  to  intermingle 
the  family  names  as  each  son  was  born.  The  old 
man  whom  I encountered  in  the  first  part  of  this 
story  told  me  that  nearly  every  son  in  the  Blaine 
family,  as  in  the  Gillespies,  wore  the  family  name  or 
some  part  of  his  autograph. 

The  Gillespie  family  seemed  to  run  more  to  girls 
than  boys,  and  it  seemed  to  be  their  good  fortune  to 
link  their  fortunes  with  strong-  men.  The  daughter 
who  was  next  in  age  to  Maria,  who  married  Ephraim 
A.  Blaine,  was  wedded  to  the  famous  Tom  Ewing,  of 
Ohio,  when  he  was  a poor  lawyer  in  Lancaster,  Pa. 
That’s  how  he  became  an  uncle  of  James  G.  Blaine, 
and  the  names  of  Blaine  and  Ewing  became  joined. 
It  made  a strong  combination. 

o 

A KENTUCKY  SCHOOL  TEACHER. 

There  is  a tradition  here  that  when  old  Tom  Ew- 
ing was  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Blaine  applied  to 
him  for  a clerkship  and  the  old  man  sent  him  to  Ken- 
tucky to  earn  an  honest  living  teaching  school.  This 
association  of  the  name  of  Ewing  with  that  of  Blaine 
has  given  rise  to  the  story  that  the  Ewing  family  of 


28 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Ohio  helped  James  G.  Blaine  to  an  education.  I 
might  as  well  destroy  this  fiction  by  telling  the  facts. 

A short  drive  brought  me  to  Washington,  the 
county-seat  of  this  county,  and  one  of  the  first  men 
I met  was  Major  John  H.  Ewing,  an  old  veteran  past 
fourscore  years. 

“ I married  the  sister  of  Ephraim  L.  Blaine,”  he 
said.  “ He  and  I went  to  school  together  over  in  yon- 
der college,  and  I knew  him  nearly  all  his  life.  He 
was  a leader  in  the  mischief  of  the  school,  and  fond  of 
all  the  good  things  of  this  life.  He  was  the  hand- 
somest man  I ever  saw,  and  he  had  a wife  that  was  a 
match  for  him.  She  was  one  of  the  noblest  women  I 
ever  knew.  She  inherited  all  the  sterling  traits  of 
character  and  strength  of  mind  for  which  the  Gilles- 
pies were  noted. 

“ So,  you  see,  Blaine  sprang  from  the  best  of  stock 
on  both  sides.  His  father  was  Justice  of  the  Peace 
over  in  West  Brownsville  for  a number  of  years,  and 
afterwards  Prothonotary  of  the  County.  He  was 
elected  in  1842,  and  came  here  to  live.  James  G.  was 
only  about  twelve  years  old  then,  and  almost  every 
middle-aged  man  you  meet  on  the  streets  here  re- 
members all  about  him.” 

INTERESTING  LETTER. 

A letter,  written  upon  the  occasion  of  the  Washing- 
ton County  Centennial,  in  September,  1881,  reveals 
Mr.  Blaine’s  deep  attachment  for  the  place  of  his 
birth,  and  his  loyal  interest  and  pride  in  its  history. 
We  give  the  letter  entire. 


D.  W VOORHEES. 


WILLIAM  P.  FRYE 


Blaine’s  early  life. 


29 


Washington,  D.  C.,  Sept.  5,  1881. 
John  D.  McKennan: 

Dear  Sir, — I had  anticipated  great  pleasure  in  be- 
ing present  at  the  centennial  celebration  of  the 'erec- 
tion of  Washington  County,  but  the  national  sorrow 
which  shadows  every  household  detains  me  here. 

I shall  perhaps  never  again  have  the  opportunity  of 
seeing  so  many  of  the  friends  of  my  youth,  and  so 
many  of  my  blood  and  kindred,  and  you  may  well 
conceive  my  disappointment  is  great. 

The  strong  attachment  which  I feel  for  the  county, 
the  pride  which  I cherish  in  its  traditions,  and  the  high 
estimate  which  I have  always  placed  on  the  character 
of  its  people,  increase  with  years  and  reflection.  The 
pioneers  were  strong-hearted,  God-fearing,  resolute 
men,  wholly,  or  almost  wholly,  of  Scotch  or  Scotch- 
Irish  descent.  They  were  men  who,  according  to 
an  inherited  maxim,  never  turned  their  backs  on  a 
friend  or  an  enemy. 

For  twenty  years,  dating  from  the  middle  period  of 
the  Revolution,  the  settlers  were  composed  very  largely 
of  men  who  had  themselves  served  in  the  Continental 
army,  many  of  them  as  officers,  and  they  imparted  an 
intense  patriotism  to  the  public  sentiment. 

a fourth-of-july  celebration. 

It  may  be  among  the  illusions  of  memory,  but  I 
think  I have  nowhere  else  seen  the  Fourth  of  July  and 
Washington’s  Birthday  celebrated  with  such  zeal  and 
interest  as  in  the  gatherings  I there  attended.  I re- 
call a great  meeting  of  the  people  on  the  Fourth  of 
July,  1840,  on  the  border  of  the  county,  in  Browns- 
ville, at  which  a considerable  part  of  the  procession 
was  composed  of  vehicles  filled  with  Revolutionary 
soldiers.  I was  but  ten  years  old,  and  may  possibly 


30 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 


mistake,  but  I think  there  were  more  than  two  hun- 
dred of  the  grand  old  heroes.  The  modern  cant 
criticism  which  we  sometimes  hear  about  Washington 
not  being,  after  all,  a very  great  man,  would  have 
been  dangerous  talk  on  that  day  and  in  that  assem- 
blage. 


CHURCH  AT  BROWNSVILLE,  PA., 

And  Cemetery  Where  Blaine’s  Parents  are  Buried. 

These  pioneers  placed  a high  value  on  education, 
and  while  they  were  still  on  the  frontier  struggling 
with  its  privations  they  established  two  excellent  col- 
leges, long  since  prosperously  united  in  one.  It  would 
be  impossible  to  overstate  the  beneficent  and  wide- 
spread influence  which  Washington  and  Jefferson  Col- 
leges have  exerted  on  the  civilization  of  that  great 


blaine’s  early  life. 


31 


country  which  lies  between  the  Alleghanies  and  the 
Mississippi  River.  Their  graduates  have  been  prom- 
inent in  the  pulpit,  at  the  bar,  on  the  bench,  and  in  the 
high  stations  of  public  life.  During  my  service  of 
eighteen  years  in  Congress,  I met  a larger  number  of 
the  alumni  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  than  of  any 
other  single  college  in  the  Union. 

great  educational  advantages. 

I make  this  statement  from  memory,  but  I feel  as- 
sured that  a close  examination  of  the  rolls  of  the  two 
Houses,  from  1863  to  1881,  would  fully  establish  its 
correctness.  Not  only  were  the  two  colleges  founded 
and  well  sustained,  but  the  entire  educational  system 
of  the  county,  long  before  the  school  tax  and  public 
schools,  was  comprehensive  and  thorough.  I remem- 
ber that  in  my  own  boyhood  there  were  ten  or  eleven 
academies  or  select  schools  in  the  county,  where  lads 
could  be  fitted  for  college. 

In  nearly  every  instance  the  Presbyterian  pastor  was 
the  principal  teacher.  Many  who  will  be  present  at 
your  Centennial  will  recall  the  succession  of  well- 
drilled  students,  who  came,  for  so  many  years,  from 
the  tuition  of  Dr.  McCluskey,  at  West  Alexander, 
from  Rev.  John  Stockton,  at  Cross  Creek,  from  Rev. 
John  Eagleson,  of  Buffalo,  and  from  others  of  like 
worth  and  reputation. 

, A FAVORED  COUNTY. 

It  was  inevitable  that  a county  thus  peopled  should 
grow  in  strength,  wisdom  and  wealth.  Its  sixty  thou- 
sand inhabitants  are  favored  far  beyond  the  average 
lot  of  man.  They  are  blest  with  a fertile  soil  and 
with  a health-giving  climate,  which  belongs  to  the 
charmed  latitude  of  the  fortieth  parallel,  the  middle 
of  the  wheat  and  corn  belt  of  the  continent.  Beyond 


32 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


this  they  enjoy  the  happy  and  ennobling  influences  of 
scenery  as  grand  and  as  beautiful  as  that  which  lures 
tourists  thousands  of  miles  beyond  the  sea. 

I have,  myself,  visited  many  of  the  celebrated  spots 
in  Europe  and  in  America,  and  I have  nowhere  wit- 
nessed a more  attractive  sight  than  was  familiar  to 
my  eyes,  in  boyhood,  from  the  old  Indian  Hill  Farm, 
where  I was  born,  and  where  my  great-grandfather, 
the  elder  Neal  Gillespie,  settled  before  the  outbreak 
of  the  Revolution. 

The  majestic  sweep  of  the  Monongahela  through 
the  foot  of  the  Alleghanies,  with  a chain  of  mountains, 
but  twenty  miles  distant,  in  full  view,  gave  an  impres- 
sion of  beauty  and  sublimity  which  can  never  be 
effaced. 

I talk  thus  familiarly  of  localities  and  of  childhood 
incidents  because  your  assemblage,  though  composed 
of  thousands,  will,  in  effect,  be  a family  reunion,  where 
the  only  thing  in  ordef  will  be  tradition  and  recollec- 
tions, and  personal  history.  Identified  as  I have  been, 
for  twenty-eight  years,  with  a great  and  noble  people 
in  another  section  of  the  Union,  I have  never  lost  any 
of  my  attachments  for  my  native  county  and  my  native 
State.  The  two  feelings  no  more  conflict  than  does 
a man’s  love  for  his  wife  and  his  love  for  his  mother. 

Wherever  I may  be  in  life,  or  whatever  my  fortune, 
the  County  of  Washington,  as  it  anciently  was,  taking 
in  all  the  State  south  and  west  of  the  Monongahela, 
will  be  sacred  in  my  memory.  I shall  always  recall 
with  pride  that  my  ancestry  and  kindred  were,  and 
are,  not  inconspicuously  connected  with  its  history, 
and  that  on  either  side  of  the  beautiful  river,  in  Prot- 
estant and  Catholic  cemeteries,  five  generations  of 
my  own  blood  sleep  in  honored  graves.  Very  sin- 
cerely yours,  James  G.  Blaine. 


blaine’s  early  life. 


33 


In  the  little  burying-ground  of  Brownsville,  close  to 
the  church,  is  a plain  granite  monument,  erected  by  Mr. 
Blaine,  over  the  graves  of  his  father  and  mother  ; the 
pedestal  bears  this  inscription  : 

EPHRAIM  LYON  BLAINE, 

Born  Feb.  28,  1796. 

Died  June  28,  1850. 

MARIA  GILLESPIE, 

WIFE  OF 

EPHRAIM  LYON  BLAINE, 

Born  May  22,  1801. 

Died  May  5,  1871. 

Requiescat  in  Pace. 

Below  this  in  large  letters  is  the  word  “ Blaine.” 

3 


CHAPTER  II. 


Young  Blaine  as  a Student  and  Teacher. 

James  entered  Washington  College  in  1843,  being 
then  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  became  at  once  prom- 
inent as  a scholar  among  the  two  or  three  hundred 
other  lads  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  because 
of  his  splendid  physique  he  was  also  a leader  in  all 
manly  athletic  sports.  He  was  not  a bookworm,  or  a 
burner  of  midnight  oil,  but  he  was  a close  student,  and 
possessed  the  happy  faculty  of  assimilating  knowledge 
from  books  and  tutors  far  more  easily  and  quickly 
than  most  of  his  fellows.  In  debating  societies  he 
held  his  own  well,  and  Was  conspicuous  by  his  ability 
to  control  and  direct  others. 

In  his  classes  he  was  always  foremost  as  a scholar, 
and  personally  very  popular.  To  the  new  scholars 
who  entered  in  succeeding  classes  he  was  a hero — 

o 

uniformly  kind  to  them,  ready  to  give  assistance  and 
advice,  and  eager  to  make  pleasant  their  path  in  col- 
lege life.  His  handsome  person  and  neat  attire;  his 
ready  sympathy  and  prompt  assistance ; his  frank, 
generous  nature,  and  his  brave,  manly  bearing,  made 
him  the  best  known,  the  best  loved,  and  the  most 
popular  boy  at  college.  He  was  the  arbiter  among 
younger  boys  in  all  their  disputes,  and  the  authority 
(34) 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


35 


with  those  of  his  own  age  on  all  questions.  He  was 
always  for  the  “ under  dog  in  the  fight.” 

GRADUATES  WITH  HIGH  HONOR. 

And  at  the  end  of  the  usual  four  years’  course  at 
college  he  was  graduated,  in  1847,  with  the  most  dis- 
tinguished honors  of  his  class,  and  went  forth  into 
practical  life  well  fitted  in  acquirements  and  training 
to  deal  with  its  problems,  and  bearing  as  a crown 
of  youthful  honor  the  affection  and  esteem  of  all  his 
associates. 

Mr.  Gow,  the  editor  of  one  of  the  papers  in  Wash- 
ington, Pa.,  who  was  Blaine’s  classmate,  speaks  thus 
of  his  school-days : 

Yes;  Blaine  graduated  in  the  class  of ’47,  when  he 
was  only  seventeen  years  old.  I graduated  in  the 
same  class.  We  were  thrown  a great  deal  together, 
not  only  in  school,  but  in  society.  He  was  a great 
favorite  in  the  best  social  circles  in  the  town.  He 
had  the  most  remarkable  memory  of  any  boy  in 
school,  and  could  commit  and  retain  his  lessons  with- 
out difficulty.  He  never  demonstrated  in  his  youth, 
except  by  his  wonderful  memory,  any  of  the  great 
powers^as  a debater  and  thinker  that  he  has  since 
ffiven  evidence  of. 

o 

When  a man  has  filled  so  large  a place  in  the  pub- 
lic eye  as  Mr.  Blaine  has,  his  early  life  seems  a great 
way  off.  When  you  get  where  every  other  man  you 
meet  can  tell  you  all  about  it,  then  you  seem  to  see  it 
in  a different  light,  and  it  leaves  a far  different  impres- 
sion upon  your  mind.  Here,  what  seemed  to  be  to 


36 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


you,  when  away,  traditions  far  in  the  distant  past, 
appear  like  the  recollections  of  yesterday.  People 
cannot  only  tell  you  of  his  father  and  his  grand- 
father, but  of  almost  every  phase  of  his  life  from  boy- 
hood up. 

REMEMBERED  IN  HIS  COUNTRY  HOME. 

The  stories  of  his  early  struggles  and  triumphs  are 
as  vivid  as  those  of  his  later  years,  and  his  name  is 
closely  associated  with  the  lore  of  the  country  side. 
He  left  here  soon  after  he  graduated,  but  how  little 
did  he  then  think  that  his  home  would  be  made  in  the 
Northland,  and  his  fame  and  fortune  won  many  miles 
away  from  the  quaint  old  town  where  he  grew  up.  It 
is  a nice  place  for  peace  and  rest.  The  people  are 
contented  and  happy  with  their  splendid  educational 
institutions,  their  rich  acres,  and  plenty  of  money. 
He  had  close  alliances  here  then  that  were  likely  to 
bring  him  back  to  stay. 

Almost  his  first  occupation  after  graduating  was  as 
a teacher  in  the  Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the 
Instruction  of  the  Blind.  Why  before  this  he  went  to 
Kentucky  to  teach  school  has  been  a question  often 
asked  but  never  answered.  There  is  a tradition  here 
that  there  is  but  one  being  who  knows.  Like  other 
boys  he  had  his  friendships  and  his  loves,  and  it  would 
be  strange  if  he  had  grown  up — for  he  is  said  to  have 
been  as  handsome  a boy  as  he  is  a man — without 
leaving  some  impression  upon  the  hearts  of  the 
maidens  of  the  neighborhood. 

O 

If  there  is  one  person  living  who  can  tell,  and  there 


THK  RESIDENCE  OE  JAMES  G.  BLAINE,  AUGUSTA,  MAINE. 


THE  CAPITOL  - THE  SCENE  OF  BLAINE’S  GREAT  ACHIEVEMENTS- 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


37 


is,  it  has  been  and  doubtless  will  be  forever  kept  as  a 
sealed  book,  so  far  as  the  details  are  concerned.  It 
was  one  of  those  youthful  misunderstandings  that 
often  come  to  two  people  who  hope  to  start  out  on 
the  voyage  of  life  together,  and  are  separated  by  an 
angry  sea  before  they  meet.  There  is  not  even  a sug- 
gestion as  to  which  of  the  two  was  at  fault  for  the 
parting  of  the  ways  that  led  their  life’s  journeys  into 
different  paths. 

IMPEDIMENT  IN  HIS  SPEECH. 

Mr.  H.  H.  M.  Pusey,  of  Iowa,  classmate,  and  a late 
member  of  Congress  from  Iowa,  says : 

James  Blaine,  as  I remember  him,  was  a prettv  well- 
built  boy  and  a hard  student.  He  had  an  impedi- 
ment of  speech,  however,  which  at  first  prevented  him 
from  joining  in  our  debates  and  declamations,  but  he 
could  distance  all  his  classmates  in  the  matter  of 
studies,  and  his  memory  was  remarkable. 

We  had  in  the  college  a literary  society,  of  which  I 
was  president,  about  the  time  Blaine  was  sixteen  years 
old.  One  day  he  came  to  me  and  said : “ B-Bill,  I 
would  like  to  be  p-president  of  the  literary  society. 
Can  you  f-f-fix  it  for  me?”  I answered  : “ Why,  what 
do  you  know  about  the  literary  society  ? You  have 
never  taken  any  part  in  the  debates,  and  have  always 
preferred  to  pay  your  fine  to  taking  active  part.  Do 
you  know  anything  about  parliamentary  practice?” 
He  replied:  “No,  but  I can  c-commit  Cushing’s 
Manual  to  memory  in  one  night.” 

Well,  the  result  was  that  at  the  next  meetino-  I 


38 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  -BLAINE. 


“fixed  it’’  for  him,  and  at  the  meeting  the  next  week 
Blaine  was  elected  president,  vice  Pusey,  term  ex- 
pired. As  he  had  promised,  he  committed  the  entire 
contents  of  Cushing’s  Manual,  and  he  proved  the 
best  president  the  literary  society  of  the  college  ever 
had. 

STORY  OF  THE  GOOSE. 

Another  story  of  the  same  period,  told  by  one  of 
his  old  neighbors,  is  too  good  to  be  lost:  I remember 
one  day  his  father  told  him  to  get  up  early  and  go  to 
the  market  and  buy  a turkey.  He  gave  him  a dollar, 
which  was  a good  deal  of  money  in  those  days. 
Well,  James  brought  home  the  bird  and  handed  it  to 
old  Dinah,  the  colored  cook  of  the  Blaine  family. 

When  the  elder  Blaine  came  down  to  breakfast 
Dinah  greeted  him:  “Mars  Blaine,  dat  dar  turkey 
what  Mars  Jim  buyed  dis  mawnin’  am  de  quarest 
turkey  I’s  ever  seed.  ’Deed  it  is,  Mars  Blaine.” 
“Why,  what’s  the  matter  with  it,  Dinah?  ain’t  it  big 
enough  ? ” replied  the  old  gentleman.  “ It  ought  to 
be,  surely  ; Jim  paid  a dollar  for  it.”  “ Oh,  yes,  Mars 
Blaine,  de  turkey  is  big  ’nuff,  but  it  am  de  funniest 
turkey  dis  yer  nigger  ever  seed.”  Mars  Blaine  went 
out  to  the  kitchen  to  look  at  the  “ turkey,”  and  found  it 
to  be  a ten-year-old  goose.  He  called  Jim  down  and 
hauled  him  over  the  coals,  saying:-  “Why,  Jim,  you 
ought  to  be  ashamed  of  yourself.  Fifteen  years  old, 
and  can’t  tell  a turkey  from  a goose!”  Jim  hung  his 
head  and  simply  replied:  “Why,  how’s  a boy  to  tell  a 
turkey  from  a goose  when  its  feathers  are  off?” 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


39 


A BIG-HEARTED  YOUTH. 

Hon.  Robert  E.  Williams,  of  Illinois,  a prominent 
lawyer,  a college-mate,  but  not  a classmate,  bears  this 
testimony:  Young  Blaine  was  a big-hearted,  whole- 
souled,  good-natured  fellow  in  his  college  days.  We 
both  attended  Washington  College,  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  were  intimate  friends.  Blaine  was  a good  com- 
panion in  his  school  days — strong  in  physical  strength 
fond  of  out-door  sports,  yet  in  a certain  sense  loving 
seclusion  and  his  books. 

He  was  a faithful  student,  and  was  regarded  by  his 
college-mates  as  a brilliant  and  progressive  scholar. 
He  was  an  aggressive  fellow  whenever  there  was  any- 
thing to  be  accomplished  which  he  thought  would  be 
productive  of  good  results.  From  his  earliest  college 
days  he  seemed  to.  have  but  one  ambition,  and  that 
was  to  make  his  mark  as  a journalist. 

He  was  an  industrious  writer,  and  wrote,  perhaps, 
during  his  college  course,  a greater  number  and  a 
greater  variety  of  essays  and  other  articles  than  any 
member  of  his  class.  He  used  to  remark  that  a 
school-teacher  or  an  editor  could  accomplish  more 
good  in  the  world  than  any  one  else,  and  he  thought, 
after  leaving  college,  he  would  surely  enter  the  jour- 
nalistic walks  of  life. 

REMARKABLE  FEAT  OF  MEMORY. 

Another  says:  He  was  a great  reader  of  history, 
and  was  so  methodical  in  his  arrangement  of  facts  that 
he  could  in  an  instant  present  an  array  of  them  that 
would  overwhelm  an  opponent.  An  incident  illustrat- 


40 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


ing  this  power  is  told  of  him  : When  a little  boy,  his 
sister  challenged  him  to  a contest  in  naming  the 
counties  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  She  named 
them  all,  and  he  immediately  named  them,  and  every 
county-seat  besides. 

Another  writes : His  most  notable  trait,  perhaps, 
was  combativeness.  He  was  always  at  home  in  an 
argument,  and  generally  invited  it.  It  was  the  delight 
of  the  Democratic  politicians  to  engage  him  in  politi- 
cal discussions,  as  he  was,  even  then,  well  versed  in 
political  history,  and  was  an  ardent  upholder  of  the 
Whig  doctrines  to  the  last.  During  his  course  in 
1844,  the  party  lines  were  drawn  unusually  close  re- 
garding some  widely  discussed  questions  that  led  to 
the  Mexican  war,  and  in  all  these  affairs  young 
Blaine’s  readiness  and  force  in  argument  was  a matter 
of  general  remark. 

WOULD  TALK  POLITICS  ALL  NIGHT. 

His  ability  to  give  utterance  to  anything  he  had  to 
say,  in  the  most  forcible  manner,  was  also  noticeable 
in  his  wrangles  or  political  discussions  with  his  fellow- 
students.  His  absolute  self-command  under  difficul- 
ties here  also  exhibited  itself  distinctly  in  his  character. 
He  was  the  most  skilful  mathematician  in  his  class,  and 
frequently  would  demonstrate  the  problem  in  a way 
not  found  in  the  books. 

A room-mate  gives  this  item,  which  is  very  sugges- 
tive as  showing  his  strong  political  bent  and  power : 
I remember,  when  we  were  rooming  together,  that  our 
room  was  a debating  headquarters.  Blaine  would  sit 


WASHINGTON  COLLEGE  AS  IT  APPEARED  IN  1847,  WHEN  MR.  BLAINE  GRADUATED. 


42  LIFE  OE  HOtf.  JA\fEl  G.  BLAISE. 

all  night  and  talk  politics  if  he  could  get  anybody  to 
talk  back  or  listen.  He  preferred  an  opponent,  but 
if  he  couldn’t  get  one,  he  was  content  if  he  had  some 
one  to  sit  and  listen  to  him. 

He  had  a fashion  of  sitting  sideways  at  the  table, 
with  his  feet  cocked  up  in  such  a way  that  he  could 
swing  his  right  hand  around  and  whack  the  table. 
There  he  would  sit  and  talk,  and  pound  that  table 
until  I often  thought  he  would  split  our  ears  and  that 
table-top  at  the  same  time. 

He  had  national,  State,  and  county  affairs  on  his 
finger  ends,  was  familiar  with  men  and  measures,  and 
could  run  over  all  of  them.  Many  a night  I have  pleaded 
with  him  to  stop,  and  let  me  go  to  sleep,  but  the  only 
way  to  shut  him  up  was  to  put  out  the  visitors  and 
the  lights  at  the  same  time.  Then  he  had  to  go  to 
bed. 

HIS  POPULARITY. 

One  further  reminiscence,  and  an  interesting  one : 
To  the  new-comers  and  freshmen  Blaine  was  always 
a hero.  To  them  he  was  uniformly  kind,  ever  ready 
to  assist  and  advise  them,  and  to  make  smooth  and 
pleasant  their  initiation  into  college  life.  His  hand- 
some person,  his  ready  sympathy  and  prompt  assist- 
ance, his  frank  and  generous  nature,  and  his  brave, 
manly  bearing,  made  him  the  best  known,  the  best 
loved,  and  the  most  popular  boy  at  school.  He  was 
a natural  student,  excelling  pre-eminently  in  mathe- 
matics and  English  branches,  showing  also  good  work 
in  the  dead  languages  of  the  classics.  Mathematics, 


Student  and  teaches. 


43 


without  question,  were  to  him  a pleasure.  He  was 
always  perfect  in  mathematical  recitations,  and  was 
the  idol  of  his  teacher,  Professor  Aldrich. 

His  intellect  early  showed  vigor,  thoroughness,  and 
discipline.  He  was  not  content  to  follow  the  books. 
A great  memory  rarely  combines  with  high  mathe- 
matical or  reasoning  power,  but  in  Mr.  Blaine  was 
early  seen  that  most  wonderful  combination,  and  to  it 
his  commanding  force  of  intellect  is  no  doubt  largely 
due.  Few  men  have  this  union  of  great  retentive  and 
great  reasoning  power  in  any  degree,  almost  none  in 
so  marked  a degree  as  Mr.  Blaine.  No  one  could 
come  in  contact  with  him  without  being  impressed 
and  almost  startled  by  the  tremendous  power  which 
this  enabled  him  to  wield. 

A POWERFUL  ANTAGONIST. 

The  man  who  detects  at  a glance  the  weak  point  or 
fallacy  of  an  argument,  and  remembers  unerringly  the 
one  fact  in  the  whole  world  of  facts  which  exposes 
it,  the  man  whose  memory  never  sleeps  and  whose 
logic  seldom  falters,  is  an  antagonist  whose  lance  is 
quick  to  kill  and  powerful  to  protect. 

Even  in  college,  while  he  could  have  memorized  a 
demonstration  in  Euclid  as  readily  as  Cushing’s  Man- 
ual, he  rather  sought  to  reach  and  establish  his  prop- 
osition in  a fresh  way  and  by  original  thought.  His 
vigorous  and  eager  mind  would  sometimes  throw  off 
restraints  and  discard  aids,  confident,  like  the  athlete, 
in  the  elasticity  and  discipline  of  his  strength. 

In  college,  as  in  after  life,  Mr.  Blaine  was  strictly 


44  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

temperate  in  all  his  habits.  He  graduated  in  1847, 
sharing  the  honors,  in  a class  of  thirty- three,  with  Mr. 
John  C.  Hervey,  who  afterwards  became  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction  in  Wheeling,  Va.,  and 
Mr.  T.  W.  Porter,  who  devoted  himself  to  journalism. 
It  is  noticeable,  as  showing  the  tendency  of  his 
thoughts,  that  his  graduating  oration  was  upon  “The 
Duty  of  an  Educated  American.” 

INSTRUCTOR  AND  FRIEND. 

The  best  results  of  college  training  are  not  always 
those  which  can  be  measured  in  marks,  or  even  in 
knowledge  and  discipline.  Often  it  would  be  found 
that  the  personal  influence  of  some  one  professor, 
more  than  anything  that  he  or  anybody  else  taught, 
was  that  which  in  after  life  remained  longest  and  bore 
the  best  fruit.  In  our  large  colleges  such  intimacies 
are  increasingly  impossible,  but  there  was  a man  in 
Washington  College,  in  1847,  who  did  for  James  G. 
Blaine  what  few  men  could  have  done — threw  around 
him  the  influence  of  a thorough  manhood.  Mr. 
Blaine  owed  to  Professor  Murray  a debt  which  could 
not  be  measured,  and  which  he  was  proud  to  own. 
With  this  valued  friend  and  instructor  he  read 
through  the  Greek  Testament,  taking  a portion  every 
Sunday. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  recover,  if  possible,  the 
Salutatory  which  James  G.  Blaine  rose  timidly  to 
address  to  his  friends  and  schoolmates.  The  subject, 
we  have  seen,  was  one  that  would  only  have  been 
chosen  by  a youth  of  some  originality  of  thought. 


WILLIAM  MCKINLEY. 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


45 


His  class  numbered  thirty-three,  of  whom  seventeen 
entered  the  Christian  ministry. 

The  following  is  the  commencement  programme  : 


ANNUAL  COMMENCEMENT 

OF 

WASHINGTON  COLLEGE,  PA, 

Wednesday,  September  29,  1847. 


Andrew  Barr, 
George  Baird, 
James  G.  Blaine, 
Josiah  C.  Cooper, 
George  D.  Curtis, 
Thomas  Creighton, 
R.  C.  Colmery, 
Cephas  Dodd, 
Hugh  W.  Forbes, 
Alexander  M.  Gow, 
John  C.  Hervey, 


GRADUATING  CLASS. 
John  H.  Hampton, 

R,  C.  Holliday, 

John  G.  Jacob, 

Richard  H.  Lee, 

John  V.  LeMoyne, 

La  Fayette  Markle, 

G.  H.  Miller, 

J.  R.  Moore, 

William  S.  Moore, 
Robert  J.  Munce, 

M.  P.  Morrison, 


Edward  B.  Neely, 
William  M.  Orr, 

Samuel  Power, 

William  H.  M.  Pusey, 
T.  Wilson  Porter, 
Huston  Quail, 

Robert  Robe, 

J.  A.  Rankin, 

James  H.  Smith, 

John  H.  Storer, 
Alexander  Wilson. — 33. 


MATRI  ALMAL  SIMUS  HONORI. 

ORDER  OF  EXERCISES. 

Music — Prayer — Music. 

1st,  Latin  Salutatory John  C.  Hervey,  Brooke  County,  Va. 

Music. 

2d.  English  Salutatory  and  Oration. . . .James  G.  Blaine,  West  Brownsville,  Pa. 
4 Music. 

3d.  Greek  Salutatory T.  W.  Porter,  Fayette  County,  Pa. 

Music. 

4th.  Oration — The  Sword  and  the  Plough J.  G.  Jacob,  Wellsburgh,  Va. 

Music. 

5th.  Oration — Byron Huston  Quail,  Union  Valley,  Pa. 

Music. 

6th  Oration — The  Era  of  Napoleon La  Fayette  Markle,  Mill  Grove,  Pa. 

Music. 

7th.  A Poem — The  Collegian G.  D.  Curtis,  Grove  Creek,  Va. 

Music. 

8th.  Oration — Moral  Warfare J.  R.  Moore,  Wellsville,  O, 

Music . 


46 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


9th.  Oration — Poverty  Useful  in  the  Development  of  Genius 

R.  C.  Colmery,  Hayesville,  O. 

Music. 

10th.  Oration — The  American  Boy E.  B.  Neely,  Washington  City,  D.  C. 

Music — Conferring  of  Degrees — Music. 

11th.  Valedictory William  M.  Orr,  Wayne  County,  O. 

Music. 

BENEDICTION. 

From  his  alma  mater  young  Blaine  went  to  Blue 
Lick  Springs,  Kentucky,  and  became  a professor  in 
the  Western  Military  Institute,  in  which  there  were 
about  450  boys.  A retired  officer,  who  was  a student 
there  at  the  time,  relates  that  Professor  Blaine  was  a 
thin,  handsome,  earnest  young  man,  with  the  same 
fascinating  manners  he  has  now.  He  was  popular 
with  the  boys,  who  trusted  him  and  made  friends  with 
him  from  the  first.  He  knew  the  given  names  of 
every  one,  and  he  knew  their  shortcomings  and  their 
strong  points. 

He  was  a man  of  great  personal  courage,  and 
during  a fight  between  the  faculty  of  the  school  and 
the  owners  of  the  springs,  involving  some  questions 
about  the  removal  of  the  school,  he  behaved  in  the 
bravest  manner,  fighting  hard  but  keeping  cool. 
Revolvers  and  knives  were  freely  used,  but  Blaine 
only  used  his  well-disciplined  muscle.  Colonel 
Thornton  F.  Johnson  was  the  principal  of  the  school, 
and  his  wife  had  a young  ladies’  school  at  Millersburg, 
twenty  miles  distant.  It  was  at  this  place  that  Mr. 
Blaine  met  Miss  Stanwood,  who  belonged  to  an  ex- 
cellent family,  and  she  afterwards  became  his  wife.  _ 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


47 


Blaine  remained  in  Kentucky  until  about  the  year 
1851,  when  he  returned  to  Pennsylvania.  He  had 
formed  the  intention  of  devoting  himself  to  the  law 
profession,  and  was  anxious  to  pursue  his  studies  with 
this  end  in  view.  “The  lion  knows  he  is  strong,” 
and  young  Blaine,  being  conscious  of  his  powers  and 
the  influence  he  could  exert  over  others,  naturally  de- 
sired to  follow  a pursuit  in  which  he  could  appear  to 
advantage. 

A LAW  STUDENT. 

For  a time  he  read  law  in  his  native  county,  and 
then  removed  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  would  have 
larger  opportunities  for  study,  and  at  the  same  time 
might  be  able  to  earn  a support  by  teaching.  The 
fame  of  the  Philadelphia  bar  is  world  wide.  Connected 
rvith  it  have  been  some  of  the  most  famous  lawyers 
whose  names  enrich  the  annals  of  the  legal  profes- 
sion. 

Here,  the  young  student  felt  would  be  a good  train- 
ing school,  and  he  could  thoroughly  equip  himself  for 
the  profession  which,  at  this  time,  he  intended  to 
adopt.  Yet  he  could  not  free  himself  from  the 
charms  of  anticipated  journalism,  and  found  it  hard  to 
give  up  his  early  intention  of  making  this  his  chosen 
pursuit.  For  a time  he  studied  law  in  the  office  of 
the  late  Theodore  Cuyler,  but  did  not  seek  admission 
to  the  bar.  He  never  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law, 
although  he  would  doubtless  have  risen  to  the  front 
rank  in  the  legal  profession. 

“Yes,  I remember  young  James  G,  Blmne  dis^ 


48 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


tinctly,”  said  William  Chapin,  the  principal  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the  Instruction  of  the 
Blind,  in  Philadelphia.  “ He  was  principal  teacher 
here  on  the  boys’  side  for  two  years,  and  when  he 
departed  he  left  behind  him  not  only  universal  re- 
gret at  a serious  loss  to 
the  institution,  but  an  im- 
pression of  his  personal 
force  upon  the  work  and 
its  methods,  which  sur- 
vives the  lapse  of  twenty 
# 

years.” 

The  Pennsylvania  In- 
stitution for  the  Instruc- 
tion of  the  Blind,  at  Twen- 
tieth and  Race  streets,  is 
the  second  place  in  which 
Mr.  Blaine  taught  after 
his  graduation  from 
Washington  College.  He 

o o 

rang  the  bell  at  the  front 

when  he  became  a teacher  door  oi  thebuilding  one 

in  the  blind  asylum.  summer  afternoon  in 

1852,  in  answer  to  an  advertisement  for  a teacher. 

“ There  were  thirty  or  forty  other  applicants,”  said 
Mr.  Chapin,  “but  his  manner  was  so  winning  and  he 
possessed  so  many  manifestly  valuable  qualities  that  I 
closed  an  engagement  with  him  at  once,  and  he  became 
a teacher  in  the  institution. 

“ He  was  married,  and  his  wife  and  little  son  Wal- 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


49 


ker  came  here  with  him.  His  qualities,  which  im- 
pressed me  most  'deeply,  were  his  culture,  the 
thoroughness  of  his  education  and  his  unfailing  self- 
possession.  He  was  also  a man  of  very  decided  will, 
and  was  very  much  disposed  to  argument.  He  was 
young  then — only  twenty-two — and  was  rather  impul- 
sive, leaping  to  a conclusion  very  quickly. 

“ But  he  was  always  ready  to  defend  his  conclusions, 
however  suddenly  he  seemed  to  have  reached  them. 
We  had  many  a familiar  discussion  in  this  very  room, 
and  his  arguments  always  astonished  me  by  the 
knowledge  they  displayed  of  facts  in  history  and 
politics.  His  memory  was  remarkable,  and  seemed 
to  retain  details  which  ordinary  men  would  forget. 
blaine’s  first  book. 

“Now,  I will  show  you  something  that  illustrates 
how  thoroughly  Mr.  Blaine  mastered  anything  he 
took  hold  of,”  said  Mr.  Chapin,  as  he  took  from  a desk 
in  the  corner  of  the  room  a thick  quarto  manuscript 
book,  bound  in  dark,  brown  leather,  and  lettered 
“Journal”  on  the  corner.  “This  book  Mr.  Blaine 
compiled  with  great  labor  from  the  minute  books  of 
the  Board  of  Managers.  It  gives  an  historical  view 
of  the  institution  from  the  time  of  its  foundation  up  to 
the  time  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  departure.  He  did  all  the 
work  in  his  own  room,  telling  no  one  of  it  until  he  left. 
Then  he  presented  it,  through  me,  to  the  Board  of 
Managers,  who  were  both  surprised  and  gratified.  I 
believe  they  made  him  a present  of  $100  as  a thank- 
offering  for  an  invaluable  work,” 

4 


50 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Indeed,  this  book,  the  first  historical  work  of  Mr. 
Blaine,  is  a model  of  its  kind.  On  the  title-page,  in 
ornamental  pen-work,  executed  at  that  time  by  Mr. 
Chapin,  is  the  inscription  ; 


Journal 
of  the 

Pennsylvania  Institution 
for  the 

INSTRUCTION  OF  THE  BLIND, 
from  its  foundation. 


Compiled  from  official  records 
by 

James  G.  Blaine, 

i854- 

The  methodical  character  of  the  work  is  most  re- 
markable. On  the  first  page  every  abbreviation 
used  in  the  book  is  entered  alphabetically.  The  first 
entry  reads : “ On  this  and  the  four  following  pages 
will  be  found  some  notes  in  regard  to  the  origin  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Institution  for  the  Instruction  of  the 
Blind,  furnished  by  I.  Francis  Fisher,  Esq.”  From 
this  page  to  the  1 88th,  in  which  is  the  last  entry  made 
by  Mr.  Blaine,  every  line  is  a model  of  neatness  and 
accuracy.  On  every  page  is  a wide  margin.  At  the 
top  of  the  margin  is  the  year,  in  ornamental  figures. 
Below  it  is  a brief  statement  of  what  the  text  con- 
tains opposite  that  portion  of  the  marginal  entry. 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


51 


“ Every  year’s  record  closes  with  an  elaborate  table, 
giving  the  attendance  of  members  of  the  board.  The 
last  pages  of  the  book  are  filled  with  alphabetical  lists 
of  officers  of  the  institution  and  statistical  tables,  com- 
piled by  the  same  patient  and  untiring  hand.  One 
of  the  lists  is  that  of  the  ‘ principal  teachers.’  No.  13 
is  followed  by  the  signature,  ‘Jas.  G.  Blaine,  from 
August  5,  1852,  to’ — and  then,  in  another  hand,  the 
record  is  completed  with  date  November  23,  1854. 

MASTER  OF  FACTS  AND  DETAILS. 

“ I think  that  the  book,”  remarked  Mr.  Chapin, 
“ illustrates  the  character  of  the  man  in  accurate 
mastery  of  facts  and  orderly  presentation  of  details. 
We  still  use  it  for  reference. 

“I  recall  one  incident,”  Mr.  Chapin  continued,  “which 
indicates  Mr.  Blaine’s  mode  of  discipline,  and  shows, 
too,  that  he  was  in  those  days  somewhat  impulsive. 
It  was  one  of  his  duties  to  take  charge  of  the  boys  at 
breakfast,  and  sometimes  there  would  be  a few  sleepy 
laggards.  One  morning  a whole  room  full  of  boys, 
five  or  six  of  them,  failed  to  appear.  Mr.  Blaine 
quietly  walked  up-stairs  and  locked  them  in.  The 
boys  had  a screw-driver  and  they  unfastened  the  lock  ; 
but  by  the  time  they  reached  the  breakfast-room  the 
tables  had  been  cleared.  ‘You  can  have  no  break- 
fast,’ was  the  teacher’s  announcement.  The  boys 
thereupon  declared  that  they  wouldn’t  go  into  Mr 
Blaine’s  classes.  He  reported  them  to  me. 

THE  REBELLION  ENDED. 

“ Although  I thought  it  perhaps  a little  severe  to 


52 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


deprive  them  of  breakfast,  I felt  obliged  to  sustain  Mr. 
Blaine,  and  told  them  to  go  to  their  class-rooms  as 
usual.  They  still  refused,  and  I suspended  them  for 
the  day.  The  next  morning  they  rose  in  time  for 
breakfast,  attended  classes,  and  the  little  rebellion  was 
over. 

“ Mr.  Blaine  taught  mathematics,  in  which  he  ex- 
celled, and  the  higher  branches.  His  wife  was  univer- 
sally beloved,  and  often  read  aloud  to  the  pupils. 
When  he  went  away  to  become  editor  of  the  Kennebec 
Journal , we  felt  that  we  had  lost  a man  of  large  parts, 
and  we  have  watched  his  upward  career  with  great 
interest.  He  has  called  here  a number  of  times  when 
he  stopped  in  the  city  on  his  way  to  and  from  Wash- 
ington.” 

a pupil’s  recollections. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  very  popular  at  the  Institution  for 
the  Instruction  of  the  Blind.  A visitor  to  the  Institu- 
tion met  one  of  his  pupils  who  said  : “ Everybody 

loved  Mr.  Blaine  and  his  wife.  Both  were  always 
ready  to  do  anything  for  our  amusement  in  leisure 
hours,  and  we  had  a great  deal  of  fun,  into  which  they 
entered  heartily.  I think  that  Mrs.  Blaine  read  nearly 
all  of  Dickens’  works  aloud  to  us,  and  Mr.  Blaine 
used  to  make  us  roar  with  laughter  by  reading  out  of 
a book  entitled  ‘ Charcoal  Sketches.’  This  large  room 
at  the  right  of  the  main  entrance  to  the  building,  sep- 
arated by  folding  doors  from  another  room,  used  to 
be  thrown  open,  and  in  the  evenings  he  would  sit 
there  under  the  gaslight  reading  aloud  to  both  the 


GEORGE  F EDMUNDS 


BLAINE’S  FORMER  RESIDENCE  AT  WASHINGTON. 


STUDENT  AND  TEACHER. 


53 


boys  and  girls.  Then  we  would  wind  up  with  a spell- 
ing-bee. Sometimes  Mr.  Blaine  would  give  out  the 
words,  and  sometimes  one  of  the  big  boys  would  do 
it,  while  Mr.  Blaine  stood  up  among  the  boys.  Then 
we  would  have  great  fun  trying  to  * spell  the  teacher 
down.’  ” 

When  a celebrated  minister  in  New  York  was  asked 
by  a young  and  ambitious  pulpiteer  how  he  could  get 
a call  to  a large  church  and  a wider  field  for  the  ex- 
ercise of  his  gifts,  he  was  told  to  fill  well  the  place  he 
then  occupied.  Promotion  would  come  then  in  a 
natural  way.  It  was  Mr.  Blaine’s  ambition  to  be  use- 
ful wherever  he  was  and  to  “ fill  the  bill.”  This  was 
the  great  secret  of  his  upward  career ; he  stepped 
easily  from  the  lower  to  the  higher  sphere. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Editor  and  Political  Leader. 

Miss  Stanwood  was  a native  of  Maine,  and  after 
her  marriage  to  Mr.  Blaine  was  anxious  for  him  to 
make  that  State  his  home..  This  he  determined  to  do, 
and  in  1853  the  young  couple  removed  to  Augusta, 
where  they  made  their  home. 

In  the  following  year  Mr.  Blaine  entered  into  part- 
nership with  Joseph  Baker,  a prominent  lawyer  of  that 
town,  and  the  two  purchased  The  Kennebec  Journal , 
of  which  Mr.  Blaine  at  once  became  the  editor.  The 
Journal  was  a weekly  paper,  one  of  the  organs  of  the 
Whig  party,  and  exercised  considerable  political  influ- 
ence. In  1857  Mr.  Blaine  disposed  of  his  interest  in 
this  paper,  and  became  editor  of  The  Portland  Daily 
Advertiser.  In  the  campaign  of  i860  he  returned 
temporarily  to  his  old  post  on  The  Kennebec  Journal 
on  account  of  the  illness  of  its  editor. 

His  career  in  journalism  lasted  six  years,  and  was 
marked  throughout  by  ability  and  success.  It  served 
to  give  him  a good  introduction  to  the  world  of  poli- 
tics and  statesmanship.  In  everything  he  wrote  Mr. 
Blaine  was  vigorous  and  fearless.  He  contended 
always  for  a principle.  No  amount  of  adverse  opinion 
could  make  him  change  his  course.  He  was  not 
(54) 


RESIDENCE  OF  JAMES  G.  BLAINE  ON  STATE  ST.,  AUGUSTA,  MAINE. 


66 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


obstinate  nor  illogical,  but  after  once  forming  an  opin- 
ion, after  carefully  reviewing  the  causes  that  led  to  it, 
he  could  not  be  swerved  by  persuasion  nor  intimi- 
dation. 

HELPS  TO  ORGANIZE  THE  REPUBLICAN  PARTY. 

When  the  old  Whig  party  went  to  pieces  Mr. 
Blaine  joined  hands  with  Governor  Anson  P.  Morrill 
in  organizing  the  Republican  party  in  the  Pine  Tree 
State.  His  vigorous  attacks  upon  the  Buchanan  Ad- 
ministration made  him  a power  in  the  new  organi- 
zation. 

The  late  Governor  Kent,  of  Maine,  speaking  of 
Mr.  Blaine’s  career  in  that  State,  said : “Almost  from 
the  day  of  his  assuming  editorial  charge  of  the  Ken- 
nebec Journal ’ at  the  early  age  of  twenty-three,  Mr. 
Blaine  sprang  into  a position  of  great  influence  in  the 
politics  and  policy  of  Maine.  At  twenty-five  he  was 
a leading  power  in  the  councils  of  the  Republican 
party,  so  recognized  by  Fessenden,  Hamlin,  and  the 
two  Morrills,  and  others  then  and  still  prominent  in 
the  State.  Before  he  was  twenty-nine  he  was  chosen 
chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Republi- 
can organization  in  Maine — a position  from  which  he 
practically  shaped  and  directed  every  political  campaign 
in  the  State,  always  leading  his  party  to  brilliant 
victofy.” 

Mr.  Blaine  has  given  us  the  following  masterly 
review  of  the  events  which  led  to  the  formation  of  the 
Republican  party  and  its  early  history : 

Thenceforward  new  alliances  were  rapidly  formed. 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


57 


In  the  South  those  Whigs  who,  though  still  unwilling 
to  profess  an  anti-slavery  creed,  would  not  unite  with 
the  Democrats,  were  reorganized  under  the  name  of 
the  American  party,  with  Humphrey  Marshall,  Henry 
Winter  Davis,  Horace  Maynard,  and  men  of  that 
class,  for  leaders.  This  party  was  founded  on  pro- 
scription of  foreigners,  and  with  special  hostility  to 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  It  had  a fitful  and  fever- 
ish success,  and  in  1854-5,  under  the  name  of  Know- 
nothings,  enrolled  tens  of  thousands  in  secret  lodges. 
But  its  creed  was  narrow,  its  principles  were  illiberal, 
and  its  methods  of  procedure  boyish  and  undignified. 
The  great  body  of  thinking  men  in  the  North  saw  that 
the  real  contest  impending  was  against  slavery  and 
not  against  naturalization  laws  and  ecclesiastical 
dogmas.  The  Know-nothings  therefore  speedily  dis- 
appeared, and  a new  party  sprang  into  existence  com- 
posed of  Anti-Slavery  Whigs  and  Anti-Slavery 
Democrats. 

The  latter  infused  into  the  ranks  of  the  new  oro^ani- 

o 

zation  a spirit  and  an  energy  which  Whig  traditions 
could  never  inspire. 

INSTANT  SUCCESS. 

The  same  name  was  not  at  once  adopted  in  all  the 
free  States  in  1854,  but  by  the  ensuing  year  there  was 
a general  recognition  throughout  the  North  that  all 
who  in  tended,  to  made  a serious  fight  against  the  pro- 
slavery  Democracy  would  unite  under  the  flag  of  the 
Republican  party.  In  its  first  effort,  without  compact 
organization,  without  discipline,  it  rallied  the  anti- 


58 


LIFE  OP  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


slavery  sentiment  so  successfully  as  to  carry  nearly 
all  of  the  free  States,  and  to  secure  a plurality  of  the 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
indignation  of  the  people  knew  no  bounds.  Old 
political  landmarks  disappeared,  and  party  prejudices 
of  these  generations  were  swept  aside  in  a day. 
With  such  success  in  the  outset,  the  Republicans  pre- 
pared for  a vigorous  struggle  in  the  approaching 
Presidential  election. 

REPEAL  OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE. 

The  anti-slavery  development  of  the  North  was  not 
more  intense  than  the  pro-slavery  development  of  the 
South.  Every  other  issue  was  merged  in  the  one 
absorbing  demand  by  Southern  slaveholders  for  what 
they  sincerely  believed  to  be  their  rights  in  the  Terri- 
tories. It  was  not  viewed  on  either  side  as  an  ordi- 
nary political  contest.  It  was  felt  to  be  a question,  not 
of  expediency,  but  of  morality,  not  of  policy,  but  of 
honor.  It  did  not  merely  enlist  men — women  took  a 
large  part  in  the  agitation.  It  did  not  end  with  absorb- 
ing the  laity  ; the  clergy  were  as  profoundly  concerned. 

The  power  of  the  Church,  on  both  sides  of  the 
dividing  line,  was  used  with  great  effect  in  shaping 
public  opinion  and  directing  political  action. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  was  repealed  in  May. 
Before  the  end  of  the  year  a large  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  North  and  a large  majority  of  the  people 
of  the  South  were  distinctly  arrayed  against  each 
other  on  a question  which  touched  the  interest,  the 
pride,  the  conscience,  and  the  religion  of  all  who  were 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


59 


concerned  in  the  controversy.  Had  either  side  been 
insincere,  there  would  have  been  voluntary  yielding 
or  enforced  adjustment.  But  each  felt  himself  to  be 
altogether  in  the  right,  and  its  opponent  altogether  in 
the  wrong.  Thus  they  stood  confronting  each  other 
at  the  close  of  the  year  1854. 

mr.  blaine’s  editorials.  - 

A few  extracts  from  his  editorials  will,  better  than 
any  words  of  ours,  show  the  drift  of  his  opinion  in 
these  stirring  days.  The  following  declaration  of 
principles  appeared  in  the  Journal  soon  after  Mr. 
Blaine  assumed  the  management  of  it: 

Politically,  The  Journal  will  pursue  the  same  course 
it  has  marked  out  for  the  last  two  months.  We  shall 
cordially  support  the  Morrill  or  Republican  party,  the 
substantial  principles  of  which  are,  as  we  understand 
them,  freedom,  temperance,  river  and  harbor  improve- 
ments within  Constitutional  limits,  homesteads  for 
freemen,  and  a just  administration  of  the  public  lands 
of  the  State  and  nation.  We  shall  advocate  the 
cause  of  popular  education  as  the  surest  safeguard  of 
our  Republican  institutions,  and  especially  the  com- 
mon schools  of  the  State  and  city. 

BRAVE  WORDS. 

In  December,  1854,  the  following  editorial  appeared 
on  “The  Permanency  of  the  Republican  Party:” 

The  great  Republican  party  that  has  suddenly  de- 
veloped itself  on  the  political  theatre,  embodying  the 
anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  country  as  its  leading 
characteristic,  when  considered  in  its  natural  elements, 


60 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


in  its  history  and  progress,  or  in  the  light  of  ex- 
perience, has  every  appearance  of  permanence  and 
progress. 

It  does  not,  as  the  Mercury  intimates,  foreshadow 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  but  its  salvation.  The 
slave  States  will  never  dissolve  the  Union.  They 
have  too  great  a stake  in  its  preservation,  for  the  arm 
of  the  Federal  Government  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  keep  them  from  insurrection  and  massacre  by  the 
millions  of  slaves  now  groaning  under  the  accursed 
lash.  But  dissolution,  if  it  ever  come,  must  come  from 
the  free  States,  stripped  of  their  rights  and  degraded 
in  the  government,  as  they  have  been  for  the  last 
twenty  years,  and  goaded  on  to  desperation  by  a 
continuance  and  perpetual  repetition  of  these  aggres- 
sions. 

The  Union  will  be  saved  by  arresting  the  gigantic 
strides  of  the  slave-power  towards  political  supremacy, 
driving  it  back  into  its  legitimate  sphere,  and  restor- 
ing to  the  North  its  just  and  equal  rights.  But  that 
other  alternative,  mentioned  by  the  Mercury , may  not 
in  the  end  result  from  the  permanent  dominion  of  the 
Republican  party,  we  are  not  prepared  to  deny ; on 
the  contrary,  it  is  the  hope  of  many  an  earnest  heart 
that  beats  the.  warmest  in  this  glorious  movement, 
that  God  in  His  wise  Providence  will  make  it  the  in- 
strumentality of  the  final  “extinction  of  slavery”  in 
this  Republic. 

In  this  hope  we  live  and  labor,  and  will  labor  while 
we  live,  believing  that  a country  redeemed  from  the 


WILLIAM  WINDOM 


THOMAS  B.  REED. 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


61 


shame  and  curse  of  slavery,  purified  and  restored  to 
the  Republicanism  of  its  palmy  days,  will  be  the 
richest  legacy  we  can  leave  to  posterity.  Drive  rum 
as  a beverage  from  all  the  avenues  of  society,  place 
the  tide  of  foreign  immigration  that  is  pouring  in  upon 
us  with  such  fearful  power  under  proper  restrictions, 
and  in  a course  of  education  that  shall  prepare  it,  as 
the  American  citizen  is  now  prepared,  for  the  high 
functions  of  freedom  ; strike  the  fetters  from  the  limb 
of  every  slave  that  breathes  in  all  this  vast  domain,  so 
that,  from  centre  to  circumference,  only  the  glad  shout 
of  liberty  shall  be  heard,  and  the  smile  of  Providence 
will  bless  this  land  as  it  never  has  been  blessed,  and 
the  glory  shall  roll  on  from  generation  to  generation 
while  time  shall  last. 

MR.  BLAINE  ON  THE  NEW  PARTY. 

In  March,  1855,  ^r-  Blaine  wrote  enthusiastically 
of  the  formation  of  the  new  party  in  Maine,  and  of  its 
first  convention  : 

It  can  no  longer  be  questioned  that  we  have  in 
Maine  a well-organized  and  powerful  party,  which 
shares  the  sympathy  and  influence  of  a decided 
majority  of  the  people.  That  radical  and  permanent 
causes  have  been  operating  for  years  to  bring  about 
the  present  condition  of  things,  is  so  well  known  as  to 
need  no  repetition.  Ignored  and  resisted  as  those 
causes  were  by  selfish  schemers,  personal  aims,  and 
the  force  of  old  party  watchwords,  they  increased 
yearly  in  breadth  and  strength,  until  they  have  be- 
come one  resistless  current  of  public  opinion,  fed  by 


62 


LIFE  OF  IION.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  various  springs  of  moral  and  patriotic  feelings, 
which  are  so  fresh  and  healthful  in  the  social  soil  of 
Maine,  on  which  the  ship  of  State  is  fairly  launched, 
with  the  flags  of  temperance,  freedom,  and  American 
enterprise  waving  proudly  at  the  masthead. 

The  Republican  party,  therefore,  is  not  the  creation 
of  a few  individuals  ; it  is  the  production  of  moral 
ideas  which  have  long  been  asserting  their  sway  in 
the  consciences  and  hearts  of  the  people.  It  is  pre- 
eminently the  child  of  ideas  and  of  the  people.  Strong 
as  these  ideas  and  their  friends  had  shown  themselves 
in  the  political  efforts  of  the  two  or  three  years  past, 
old  political  organizations  had  prevented  the  union 
of  men  of  like  principles  in  one  well-organized 
party. 

The  men  were  called  by  different  names,  yet  they 
had  a common  faith  and  common  purposes.  Their 
principles"  needed  expression  in  a common  platform. 
The  people  desired  one  political  family  and  one 
organization.  Right,  expediency  and  necessity  called 
for  a convention.  What  time  more  opportune  and 
appropriate  than  the  birthday  of  Washington  ? So 
ready  were  the  people  for  action,  so  manifest  the 
necessity,  that  a long  notice  was  not  required. 

The  convention  of  the  2 2d  was  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable and  interesting  that  ever  assembled  in  our 
State.  The  number  in  attendance  was  very  large — 
not  less  than  nine  or  ten  hundred.  It  was  composed 
of  the  true  and  influential  portion  of  the  people  from 
all  parts  of  the  State,  Its  members  came  in  due  pro- 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


63 


portion  from  all  the  former  political  parties,  in  names 
of  long-established  reputation  and  worth,  known  in 
the  State  and  out  of  it ; in  men  possessing  the  confi- 
dence and  representing  the  convictions  of  their  re- 
spective vicinities,  no  political  assemblage  ever  held 
in  the  State  surpassed  the  one  of  last  week. 

No  body  of  men  could  be  more  united  in  opinion 
and  resolution.  The  enthusiasm  manifested  was  not 
a sudden  and  transitory  feeling,  but  was  the  result  of 
a calm  yet  intense  conviction  that  a new  era  had  ar- 
rived in  the  politics  of  the  State  and  Nation,  that  high 
and  solemn  duties  are  now  devolving  on  our  citizens. 
The  resolutions  and  the  speeches  indicated  the  spirit 
and  the  purpose,  the  principles  and  the  settled  de- 
termination of  the  Republicans  of  Maine,  and,  as  we 
believe,  of  that  great  and  truly  national  party  which  is 
so  rapidly  gathering  numbers,  strength,  and  prestige, 
which  is  to  march  into  power  in  1856,  and  bring  the 
country  back  to  the  purity  and  the  idea  of  its  founders. 

THE  ONLY  NATIONAL  PARTY. 

Upon  another  occasion  Mr.  Blaine  wrote: 

The  Republican  party  is  the  only  true  national 
party.  Its  platform  is  the  only  ground  upon  which 
the  friends  of  the  Union  can  stand.  Its  fast  gather- 
ing  strength  is  to  be  the  bulwark  of  the  Union  against 
the  dangers  that  thicken  around  its  future.  It  is  the 
only  breakwater  against  the  tide  of  despotism  that 
threatens  to  spread  over  the  whole  country. 

It  calls  on  the  nation  to  return  to  the  policy,  the 
principles,  and  the  maxims  of  the  statesmen  who  won 


WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD. 

prospect  of  carrying  the  country  against  the  sectional, 
dangerous,  and  corrupt  political  organization  that  now 
controls  the  country,  to  the  disgrace  of  the  American 
name  throughout  the  civilized  world. 

TRIBUTE  TO  A GREAT  STATESMAN. 

On  the  election  to  the'United  States  Senate  of  Wm, 


64  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


our  liberties,  reared  the  fabric  of  our  Government,  and 
gave  its  first  direction.  Its  principles  are  broad  as 
the  Union.  It  demands  national  men,  national  meas- 
ures, and  is  the  only  truly  national  party  that  has  the 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


65 


H.  Seward,  the  great  Republican  leader,  in  one  of  his 
editorials  we  find  these  strong,  exulting  words : 

The  prayer  of  the  freeman  is  answered.  A ques- 
tion of  the  highest  importance,  the  right  decision  of 
which  for  months  has  excited  the  deepest  solicitude, 
has  been  solved  to  the  joy  of  patriotic  Americans,  and 
for  the  welfare  of  the  public.  By  the  force  of  his  own 
character  as  a man  and  a statesman,  and  of  the  moral 
and  political  principles  which  he  represents,  and  which 
centre  in  him,  William  H.  Seward  has  been  re-elected 
to  the  American  Senate  by  the  State  which  in  her 
earlier  days  gave  the  nation  a Clinton,  a Livingston,  a 
Jay,  a Hamilton,  and  which  now  with  her  population, 
her  resources,  and  strength  increased  twenty-fold, 
bears  up  in  her  arms  freedom’s  great  leader  against 
traitors  at  home  and  storms  of  relentless  opposition 
from  abroad. 

The  heart  of  the  nation  throbs  at  the  event  which, 
amid  exultation  and  congratulations,  lightning  and 
steam  are  announcing  to  the  true  men  of  this  whole 
continent  and  of  the  civilized  world.  The  contest 
through  which  he  has  passed  is  without  parallel  in  the 
history  of  this  country.  We  have  waited  until  the 
clouds  of  the  conflict  were  passing  away  and  the  can- 
non of  rejoicing  had  ceased,  to  express  our  exultant 
gratitude  at  the  event  to  which  we  have  looked  for- 
ward' with  the  strongest  hope. 

Reviewing  the  field,  we  saw  that  nothing  but  Mr. 
Seward’s  naked  strength  and  the  devotion  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Empire  State  to  him  and  to  his  principles 
5 


66 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  0.  BLAINE. 


could  rescue  him  from  the  combined  array  against 
him.  We  watched  the  contest  with  the  deepest  solici- 
tude. Four  months  have  passed.  The  coalition  of 
wickedness  has  culminated.  The  battle  is  over.  The 
great  American  statesman  is  unscathed,  and  now  oc- 
cupies a prouder  elevation  before  his  countrymen  than 
ever  before,  and  a serener  and  brighter  future  is 
securely  his. 

Never  since  the  establishment  of  the  Republic  has 
there  been  a greater  necessity  for  a leading  statesman 
of  far-seeing  vision,  of  heroic,  unyielding  will,  of 
courage  that  no  threat  or  danger  can  blanch,  of  gen- 
ius to  organize  and  guide.  We  trust  the  friends  of 
Mr.  Seward  will  not  misunderstand  the  cause  and 
meaning  of  his  triumph.  His  election  is  not  the  suc- 
cess or  defeat  of  the  old  political  organizations.  His 
bitterest  and  ablest  foes  are  among  those  who  claim 
to  belong  to  the  party  with  which  he  labored  from  its 
formation  to  the  hour  of  its  final  overthrow.  Many 
of  his  ablest  and  most  devoted  friends  and  supporters 
have  belonged  to  the  Democratic  party.  In  reality 
his  election  has  been  secured  by  that  party  which  has 
been  gathering  numbers  and  strength  from  all  former 
organizations,  which  has  arisen,  a young  giant. 

Not  as  the  champion  of  an  effete  and  rapidly  dis- 
solving party,  but  as  a great  statesman  and  sworn  de- 
fender of  freedom  and  the  Union,  he  finds  congenial 
fellowship  with  Chase,  Sumner,  Wade,  Fessenden, 
Hamlin,  King,  Johnson,  Wilson,  Strong,  Hall,  Durkee, 
and  that  whole  school  of  vigorous,  determined  men  of 


EDITOR  AND  POLITICAL  LEADER. 


67 


common  blood  and  aim,  who  are,  by  the  will  of  God 
and  the  people,  to  make  it  historical  fact  in  i860,  that 
slavery  is  sectional  and  temporary,  that  freedom  is 
national  and  universal. 

AN  ENEMY  TO  SLAVERY. 

Mr.  Blaine’sTlTarTy  and  consistent  repugnance  to 
slavery  is  strongly  shown  in  the  columns  of  the 
Journal : 

We  make  it  as  a sober  and  well-considered  state- 
ment that  our  country  is  to-day  in  greater  peril  by 
elements  and  agencies  within  her  borders,  than  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Revolution  by  the  plans  of  the 
British  ministry  and  the  power  of  British  arms.  It 
requires  no  prophet  to  decide  that  the  aggressions  of 
the  slave  power  are  more  dangerous  to  the  freedom 
and  progress  of  the  American  people,  than  the  threat- 
ened despotism  of  England  in  1775.  And  what  is 
the  most  melancholy  and  shameful,  these  aggressions 
have  been  invited  and  vastly  strengthened  by  the 
treachery  and  cowardice  of  men  living  in  the  free 
States. 

CHAMPION  OF  LIBERTY. 

Speaking  of  the  proposition  to  carry  slavery  into 
free  Kansas,  he  said : 

Let  not  the  fatal  spirit  of  compromise  induce  us  to 
acquiesce  in  past  wrongs,  because  of  some  promised 
advantage  and  security  in  the  future.  Compromise 
with  slavery  is  but  another  phrase  for  Sacrifice  of 
Liberty ; and  in  the  past  we  have  had  enough,  and 
more  than  enough,  of  that. 


68 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


NORTHERN  TREASON. 

Of  famous  Dred  Scott  decision,  Mr.  Blaine 
wrote : 

Whithei  do  all  these  things  tend  ? Are  we  to  be 
a permanently  subdued  people  ? We  can  but  regard 
them  as  the  last  turns  to  the  screws  of  despotism,  that 
presage  the  mighty  uprising  and  triumph  of  the  peo- 
ple. Slavery  has  got  to  the  farthest  limits  of  its 
power  and  aggression.  Henceforth  it  must  lose  in 
the  great  contest  which  it  is  waging  against  freedom. 
The  day  of  truce  has  gone  by  ; the  slaveholders  have 
left  the  free  men  of  the  nation  no  other  resort  but 
revolution — a revolution,  if  slavery  wills  it  to  be  no 
other,  only  through  the  peaceful  agencies  of  the  press, 
public  opinion,  of  religion,  and  of  the  ballot-box. 
These  aided  by  time,  and  the  increase  of  free  popula- 
tion, at  no  distant  day,  will  give  us  every  department 
of  the  government,  and  regain  to  national  freedom 
what  has  been  lost  by  Southern  cupidity  and  Northern 
treason. 


DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  SECRETARY  BLAINE’S  APARTMENTS. 


BLAINE  A CANDIDATE  FOR  NOMINATION  AT  MINNEAPOLIS,  1892. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Blaine  a Member  of  the  State  Legislature. 

In  1858,  when  he  was  in  his  twenty-ninth  year,  Mr. 
Blaine  was  elected  to  the  Legislature.  He  served 
two  years  on  the  floor  of  the  Lower  House  and  two 
years  in  the  chair,  where  he  displayed  the  qualities  of 
parliamentary  leadership  and  control  that  afterward 
gave  him  such  renown  in  the  National  Legislature  at 
Washington.  It  is  also  worthy  of  mention  that  he 
took  an  active  part  as  a public  speaker  in  the  Fre- 
mont campaign  of  1856. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  brought  into  prominence  in  his 
adopted  State  through  his  able  editorials  in  the 
journals  with  which  he  was  connected,  and  through 
the  active  interest  he  exhibited  in  all  political  affairs. 
He  was  public  spirited ; his  pen  and  voice  were 
always  ready.  It  was  not  surprising  that  his  neigh-, 
bors  and  fellow-citizens  should  look  to  one  so  young 
for  a leader ; the  young  man  was  much  older  in  wis- 
dom and  experience  than  he  was  in  years.  His  was 
an  old  head  on  young  shoulders. 

In  the  campaign  of  1856  the  Kansas  question,  in- 
volving the  introduction  of  slavery  into  new  territory, 
was  discussed  tumultuously  throughout  the  country. 
Blood  ran  high;  a new  party  was  rapidly  forming, 

(69) 


70 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 


and’ there  was  a stir  in  the  nation  as  ominous  as  that 
in  the  forest  when  the  storm  is  near.  Mr.  Blaine  fear- 
lessly expressed  his  views  on  the  burning  questions 


STATE  HOUSE  AT  AUGUSTA,  MAINE. 


of  the  hour  and  his  words  kindled  fire.  He  became, 
a leader,  an  advocate  of  the  great  principles  underly- 
ing the  Republican  party,  and  a champion  of  the  new 


cause 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


71 


ELECTED  TO  THE  LEGISLATURE. 

The  prominent  part  taken  by  Mr.  Blaine  in  public 
affairs,  particularly  in  the  Fremont  campaign,  naturally 
drew  attention  to  him  as  one  suitable  to  represent  his 
district  in  the  Legislature. 

One  remarkable  characteristic  of  the  man  is  worth 
noting.  It  would  hardly  be  believed  he  was  at  this 
time  extremely  timid  and  diffident,  and  with  great  dif- 
ficulty could  be  induced  to  give  a public  address. 
Yet  such  was  the  case.  His  speeches  at  this  time 
were  written  out  and  committed  to  memory,  and  he 
seems  to  have  acquired  only  gradually  the  full  com- 
mand of  his  powers  and  the  ability  to  respond  im- 
promptu to  the  demand  of  the  hour.  Returning  from 
the  National  Convention  at  Philadelphia,  in  which  he 
was  one  of  the  delegates  who  helped  to  nominate 
Fremont  for  the  presidency,  he  was  asked  at  a ratifica- 
tion meeting  to  make  a speech.  At  first  he  refused, 
but  finally  yielding  to  the  urgent  request,  he  began  in 
stammering  fashion,  but  soon  rose  to  the  occasion  and 
spoke  with  telling  effect. 

In  the  Legislature  he  exhibited  those  commanding 
qualities  and  pre-eminent  capabilities  for  leadership 
which  afterward  made  him  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able and  successful  speakers  who  ever  occupied  the 
chair  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

AN  IMPORTANT  SPEECH. 

There  was  a movement  at  this  time,  particularly  in 
the  South,  for  the  purchase  of  the  Island  of  Cuba.  A 
bill  was  introduced  into  Congress  by  Mr.  Slidell,  of 


72 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Louisiana,  setting  forth  the  desirableness  of  making 
such  a purchase  and  providing  that  the  whole  amount 
to  be  paid  should  not  be  over  $125,000,000,  and  that 
$30,000,000  of  this  amount  should  be  put  into  the 
hands  of  the  President  at  once  for  the  purpose  of 
beginning  negotiations. 

In  the  Maine  Legislature,  Mr.  Porter,  of  Lowell, 
introduced  a resolution  “that  our  Representatives  in 
Congress  be  instructed  to  exert  their  influence  and 
give  their  votes  for  any  honorable  measure  that  may 
be  brought  forward  looking  to  the  early  acquisition  of 
Cuba  by  the  United  States.”  It  became  widely  known 
through  the  newspapers  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  opposed 
to  these  resolves,  and,  as  he  said,  they  advertised  him 
for  the  performance.  He  did  not  disappoint  public 
expectation.  In  a brilliant  and  masterly  oration  he 
pointed  out  the  extraordinary  character  and  dangerous 
tendency  of  the  Slidell  bill ; he  showed  how  it  broke 
down  the  constitutional  safeguards  of  our  Govern- 
ment by  giving  the  whole  treaty-making  power  to  the 
Executive,  and  by  allowing  him,  at  his  discretion,  to 
annex  territory,  form  States,  and  to  resolve  on  peace 
or  war. 

Then  leaving  the  narrow  question  of  the  Slidell  bill, 
he  stated  his  own  views  on  the  general  subject  of  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba  as  follows  : 

./OBJECTIONS  TO  THE  PURCHASE  OF  CUBA. 

In  reference  to  the  general  subject  of  the  acquisition 
of  Cuba,  which  may  be  considered  as  in  some  sense 
before  the  House,  I have  a few  remarks  to  offer,  and 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


73 


I am  frank  to  confess  that  “ a good  deal  may  be  said 
on  one  side  of  that  question,  and  a good  deal  on  the 
other.”  The  acquisition  of  the  island  would  incorpo- 
rate into  our  nation  a large  number  of  people  differing 
radically  and  essentially  from  us  in  race,  in  language, 
in  religion,  in  domestichab  its,  and  in  civil  institutions. 
Even  with  our  enormous  powers  of  deglutition,  diges- 
tion and  absorption,  our  energies  would  be  taxed  to  a 
dangerous  extent  by  the  attempt  to  make  the  mixed 
and  mongrel  people  of  that  island  homogeneous  with 
our  own. 

OTHERS  MUST  KEEP  HANDS  OFF. 

Its  annexation  would  also  increase  to  an  alarming 
extent  the  influence  of  the  slave  power  in  the  govern- 
ment of  this  country,  and  would  give  them  additional 
strength  and  prestige  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  which,  as  every  one  knows,  has  always  been 
their  stronghold,  both  for  offense  and  defense.  The 
objections  to  the  acquisition  of  Cuba,  which  grew  out 
of  these  considerations,  are  most  cogent  and  pressing, 
and  certainly  of  sufficient  weight  to  restrain  the  ardor 
of  annexation,  which  some  of  our  people  might  be 
supposed  to  cherish  when  looking  at  the  subject  purely 
from  a commercial  standpoint. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  a very  general  acqui- 
escence in  the  position  that  our  country  can  never 
permit  any  other  power  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
island.  Such  is  the  well-known  and  peculiar  situation 
with  reference  to  our  own  country,  that  we  would  be 
deaf  to  the  plainest  dictates  of  self-interest  if  we  should 


74  life  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

permit  it  to  fall  under  the  dominion  of  either  of  our 
great  rivals  in  Europe.  It  may,  therefore,  be  consid- 
ered the  settled  policy  of  this  nation  to  prevent  the 
island  of  Cuba  from  being  transferred  to  any  other 
nation,  and  I think  it  is  equally  the  settled  policy  not 
to  molest  Spain  in  her  peaceful  and  rightful  possession 
of  it. 

THE  FATE  OF  CUBA. 

Every  statesman  in  the  country  who  has  been  called 
upon  to  affirm  the  position  of  our  Government  on  this 
question,  has  uniformly  taken  the  ground  that  we 
should  not  and  would  not  disturb  Spain  in  her  owner- 
ship of  the  island,  and  that  until  she  was  ready  to 
entertain  or  propose  terms  of  cession  or  transfer,  it 
was  not  becoming  in  us  to  agitate  the  question.  Such 
are  the  expressed  and  recorded  views  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  Henry  Clay,  John  C.  Calhoun,  James  Buchanan, 
William  L.  Marcy,  and  Edward  Everett — six  of  the 
most  distinguished  gentlemen  who  have  presided  over 
the  State  Department  of  this  Government. 

If  I had  public  documents  at  hand  I could  quote  the 
opinions  of  each  and  all  these  eminent  men  in  support 
of  the  views  I have  advanced. 

I am  able,  however,  at  this  time,  to  call  the  attention 
of  the  House  to  an  extract  from  but  one  of  the 
numerous  State  papers  to  which  I have  referred,  and 
that  is  from  the  letter  of  instructions  written  by  Mr. 
Buchanan  when  Secretary  of  State  under  Mr.  Polk,  in 
1848,  to  Mr.  Romulus  Saunders,  of  North  Carolina, 
then  our  minister  to  Madrid.  In  that  letter  Mr.  Bu- 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


75 


chanan,  speaking  for  the  Administration,  authorized 
Mr.  Saunders  to  offer  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars 
to  Spain  for  the  island,  and  he  accompanied  his  in- 
structions with  a disclaimer  of  any  design  or  desire  to 
coerce  Spain  into  the  sale.  I quote  the  following 
extract  from  his  remarks : 

“ The  fate  of  this  island  must  ever  be  deeply  inter- 
esting to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  We  are 
content  that  it  shall  continue  to  be  a colony  of  Spain. 
Whilst  in  her  possession  we  have  nothing  to  appre- 
hend. Besides,  we  are  bound  to  her  by  the  ties  of 
ancient  friendship,  and  we  sincerely  desire  to  render 
these  perpetual.” 

Why,  then,  are  we  not  still  content  that  it  shall  be  a 
colony  of  Spain  ? Do  we  not  know,  of  a verity,  that 
“ whilst  in  her  possession  we  have  nothing  to  appre- 
hend?” I commend  Mr.  Buchanan’s  words  in  1848 
to  his  adherents  in  1859,  and  knowing  as  they  do,  that 
Spain  was  never  so  reluctant  to  part  with  Cuba  as 
now — indeed,  never  so  fully  determined  to  hold  it  as 
at  this  moment — what,  I ask,  can  be  the  object  of 
agitation  on  this  subject  ? 

TROUBLED  TIMES. 

The  foregoing  utterances  show  that  the  people  of 
Maine  had  found  a true  and  patriotic  leader.  An 
instant  response  came  from  a multitude  of  hearts  to 
the  warm  words  that  fell  from  the  lips  of  the  young 
legislator. 

Meanwhile  the  commotion  in  the  nation  continued, 
and  the  waves  of  popular  strife  rose  higher  and  higher. 


76 


LITE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


The  question  of  Slavery,  it  was  evident,  would  have  tC 
be  settled,  even  if  armies  waded  through  blood  to  do 
it.  The  administration  of  Buchapan  was  condemned 
by  all  except  the  extreme  Southern  party,  and  as  the 
national  election  of  i860  approached  the  tide  of  public 

discussion  ran 
deep  and  strong. 

The  great  ad- 
vocate of  popu- 
lar sovereignty 
was  Senator 
Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  of  Illi- 
nois. One  of 
the  towering  pil- 
lars of  the  Re- 
publican party 
was  Abraham 
Lincoln,  of  the 
same  State. 
These  two  great 
tribunes  met 
each  other  in  pub- 
lic debate,  and 
here  Mr.  Lincoln  showed  the  conspicuous  ability, 
the  sterling  integrity  and  traits  of  statesmanship  which 
pointed  him  out  as  the  most  popular  leader  of  his 
party. 

Mr.  Blaine  heard  and  described,  as  a newspaper 
correspondent,  the  debates  between  these  two  remark- 


STEPHEN  A.  DOUGLAS. 


f 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


77 


able  men.  He  has  sketched  the  combatants  with  a 
master  hand.  With  a few  bold  strokes  he  has  out- 
lined the  giants  in  their  gladiatorial  combat.  No 
reader  can  fail  to  be  interested  in  the  following- 
graphic  description,  which  is  among  the  most  brilliant 
productions  from  Mr.  Blaine’s  facile  and  graceful  pen  : 

A GIGANTIC  TASK. 

The  contest  that  ensued  was  memorable.  Douglas* 
had  a herculean  task  before  him.  The  Republican 
party  was  strong,  united,  conscious  of  its  power, 
popular,  growing. 

The  Democratic  party  was  rent  with  faction,  and  the 
Administration  was  irrevocably  opposed  to  the  return 
of  Douglas  to  the  Senate.  He  entered  the  field, 
therefore,  with  a powerful  opponent  in  front,  and  with 
defection  and  betrayal  in  the  rear.  He  was  every- 
where known  as  a debater  of  singular  skill.  His  mind 
was  fertile  in  resources.  He  was  master  of  logic. 
No  man  perceived  more  quickly  than  he  the  strength 
or  weakness  of  an  argument,  and  no  one  excelled  him 
in  the  use  of  sophistry  and  fallacy. 

Where  he  could  not  elucidate  a point  to  his  own 
advantage,  he  would  fatally  becloud  it  for  his  opponent. 
In  that  peculiar  style  of  debate  which,  in  its  intensity, 
resembles  a physical  combat,  he  had  no  equal.  He 
spoke  with  extraordinary  readiness.  There  was  no 
halting  in  his  phrase.  He  used  good  English,  terse, 
vigorous,  pointed.  He  disregarded  the  adornments 
of  rhetoric — rarely  used  a simile,  and  was  master  of 
the  sledge-hammer  style  of  debate. 


78 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


A KIND  OF  IRON  MAN. 

He  was  utterly  destitute  of  humor,  and  had  slight 
appreciation  of  wit.  He  never  cited  historical  pre- 
cedents, except  from  the  domain  of  American  policies. 
Inside  that  field  his  knowledge  was  comprehensive, 
minute,  critical.  Beyond  it  his  learning  was  limited. 
He  was  not  a reader.  His  recreations  were  not  in 
literature.  In  the  whole  range  of  his  voluminary 
speaking  it  would  be  difficult  either  to  find  a line  of 
poetry  or  a classical  allusion.  But  he  was  by  nature 
an  orator,  and  by  long  practice  a debater.  He  could 
lead  a crowd  almost  irresistibly  to  his  own  conclusions. 
He  could,  if  he  wished,  incite  a mob  to  desperate 
deeds. 

He  was,  in  short,  an  able,  audacious,  almost  uncon- 
querable opponent  in  public  discussion. 

It  would  have  been  impossible  to  find  any  man  of 
the  same  type  able  to  meet  him  before  the  people  of 
Illinois.  Whoever  attempted  it  would  probably  have 
been  destroyed  in  the  first  encounter.  But  the  man 
who  was  chosen  to  meet  him,  who  challenged  him  to 
the  combat,  was  radically  different  in  every  phase  of 
character. 

LINCOLN  AS  A DEBATER. 

Scarcely  could  two  men  be  more  unlike,  in  moral 
and  mental  constitution,  than  Abraham  Lincoln  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  calm  and 
philosophic.  He  loved  the  truth  for  truth’s  sake. 
He  would  not  argue  from  a false  premise,  or  be  de- 
ceived himself  or  deceive  others  by  a false  conclusion. 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


79 


He  had  pondered  deeply  on  the  issue  which  aroused 
him  to  action.  He  had  given  anxious  thought  to  the 
problems  of  free  government  and  to  the  destiny  of 
the  Republic.  He  had  for  himself  marked  out  a path 
of  duty,  and  he  walked  in  it  fearlessly.  His  mental 
processes  were  slower  but  more  profound  than  those 
of  Douglas.  He  did  not  seek  to  say  merely  the 
thing  which  was  best  for  that  day’s  debate,  but  the 
thing  which  would  stand  the  test  of  time  and  square 
itself  with  eternal  justice.  He  wished  nothing  to  ap- 
pear white  unless  it  was  white.  His  logic  was  severe 
and  faultless.  He  did  not  resort  to  fallacy,  and  could 
detect  it  in  his  opponent,  and  expose  it  with  merciless 
directness. 

He  had  an  abounding  sense  of  humor,  and  always 
employed  it  in  the  illustration  of  his  argument — 
never  for  the  mere  sake  of  provoking  merriment. 
In  this  respect  he  had  the  wonderful  aptness  of  Frank- 
lin. 

He  often  taught  a great  truth  with  the  felicitous 
brevity  of  an  ^Esop  Fable.  His  words  did  not  fall 
in  an  impetuous  torrent  as  did  those  of  Douglas,  but 
they  were  always  well  chosen,  deliberate,  and  con- 
clusive. 

Thus  fitted  for  the  contest,  these  men  proceeded  to 
a discussion  which  at  the  time  was  so  interesting  as  to 
enchain  the  attention  of  the  Nation — in  its  immediate 
effect  so  striking  as  to  affect  the  organization  of  parties, 
in  its  subsequent  effect  so  powerful  as  to  change  the 
fate  of  millions. 


80 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


ft  -PPfVPHF.T. 

The  nomination  of  Lincoln  in  i860  came  about  as 
Mr.  Blaine  had  prophesied,  and  after  the  election  the 
relations  between  the  two  men  became  close  and  inti- 
mate, and  so  continued. 

On  the  7th  of  February,  1862,  an  exciting  question 
came  up  for  discussion  in  the  Maine  Legislature. 
Resolutions  had  been  sent  down  from  the  senate  to 
the  house  for  concurrence,  endorsingthe  administration 
of  President  Lincoln,  and  stating  “ that  it  is  the  duty 
of  Congress  to  provide  for  the  confiscation  of  the 
estates  of  the  rebels  and  the  liberation  of  their  slaves, 
and  for  accepting  the  services  of  all  able-bodied  men, 
of  whatever  status,  as  military  necessity  may  require.” 
These  resolutions  found  an  opponent  in  Mr.  Gould, 
of  Thomaston,  who  made  an  elaborate  argument 
against  them.  To  him  Blaine  replied.  He  discussed 
the  question  in  two  phases — first,  as  to  the  power  of 
Congress  to  adopt  such  measures  ; secondly,  as  to 
the  expediency  of  adopting  them.  He  denied  that  the 
war  power  in  this  Government  is  lodged  wholly  in  the 
President ; he  held  with  Hamilton,  and  all  constitu- 
tional lawyers,  from  Marshall  to  Webster,  that  Con- 
gress had  no  limitation  on  its  authority  to  provide  for 
the  common  defence  in  any  manner. 

POWER  OF  CONGRESS. 

At  the  origin  of  our  Government,  Mr.  Chairman, 
the  people  were  jealous  of  their  liberties ; they  gave 
power  guardedly  and  grudgingly  to  their  rulers  ; they 
were  hostile,  above  all  things,  to  what  is  termed  the 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


81 


one-man  power,  and  you  cannot  but  observe  with 
what  peculiar  care  they  provided  against  the  abuse 
of  the  war  power.  For  after  giving  Congress  the 
power  “ to  declare  war,  and  to  raise  and  support 
armies,”  they  added  in  the  Constitution  these  remark- 
able and  emphatic  words,  “but  no  appropriation  of 
money  to  that  use  shall  be  for  a longer  term  than  two 
years,”  which  is  precisely  the  period  for  which  the 
Representatives  in  the  popular  branch  are  chosen. 
Thus,  sir,  this  power  was  not  given  to  Congress  sim- 
ply, but  in  effect  it  was  given  to  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives ; the  people  placing  it  where  they  could  lay 
their  hands  directly  upon  it  at  every  biennial  election, 
and  say  “ yes  ” or  “ no  ” to  the  principles  or  policy  of 
any  war. 

In  all  that  I am  thus  maintaining  in  regard  to  the 
supreme  war  power  of  Congress,  I make  no  conflict 
between  that  and  the  Executive  power,  which  in  war, 
as  well  as  in  all  matters  of  civil  administration,  belongs 
to  the  President.  The  question  at  issue  between  the 
gentleman  from  Thomaston  and  myself  is  not  whether 
the  President  has  power  of  great  magnitude  in  the 
conduct  of  a war,  for  that  I readily  admit,  or  rather  I 
stoutly  affirm  ; but  the  point  at  issue  is,  which  is 
superior  in  authority,  Congress  or  the  President?  I 
think  I have  shown  that  the  Constitution  vests  the 
supreme  unlimited  power  in  Congress,  and  that  the 
President  must  obey  the  direction  of  Congress,  as  the 
chief  executive  officer  of  the  nation,  and  at  the  same 
time  he  must  be  held  accountable  for  the  mode  in 
6 


82 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


which  his  subordinate  officers  execute  the  trust  con- 
fided  to  them. 

A BOLD  REJOINDER. 

Mr.  Gould  had  denied  the  existence  of  a civil  war, 
and  that  the  rebels  had,  therefore,  full  right  to  the 
protection  of  property,  guaranteed  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  could  only  be  deprived  of  it  by  due  process 
of  law.  Blaine  scornfully  rejoins  : 

To  assume  the  ground  of  the  gentleman  from 
Thomaston,  with  its  legitimate  sequences,  is  practically 
to  give  up  the  contest.  For  he  tells  you,  and  he  cer- 
tainly repeated  it  a score  of  times,  that  you  cannot 
deprive  these  rebels  of  their  property  except  “ by  due 
process  of  law,”  and  at  the  same  time  he  confesses 
that  within  the  rebel  territory  it  is  impossible  to  serve 
any  precept  or  enforce  any  verdict.  He  at  the  same 
time  declares  that  we  have  not  belligerent  rights 
because  the  contest  is  not  a civil  war.  Pray,  what 
kind  of  a war  is  it  ? The  gentleman  acknowledges 
that  the  rebels  are  traitors,  and  if  so  they  must  be 
engaged  in  some  kind  of  war,  because  the  Constitu- 
tion declares  that  “treason  against  the  United  States 
shall  consist  only  in  levying  war  against  them.” 
It  is,  therefore,  war  on  their  side.  It  must  also  be 
war  on  ours,  and  if  so,  what  kind  of  war? 

Mr.  Gould  rose  and  said  that  he  would  define  it  as 
domestic  war. 

Mr.  Blaine : 

Domestic  war!  that’s  it!  Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  we 
shall  learn  something  before  this  discussion  is  over. 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


83 


Domestic  war  ! I have  heard  of  domestic  woolens, 
domestic  sheetings,  and  domestic  felicity,  but  a “ domes- 
tic war”  is  something  entirely  new  under  the  sun. 
All  the  writers  of  international  law  that  I have  ever 
read  speak  of  two  kinds  of  war,  foreign  and  civil. 
Vattel  will,  I suppose,  have  a new  edition  with  annota- 
tions by  Gould,  in  which  “ domestic  war  ” will  be  de- 
fined and  illustrated  as  a contest  not  quite  foreign, 
not  quite  civil,  but  one  in  which  the  rebellious  party 
have  at  one  and  the  same  time  all  the  rights  of  peace- 
ful citizens  and  all  the  immunities  of  alien  enemies — 
for  that  is  precisely  what  the  gentleman  by  his  argu- 
ment claims  for  the  Southern  secessionists. 

WRONG  PREMISES. 

The  gentleman  strove  elaborately  to  prove  that  this 
Government,  this  Nation,  this  great  American  people 
have  no  right  to  do  anything  not  distinctly  warranted 
in  the  Federal  Constitution.  Sir,  no  position  could 
be  more  radically  erroneous,  and  that  false  premise  is 
the  corner-stone  of  error  on  which  the  gentleman  has 
reared  such  a superstructure  of  wrong  deductions 
and  conclusions. 

I affirm,  sir,  in  opposition  to  this  assumption,  that 
the  American  people  have  rights  which  are  anterior 
to  and  wholly  independent  of  the  Constitution  ; and 
I affirm,  moreover,  that  while  that  precious  instrument 
will  continue  to  be,  God  grant  for  these  many  genera- 
tions, the  rule  of  our  civil  administration,  yet  that  over 
it  and  under  it  and  outside  of  it  and  above  it  there  is 
engraven  on  the  hearts  of  this  people  that  God-given 


84 


LIFE  OP  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


right,  that  great  precept  of  nature,  “ Save  thyself!  ” 
And  I maintain,  sir,  that  the  great  law  of  self-preser- 
vation which  in  the  individual  knows  no  limit  but 
necessity,  is  even  stronger  in  a nation,  by  as  much  as 
the  interests  and  importance  of  a nation  transcend 
those  of  an  individual. 

In  the  magnificent  paragraph  which  I quote  from 
Mr.  Hamilton,  this  self-evident  truth  is  thus  tersely 
enunciated:  “The  circumstances  that  endanger  the 
safety  of  nations  are  infinite  ; and  for  this  reason  no 
constitutional  shackles  can  be  wisely  imposed  on  the 
power  to  which  the  care  of  it  is  committed.”  I have 
now,  sir,  at  somewhat  greater  length  than  I designed 
when  I rose,  discussed  the  question  of  constitutional 
power,  so  far  as  it  is  brought  into  issue  by  the  pend- 
ing resolves. 

RIGHTS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

I have  endeavored  to  establish  as  essential  to  the 
maintenance  of  my  position  two  propositions : First, 
that  the  war  power  of  this  Government  is  lodged  in 
Congress  ; and  second,  that  under  every  principle  and 
every  precedent  of  international  law  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  while  sovereign  over  all,  has, 
so  long  as  the  rebellion  endures,  all  the  rights  of  war 
against  those  who  in  armed  force  are  seeking  the  life 
of  the  nation.  The  first  resolve,  endorsing  the  Ad- 
ministration in  general  terms,  is,  I believe,  not  objected 
to  in  any  quarter,  and  is  not  in  dispute  between  the 
gentleman  from  Thomaston  and  myself. 

The  only  objection  I have  to  it,  is  that  it  is  cold  and 


SAMUEL  J RANDALL, 


SHELBY  M.  COLLUM. 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE.  85 

stiff  and  formal,  whereas  to  reflect  my  feelings  it  should 
be  warm  and  cordial  and  unreserved.  I am  for  the 
Administration  through  and  through — being  an  early 
and  unflinching  believer  in  the  ability,  the  honesty  and 
patriotism  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  I did  in  my  humble 
sphere,  both  with  pen  and  tongue,  all  I could  to  pro- 
mote his  election. 

NEGROES  IN  THE  ARMY. 

Then  passing  to  the  third  resolution,  respecting  the 
military  employment  of  negroes,  Mr.  Blaine  said  : 

The  resolution  must  be  taken  and  judged  by  itself — 
its  own  words.  It  simply  declares  that  the  services 
of  all  men  should  be  accepted — this  implies  that  the 
service  is  previously  offered,  and  expressly  negatives 
the  idea  of  calling  on  the  negroes  “ to  rise.”  It  fur- 
ther says,  that  these  men  should  be  employed  as 
“ military  necessity  and  the  safety  of  the  Republic  may 
demand.”  I do  not  anticipate  that  any  necessity  will 
arise  for  arming  the  slaves,  and  as  at  present  advised, 
I would  not  vote  for  a resolution  recommending  that 
step.  But  there  are  a thousand  things  which  the 
negroes  may  do,  which  would  greatly  lighten  the 
labors  of  our  brave  brethren  in  the  ranks  of  the 
National  army.  They  may  dig  trenches,  throw  up 
embankments,  labor  on  fortifications,  aid  in  transport- 
ing baggage,  and  make  themselves  “ generally  useful.” 

But  lest  the  gentleman  should  infer  that  I shrink 
from  the  logical  consequences  of  some  propositions 
which  I have  laid  down  as  ultimate  steps,  I tell  him 
boldly  that  if  the  life  of  the  nation  seemed  to  demand 


86 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  violation  of  the  Constitution,  I would  violate  it, 
and  in  taking  this  ground  I am  but  repeating  the  ex- 
pression of  President  Lincoln  in  his  message,  when  he 
declared  that  “ it  were  better  to  violate  one  provision 
than  that  all  should  perish.”  And  I will  give  a higher 
and  more  venerable  authority  than  President  Lincoln, 
for  the  same  doctrine. 

No  less  a personage  than  Thomas  Jefferson  wrote 
the  following  sentiments  in  a letter  to  J.  R.  Calvin, 
from  his  retirement  at  Monticello,  September  22, 
1810:  “ The  question  you  propose,  whether  circum- 

stances do  not  sometimes  occur,  which  make  it  a duty, 
in  officers  of  high  trust,  to  assume  authorities  beyond 
the  law,  is  easy  of  solution  in  principle,  but  some- 
times embarrassing  in  practice.  A strict  observance 
of  the  written  laws  is  doubtless  one  of  the  high  duties 
of  a good  citizen  ; but  it  is  not  the  highest.  The 
laws  of  necessity,  of  self-preservation,  of  saving  our 
country  when  in  danger,  are  of  higher  obligation. 
To  lose  our  country  by  a scrupulous  adherence  to 
written  law  would  be  to  lose  the  law  itself,  with  life, 
liberty,  property,  and  all  those  who  are  enjoying  them 
with  us ; thus  absurdly  sacrificing  the  end  to  the 
means.” 

This  doctrine  cuts  right  athwart,  and  scatters  to  the 
four  winds  of  heaven  the  whole  argument  of  the 
gentleman.  He  sticks  to  forms ; I go  for  substance. 
He  sacrifices  the  end  to  the  means ; I stand  ready  to 
use  the  means  essential  to  the  end.  I stand  with,  or 
rather  follow  after,  Jefferson  and  Lincoln  ; he  assumes 


MEMBER  OF  THE  STATE  LEGISLATURE. 


87 


a ground  which  both  of  those  statesmen  have 
denounced  and  execrated. 

I read  in  the  President’s  Message  something  more 
than  a great  proposition  for  compensated  emancipa- 
tion. I read  in  it  a declaration  as  plain  as  language 
can  make  it,  that  resolute  measures  may  be  deemed 
necessary  to  crush  out  the  rebellion  speedily  and 
effectually,  will  be  unhesitatingly  adopted. 


CHAPTER  V. 


First  Term  in  Congress. 

In.  1862  Mr.  Blaine  was  nominated  for  Congress  in 
the  Kennebec  District,  and  was  elected  by  a majority 
of  3,000  votes.  To  this  position  he  was  successively 
elected,  in  each  succeeding  Congress,  until  his  promo- 
tion to  the  United  States  Senate. 

During  the  first  term  of  his  long  career  as  Repre- 
sentative he  had  for  colleagues  such  men  as  Elihu  B. 
Washburne,  Owen  Lovejoy,  George  W.  Julian,  Godlove 
S.  Orth,  Schuyler  Colfax,  James  F.  Wilson,  William  B. 
Allison,  John  A.  Kasson,  Alexander  H.  Rice,  Henry  L. 
Dawes,  William  Windom,  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  James  Brooks, 
Erastus  Corning,  Reuben  E.  Fenton,  Francis  Kernan, 
George  H.  Pendleton,  Robert  C.  Schenck,  James  A. 
Garfield,  Samuel  J.  Randall,  William  D.  Kelley,  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  G.  W.  Schofield,  and  many  other  distin- 
guished men.  Among  these  he  soon  was  recognized 
as  a man  whose  influence  was  sure  to  be  felt  and  to 
increase  with  time. 

His  first  reputation  in  the  Lower  House  of  Con- 
gress was  that  of  an  exceedingly  industrious  commit- 
teeman. He  was  a member  of  the  Post  Office  and 
Military  Committees,  and  of  the  Committees  on  Ap- 
propriations and  Rules.  He  paid  close  attention  to  the 
(88) 


FIRST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


89 


business  of  the  committees,  and  took  an  active  part  in 
the  debates  of  the  House,  manifesting  practical  ability 
and  genius  for  details. 

o 

THRILLING  SPEECH. 

The  first  remarkable  speech  which  he  made  in 
Congress  was  on  the  subject  of  the  assumption  by  the 
General  Government  of 
the  war  debts  of  the 
States,  in  the  course  of 
which  he  urged  that  the 
North  was  abundantly 
able  to  carry  on  the  war 
to  a successful  issue. 

This  vigorous  speech 
attracted  so  much  at- 
tention that  200,000 
copies  of  it  were  circu- 
lated in  1864  as  a cam- 
paign document  by  the 
Republican  party. 

In  January,  1868,  he 
introduced  a resolution 
in  relation  to  Congres- 
sional representation,  which  was  referred  to  the  Re- 
construction Committee,  and  was  subsequently  made 
the  basis  of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment.  In  Decem- 
ber, 1867,  he  made  an  elaborate  speech  on  the 
finances,  in  which  he  analyzed  Mr.  Pendleton’s  green- 
back theory.  “ The  remedy  for  our  financial  troubles,” 
said  he,  “ will  not  be  found  in  a superabundance  of 


90 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


depreciated  paper  currency.  It  lies  in  the  opposite 
direction,  and  the  sooner  the  Nation  finds  itself  on  a 
specie  basis  the  sooner  will  the  public  treasury  be 
freed  from  embarrassment  and  private  business  be  re- 
lieved from  discouragement.  Instead,  therefore,  of 
entering  upon  a reckless  and  boundless  issue  of 

legal-tenders,  with  their 
constant  depreciation, 
if  not  destruction,  of 
value,  let  us  set  res- 
olutely to  work  and 
make  those  already  in 
circulation  equal  to  so 
many  gold  dollars.” 

ELECTED  SPEAKER  OF 
THE  HOUSE. 

At  the  opening  of  the 
first  session  of  the  41st 
Congress  the  Republi- 
can caucus  nominated 
Mr.  Blaine  for  Speaker 
by  acclamation,  and  he 
was  elected  by  a vote 
of  136  to  57  for  Mr.  Kerr.  He  was  re-elected, 
without  opposition  in  his  own  party,  Speaker  of  the 
42d  and  43d  Congresses.  In  that  position  his  quick- 
ness of  perception,  decision  of  manner,  thorough  - 
knowledge  of  parliamentary  law  and  usages,  and 
impartial  and  judicial  mind,  added  to  his  clear  voice 
and  impressive  presence,  made  him  a truly  great 


FIRST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


91 


presiding  officer.  No  person  who  has  occupied  the 
Speaker’s  Chair  has  ever  filled  it  more  acceptably. 

The  Democratic  “ tidal  wave  ” of  1874  returned  a 
Democratic  majority  to  the  House,  and  Mr.  Blaine 
returned  to  the  floor.  There  his  parliamentary  skill 
and  self-possession,  together  with  his  audacity  of 
manner  and  versatility 
of  talent,  made  him  one 
of  the  most  adroit  and 
as^ressive  leaders  ever 
enjoyed  by  a political 
party. 

During  Mr.  Blaine’s 
first  term  in  Congress 
there  were  many  excit- 
ing debates.  The  war 
was  in  progress,  and  it 
often  required  all  the 
courage  and  tactics  of 
those  who  believed  in 
pushing  it  to  a conclu- 
sion to  silence  the  fre- 
quent clamor  for  peace. 

Mr.  Blaine  did  not  believe  in  peace  at  the  cost  of  a 
nation. 

DISCUSSION  OF  FREE  TRADE. 

Then,  as  ever  afterward,  Mr.  Blaine  was  an  ardent 
protectionist.  He  believed  the  country  would  thrive 
under  protected  industries,  and  he  was  a cordial 
supporter  of  all  government  measures  for  carrying 


92  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

out  this  policy.  A speech  by  Mr.  S.  S.  Cox  in  favor 
of  free  trade,  in  which  he  sneeringly  referred  to  the 
New  England  States  as  “ protected  States,”  called 
forth  from  Mr.  Blaine  a gallant  defense  of  his  own 
State  of  Maine.  He  spoke  as  follows : 

It  has  grown  to  be  a habit  in  this  house,  Mr. 

Chairman,  to  speak  of 
New  England  as  a unit, 
and  in  assailing  the  New 
England  States  to  class 
them  together,  as  has 
been  done  to-day,  by 
the  gentleman  from 
Ohio  (Mr.  Cox), 
throughout  his  entire 
speech.  In  response  to 
such  attacks,  each  par- 
ticular Representative 
from  a New  England 
State  might  feel  called 
upon  to  defend  the 
whole  section. 

For  myself,  sir,  I take  a different  view.  I have  the 
honor  to  represent  in  part  one  State,  the  State  of 
Maine,  and  I have  no  more  to  do  with  the  local  and 
particular  interests  of  the  rest  of  New  England  than 
with  any  other  State  in  the  Union.  The  other  New 
England  States  are  ably  represented  on  the  floor,  and 
it  would  be  officious  and  arrogant  in  me  to  speak  for 
them.  But  when  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  presumes 


v 


JAS.  G.  BLAINE’S  WASHINGTON ] RESIDENCE  DURING  HIS  LAST  SICKNESS. 


FIRST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


9S 


to  charge  here  that  the  State  I represent  receives  from 
Federal  legislation  any  undue  protection  to  her  local 
interests,  he  either  ignorantly  or  wilfully  misrepresents 
the  case  so  grossly,  that  for  ten  minutes  I will  occupy 
the  attention  of  this  House  in  correcting  him. 

Sir,  I am  tired  of  such 
talk  as  the  gentleman 
from  Ohio  has  indulged 
in  to-day,  and  in  so  far 
as  it  includes  my  own 
State  as  being  a pen- 
sioner upon  the  Gen- 
eral Government,  or 
dependent  upon  the 
bounty  of  any  other 
State,  I hurl  back  the 
charge  with  scorn.  If 
there  be  a State  in  this 
Union  that  can  say  with 
truth  that  her  Federal 
connection  confers  no 
special  benefit  of  a ma- 
terial character,  that  State  is  Maine. 

And  yet,  sir,  no  State  is  more  attached  to  the  Fed- 
eral Union  than  Maine.  Her  affection  and  her  pride 
are  centred  in  the  Union,  and  God  knows  she  has 
contributed  of  her  best  blood  and  treasure  without 
stint  in  supporting  the  war  for  the  Union  ; and  she 
will  do  so  to  the  end.  But  she  resents,  and  I,  speak- 
ing for  her,  resent  the  insinuation  that  she  derives 


94 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


any  undue  advantage  from  Federal  legislation,  or 
that  she  gets  a single  dollar  she  does  not  pay  back. 

This  much,  sir,  I have  felt  called  upon  to  say  in  re- 
sponse to  the  elaborate  and  carefully  prepared  speech 
of  the  gentleman  from  Ohio.  I have  spoken  in  vindi- 
cation of  a State  that  is  as  independent  and  as  proud 

as  any  within  the  limits 
of  the  Union.  I have 
spoken  for  a people  as 
high-toned  and  as  hon- 
orable as  can  be  found 
in  the  wide  world.  I 
have  spoken  for  a par- 
ticular class — many  of 
them  my  constituents — 
who  are  as  manly  and  as 
brave  as  ever  faced  the 
ocean’s  storm.  And  so 
long,  sir,  as  I have  a 
seat  on  this  floor,  the 
State  of  Maine  shall  not 
j.  a.  kasson.  be  s]andered  by  the 

gentleman  from  Ohio,  or  by  gentlemen  from  any 
other  State. 

DEFENCE  OF  NEGRO  SOLDIERS. 

Blaine  advocated  the  enlistment  of  the  slaves  into 
our  armies.  Mr.  Mallory,  of  Kentucky,  accused  the 
negro  troops  of  cowardice.  “ My  friend  from  Maine,” 
he  said,  “who  seems  to  be  listening  so  attentively,  lived 
in  Kentucky  once,  and  knows  the  negro  and  his  at- 


FIRST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


95 


tributes,  and  he  knows,  if  he  will  tell  you  what  he 
knows,  that  they  won’t  fight.” 

Mr.  Blaine  made  this  incisive  reply : 

From  a residence  of  five  years  in  Kentucky  I came 
to  the  conclusion  from  what  I saw  of  the  negroes  that 
there  was  a great 
deal  of  fight  in 
them.  I have 
entire  faith — and 
if  I had  not,  I 
would  never  vote 
a dollar  of  appro- 
priation for  these 
negro  troops — 
that  well-trained 
and  disciplined 
negroes  will 
make  g o o d 
troops.  I do  not 
believe  they  will 
make  as  good 
troops  as  white 
men,  and  I do  not 
value  any  white  abraham  Lincoln. 

man’s  opinion 

who  does  think  so.  Now  I ask  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  if  he  believes  that  a thousand  white 
men,  of  the  Kentucky  race — and  I believe  that  no  more 
gallant  race  than  the  Kentuckians  ever  lived — un- 
armed and  undrilled,  would  have  stood  any  better  be- 


96  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

fore  the  rebel  musketry  than  the  negroes  themselves 
did. 

ARDENT  SUPPORTER  OF  LINCOLN. 

As  might  have  been  expected  Mr.  Blaine  lent  all 
his  powerful  influence  to  the  support  of  President 
Lincoln  and  his  administration.  In  respect  to  his  re- 
lations with  the  President,  Mr.  Ward  H.  Lamon,  who 
was  Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia  and  on  terms 
of  special  intimacy  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  makes  the  follow- 
ing statement : 

“ I knew  those  who  were  Mr.  Lincoln’s  friends  and 
those  who  were  plotting  against  him,  and  I am  sure 
that  there  was  no  one  among  the  younger  members 
of  Congress  on  more  intimate,  cordial  and  confidential 
terms  with  him  than  Mr.  Blaine,  nor  was  there  any 
one  more  implicitly  trusted  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  When 
the  movement  was  made  against  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the 
winter  preceding  the  campaign  of  1864,  Mr.  Blaine 
was  the  person  with  whom  Mr.  Lincoln  constantly 
conferred  about  Maine,  and  I was  present  at  a con- 
ference between  the  two  when  Mr.  Lincoln  requested 
Mr.  Blaine  to  proceed  to  Maine  and  see  if  there  was 
any  adverse  movement  there. 

“ Mr.  Lincoln  became  acquainted  with  Mr.  Blaine 
in  Illinois  during  his  memorable  campaign  with 
Douglas  in  1858.  Mr.  Blaine  was  corresponding  from 
the  scene  of  contest  with  his  paper  in  Maine,  and  in 
one  of  his  letters  he  predicted  that  Lincoln  would  be 
defeated  for  Senator  by  Douglas,  but  would  beat 
Douglas  for  President  in  i860.  This  letter  was  copied 


FIRST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS.]  97 

in  several  Illinois  papers,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  cut  it  out 
and  carried  it  in  his  small  memorandum  book  until 
long  after  he  was  inaugurated  as  President.  It  natur- 
ally laid  the  foundation  for  cordial  friendship  between 
the  two.” 

VIEWS  ON  THE  DRAFT. 

The  unswerving  patriotism  of  Mr.  Blaine  was  never 
questioned,  and  no  warmer  words  in  support  of  the 
war-policy  of  the  Government  were  spoken  than  those 
which  fell  from  his  lips.  He  admitted  the  necessity 
of  keeping  the  army  up  to  the  required  size,  yet  he 
was  opposed  to  the  extreme  measures  advocated  by 
some  persons  for  bringing  men  into  the  field.  Upon 
these  measures  he  had  this  to  say : 

A conscription  is  a hard  thing  at  best,  Mr.  Speaker, 
but  the  people  of  this  country  are  patriotically  willing 
to  submit  to  one  in  this  great  crisis  for  the  great 
cause  at  stake.  There  is  no  necessity,  however,  for 
making  it  absolutely  merciless  and  sweeping.  I say, 
in  my  judgment,  there  is  no  necessity  for  making  it  so, 
even  if  there  were  no  antecedent  questions  as  to  the 
expediency  and  practicability  of  the  measure.  I be- 
lieve the  law  as  it  stands,  allowing  commutation  and 
substitution,  is  sufficiently  effective,  if  judiciously  en- 
forced. It  will  raise  a large  number  of  men  by 
its  direct  operation,  and  it  will  secure  a very  large 
amount  of  money  with  which  to  pay  bounties  to  vol- 
unteers. 

I cannot  refrain  from  asking  gentlemen  around  me 
whether  in  their  judgment  the  pending  measure,  if 
7 


98 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


submitted  to  the  popular  vote,  would  receive  the  sup- 
port of  even  a respectable  minority  in  any  district  in 
the  loyal  States?  Just  let  it  be  understood  that  who- 
ever the  lot  falls  on  must  go,  regardless  of  all  business 
considerations,  all  private  interests,  all  personal  en- 
gagements, all  family  obligations ; that  the  draft  is  to 
be  sharp,  decisive,  final  and  inexorable,  without  com- 
mutation and  without  substitution,  and  my  word  for  it 
you  will  create  consternation  in  all  the  loyal  States. 
Such  a conscription  was  never  resorted  to  but  once, 
even  in  the  French  Empire  under  the  absolutism  of 
the  first  Napoleon,  and  for  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  to  attempt  its  enforcement  upon  their  constitu- 
ents is  to  ignore  the  first  principles  of  Republican  and 
Representative  Government. 

ELOQUENT  PLEA  FOR  THE  SOLDIERS. 

On  an  occasion  near  the  close  of  the  war,  in  a 
speech  on  the  Enrolment  Bill,  in  February,  1865, 
he  spoke  as  follows  in  behalf  of  the  soldiers  in  the 
field: 

Nothing  so  discourages  and  disheartens  the  brave 
men  at  the  front  as  the  belief  that  proper  measures 
are  not  adopted  at  home  for  re-enforcing  and  sustain- 
ing them.  Even  a lukewarmness  or  a backwardness 
in  that  respect  is  enough ; but  when  you  add  to  that 
the  suspicion  that  unfair  devices  have  been  resorted 
to  by  those  charged  with  filling  quotas,  you  naturally 
influence  the  prejudices  and  passions  of  our  veterans 
in  the  field,  in  a manner  calculated  to  lessen  their  per- 
sonal zeal,  and  weaken  the  discipline  of  the  army. 


FIRST  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


99 


After  four  years  of  such  patriotic  and  heroic  effort 
for  National  unity  as  the  world  has  never  witnessed 
before,  we  cannot  now  afford  to  have  the  great  cause 
injured,  or  its  fair  fame  darkened  by  a single  unworthy 
incident  connected  with  it.  The  improper  practices 
of  individuals  cannot  disgrace  or  degrade  the  Nation  ; 
but  after  these  practices  are  brought  to  the  attention 
of  Congress,  we  shall  assuredly  be  disgraced  and  de- 
graded if  we  fail  to  apply  the  requisite  remedy  when 
that  remedy  is  in  our  power.  Let  us,  then,  in  this 
hour  of  triumph  to  the  National  arms,  do  our  duty 
here,  our  duty  to  the  troops  in  the  field,  our  duty  to 
our  constituents  at  home,  and  our  duty  above  all,  to 
our  country,  whose  existence  has  been  in  such  peril  in 
the  past,  but  whose  future  of  greatness  and  glory 
seems  now  so  assured  and  so  radiant. 

LOYAL  'men  IN  SECEDED  STATES. 

Concerning  the  duties  of  the  Federal  Government 
toward  the  loyal  citizens  in  rebellious  States,  Mr. 
Blaine  said : 

Among  the  most  solemn  duties  of  a sovereign  gov- 
ernment is  the  protection  of  those  citizens  who,  under 
great  temptations  and  amid  great  perils,  maintain 
their  faith  and  their  loyalty.  The  obligation  on  the 
Federal  Government  to  protect  the  loyalists  of  the 
South  is  supreme,  and  they  must  take  all  needful 
means  to  assure  that  protection.  Among  the  most 
needful  is  the  gift  of  free  suffrage,  and  that  must  be 
guaranteed. 

There  is  no  protection  you  can  extend  to  a man  so 


100 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


effective  and  conclusive  as  the  power  to  protect  him- 
self. And  in  assuring  protection  to  the  loyal  citizen, 
you  assure  permanency  to  the  government,  so  that  the 
bestowal  of  suffrage  is  not  merely  the  discharge  of  a 
personal  obligation  toward  those  who  are  enfranchised, 
but  it  is  the  most  far-sighted  provision  against  social 
disorder,  the  surest  guarantee  for  peace,  prosperity 
and  public  justice. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Second  Term  in  Congress. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  services  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives were  able  and  efficient.  Not  merely  did  he  draw 
attention  to  himself  at  Washington  as  the  future  leader 
of  the  great  Republican  party,  but  throughout  the 
country  his  name  became  familiar  and  his  popularity 
was  assured. 

Naturally  he  was  the  pride  of  his  own  State.  “ The 
Man  from  Maine”  was  becoming  widely  known ; his 
strong  personality  was  felt  in  Congress,  and  his  manly 
bearing,  fairness  in  debate,  and  loyalty  to  the  Union, 
were  distinguishing  traits  of  the  rising  leader.  His 
first  term  in  Congress  was  the  natural  antecedent  to 
a second  term,  and  when  his  district  made  its  nomina- 
tion in  1864  he  was  selected  as  the  Republican  can- 
didate. 

The  letter  of  acceptance  he  wrote  on  this  occasion 
is  of  special  interest,  and  we  take  pleasure  in  laying 
it  before  the  reader: 

Augusta,  Aug.  20,  1864. 

Gen.  J.  R.  Bachelder: 

Dear  Sir : I am  in  receipt  of  your  favor  advising 
me  that  on  the  10th  inst.,  the  Union  Convention  of  the 
Third  District  unanimously  nominated  me  for  re-elec- 

(101) 


102 


LIFE  OF  HON.  ,JAM  ES  G.  BLAINE. 


tion  as  Representative  in  Congress.  For  this  generous 
action,  as  well  as  for  the  cordial  manner  attending  it, 
and  the  very  complimentary  phrase  in  which  it  is 
conveyed,  I am  under  profound  obligations.  It  is  far 
easier  for  me  to  find  the  inspiring  cause  of  such  favor 
and  such  unanimity  in  the  personal  partiality  of  friends, 
than  in  any  merits  or  services  which  I may  justly  claim 
as  my  own. 

In  nominating  me  as  the  Union  candidate,  and 
pledging  me  to  no  other  platform,  you  place  me  on 
the  precise  ground  I desire  to  occupy.  The  controlling 
and  absorbing  issue  before  the  American  people  is 
whether  the  Federal  Union  shall  be  saved  or  lost.  In 
comparison  with  that,  all  other  issues  and  controversies 
are  subordinate,  and  entitled  to  consideration  just  in 
the  degree  that  they  may  influence  the  end  which 
Washington  declared  to  be  “the  primary  object  of 
patriotic  desire.”  To  maintain  the  Union  a gigantic 
war  has  been  carried  on,  now  in  the  fourth  year  of  its 
duration,  and  the  resources  of  the  country,  both  in  men 
and  - money,  have  been  freely  expended  in  support  of 
it.  The  war  was  not  a matter  of  choice  with  the 
Government,  unless  it  was  prepared  to  surrender  its 
power  over  one-half  of  its  territory  and  incur  all  the 
hazards  of  anarchy  throughout  the  other  half.  It  was 
begun  by  those  who  sought  to  overthrow  the  Federal 
authority.  It  should  be  ended  the  very  day  that 
authority  is  recognized  and  re-established  throughout 
its  rightful  domain. 

The  desire  for  peace  after  the  sufferings  and  trials 
of  the  past  three  years  is  natural.  Springing  from 
the  very  instincts  of  humanity  it  is  irrepressible.  The 
danger  to  be  avoided  is  that  in  aiming  to  attain  peace 
we  shall  be  deceived  by  the  shadow  and  thus  fail  to 
secure  the  substance.  Peace  on  the  basis  of  disunion 


THE  CAPITOL  AT  WASHINGTON.  THE  SCENE  OF  BLAINE’S  GREAT  ACHIEVEMENTS. 


104 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


is  a delusion.  It  is  no  peace  at  all.  It  is  but  the 
beginning  of  war — more  wasteful,  more  destructive, 
more  cruel  than  we  have  thus  far  experienced.  Those 
who  cry  for  the  “ immediate  cessation  of  the  war  ” are 
the  best  advocates  of  its  endless  continuance.  They 
mean  peace  by  the  recognition  of  Rebel  Independence, 

and  Rebel  Independ- 
ence is  absolutely  in' 
compatible  with  peace. 

Among  the  cherished 
errors  of  those  who  are 
willing  to  acknowledge 
the  Southern  Confed- 
eracy as  the  basis  of 
peace,  the  most  fatal  is 
that  which  assumes  the 
continued  union,  har- 
mony, and  power  of 
the  loyal  States.  This 
cannot  be.  Contentions 
and  strifes  without  num- 
ber would  at  once 
spring  up.  The  border 
States  would  be  con- 
vulsed with  a fierce 
contest  as  to  which  sec- 
tion they  would  adhere  to.  The  Pacific  slope,  to 
escape  the  dangers  and  constant  embroilments  which 
it  could  neither  control  nor  avoid,  would  naturally 
seek  for  independence;  and  the  Northwest,  if  it 
did  not  follow  the  example,  would  demand  such  a 
reconstruction  of  the  government  of  the  remaining 
States,  as  would  make  our  further  connection  there- 
with undesirable,  if  not  absolutely  intolerable.  In 
short,  disunion  upon  the  line  of  the  revolted  States 


W.  P.  FRYE. 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


105 


would  involve  the  total  and  speedy  disintegration  of 
the  Federal  Government,  and  we  would  find  ourselves 
launched  on  “ a sea  of  troubles,”  with  no  pilot  capable 
of  holding  the  helm,  and  no  chart  to  guide  us  on  our 
perilous  voyage. 

There  is  indeed  but  one  path  of  safety,  and  that  is 
likewise  the  path  of  honor  and  of  interest.  We  must 
preserve  the  Union.  Differ  as  we  may  as  to  the  meas- 
ures necessary  to  that  end,  there  shall  be  no  difference 
among  loyal  men  as  to  the  end  itself.  No  sacrifice  we 
can  make  in  our  efforts  to  save  the  Union  is  compar- 
able with  that  we  should  all  make  in  losing  it.  He  is 
the  enemy  to  both  sections  and  to  the  common  cause 
of  humanity  and  civilization,  who  is  willing  to  conclude 
the  war  by  surrendering  the  Union  ; and  the  most 
alarming  development  of  the  times  is  the  disposition 
manifested  by  leading  journals,  by  public  men,  and  by 
political  conventions  in  the  loyal  States  to  accept  this 
conclusion.  For  myself,  in  the  limited  sphere  of  my 
influence  I shall  never  consent  to  such  a delusive 
settlement  of  our  troubles.  Neither  at  the  polls  as 
an  American  citizen,  nor  in  Congress  as  a Represent- 
ative (should  I again  be  chosen),  will  I ever  give  a 
vote  admitting  even  the  possibility  of  ultimate  failure 
in  this  great  struggle  for  Nationality. 

Very  respectfully  your  obd’t  servant, 

J.  G.  Blaine. 

AGAIN  IN  WASHINGTON. 

To  nominate  Mr.  Blaine  for  any  office  in  Maine  was 
equivalent  to  electing  him.  The  will  of  the  people 
was  that  he  should  serve  a second  term  in  Congress, 
and  should  continue  to  take  a prominent  part  in 
National  legislation.  During  his  first  term  he  had 


106  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES -G.  BLAINE. 

been  a member  of  the  Committee  on  Military  Affairs, 
which  was  second  in  importance  to  no  other  com- 
mittee at  this  time.  Upon  his  re-election  as  represent- 
ative he  resumed  his  position  on  this  committee,  and 
was  also  appointed  on  the  Committee  on  War  Debts 
of  Loyal  States. 

In  both  these  positions  Mr.  Blaine  was  active.  He 
took  the  ground  that  the  loyal  States  ought  to  be  re- 
imbursed by  the  Gov- 
ernment for  their  war 
expenses,  and  brought 
forward  a proposition 
to  that  effect.  Never 
half-hearted  in  any- 
thing he  undertook, 
he  was  very  earnest 
and  persistent  in  his 
advocacy  of  this 
measure,  summoning 
all  his  eloquence,  re- 
sources, and  great 
qualities  of  leadership 
in  carrying  it  to  a suc- 
cessful issue.  In  fact, 
his  achievement  was 
so  brilliant  that  from  this  time  he  was  regarded  as  the 
foremost  leader  of  his  party.  Such  a courageous,  wise, 
dashing,  magnetic  man  was  needed  to  bring  together 
and  hold  in  invincible  unity  the  various  elements  of 
the  great  Union  party,  and  lead  it  to  victories  in  the 


WILLIAM  R.  MORRISON. 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


107 


Nation’s  capitol  as  magnificent  as  it  had  achieved  on 
the  field  of  battle. 

A MEMORABLE  SPEECH. 

The  measure  for  reimbursing  the  loyal  States  for 
their  war  expenses  was  advocated  by  Mr.  Blaine  in  a 
masterly  and  convincing  speech.  The  proposition 
came  up  in  a Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on 
April  12,  1864,  on  a special  order  to  reimburse  the 
State  of  Pennsylvania  for  its  expenses  in  calling  out 
the  militia  during  the  invasion  of  that  State  by  the  Con- 
federate armies.  Mr.  Blaine  moved  to  substitute  for 
the  bill  introduced  by  Mr.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  a 
bill  to  reimburse  all  the  loyal  States  for  the  charges 
they  had  incurred. 

He  had  in  the  preceding  January  called  the  atten- 
tion of  the  House  to  this  subject  by  submitting  a res- 
olution, and  now  he  desired  the  action  of  the  House 
on  the  bill  proposed.  There  had  been,  he  urged,  a 
legitimate  expenditure  in  all  the  States  for  the  pur- 
pose of  suppressing  the  rebellion;  these  expenditures 
were  necessary  and  made  in  good  faith  for  the  defence 
and  preservation  of  the  national  life,  and  should  be 
refunded  by  the  National  Government.  Such  reim- 
bursement was  just  and  expedient,  and  ought  to  come 
from  the  National  Treasury.  In  the  course  of  his  re- 
marks Mr.  Blaine  said: 

If  the  twenty-four  loyal  States,  now  striving,  with 
patriotic  rivalry,  to  outdo  each  other  in  defending  and 
rescuing  the  nation  from  its  perils,  were  hereafter  to 
constitute  the  entire  Union,  there  might  be  nothing 


108 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


gained  and  nothing  lost  to  anyone  of  them,  by  consol- 
idating their  respective  war  debts  into  one  common 
charge  upon  the  aggregate  resources  of  the  nation. 
Under  such  circumstances  each  State  would  be  freed 
from  an  individual  tax  only  to  incur  a burden  of 
similar  magnitude  in  meeting  its  component  part  of 
the  total  national  debt. 

THE  UNION  SURE  TO  BE  RESTORED. 

But  the  actual  case,  presented  for  our  consideration 
and  decision,  is  far  different  from  this.  We  are  en- 
gaged in  a struggle  which  must  inevitably  result  in  re- 
storing to  loyalty,  and  to  duty,  eleven  States  now  in 
rebellion  against  the  authority  of  the  National  Gov- 
ernment. And  beyond  that,  as  a consequence  of  a re- 
stored Union,  and  of  the  boundless  prosperity  which 
awaits  the  auspicious  event,  our  vast  Western  domain 
will  be  peopled  witfy  a rapidity  exceeding  all  prece- 
dent, and  States  without  number  almost  will  spring 
into  existence,  to  add  to  the  strength  and  insure  the 
perp’etuity  of  our  Government. 

Well-considered  estimates  based  on  past  progress, 
and  the  established  ratio  of  our  advance  in  wealth  and 
population,  assure  us  that  within  less  than  a century 
from  this  time  we  shall  have  added  forty  new  States 
to  our  Union,  making,  with  the  number  now  compos- 
ing it,  a grand  total  of  seventy-five  prosperous  Com- 
monwealths. Were  it  not  for  the  blood  so  freely 
poured  out,  and  the  treasure  so  lavishly  expended  by 
the  twenty-four  loyal  States  represented  on  this  floor, 
the  eleven  States  now  in  revolt  would  not  be  saved 


" — ■ — 


ROSCOE  CONKLING. 


GEORGE  S.  BOUTWELL, 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


109 


from  self-destruction,  and  the  forty  States  so  speedily 
to  grow  up  in  the  Mississippi  valley  and  on  the  Pacific 
slope  would  never  come  into  existence. 

WHERE  THE  BURDEN  FALLS. 

Of  the  immense  national  debt  which  we  are  incur- 
ring in  this  struggle,  each  State  will,  of  course,  have 
to  bear  a share ; but  it  is  quite  manifest  that  for  two 
generations  to  come, 
owing-  to  our  established 
system  of  taxation,  the 
present  loyal  States  will 
have  to  endure  vastly 
the  larger  proportion  of 
the  total  burden.  Is  it 
fair  or  just,  that  in  addi- 
tion to  this  they  shall 
each  be  called  upon  to 
bear,  unaided,  a large 
local  debt,  necessarily, 
and  yet  generously,  in- 
curred in  aid  of  the  one 
common  object  of  pre- 
serving the  life  of  the 
whole  nation  ? 

The  question  which  I present,  therefore,  is  not  one 
for  dispute  or  difference  between  any  of  the  States 
here  represented,  for  they  all  have  a common  interest* 
in  adopting  the  proposed  measure.  The  financial  is- 
sue is  rather  between  the  twenty-four  loyal  States,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  eleven  revolted  States  together 


110 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


with  all  future  new  States  on  the  other.  We  have  it 
in  our  power  to-day  to  determine  the  matter  upon 
principles  of  the  highest  equity,  and  at  the  same  time 
for  the  interest  of  the  loyal  States,  who  are  bearing 
the  heat  and  burden  of  the  great  contest. 

The  war  closing  in  July,  1865,  will  leave  us  in  this 
condition:  a nation  numbering  some  thirty-three  mil- 
lions of  people,  owning  over  sixteen  thousand  millions 
of  property,  and  carrying  a debt  of  twenty-five  hun- 
dred millions  of  dollars.  The  proportion  between 
debt  and  property  will  be  just  about  the  same  that  it 
was  when  the  Union  was  formed,  while  the  ratio  of 
our  advance  and  the  largely  enhanced  productiveness 
of  agricultural,  manufacturing,  and  commercial  pur- 
suits, gives  the  present  generation  an  advantage  that 
renders  the  debt  far  less  burdensome  at  the  very 
outset. 

DEBT  INCURRED  BY  THE  REVOLUTION. 

And  if  the  revolutionary  debt  became  in  a very  brief 
period  so  light  as  to  be  unnoticed,  why  may  we  not, 
with  a vastly  accelerated  ratio  of  progress,  assume  a 
similar  auspicious  result  with  regard  to  the  debt  we 
are  now  contracting?  Were  our  future  advance  in 
wealth  and  population  to  be  no  more  rapid  than  Great 
Britain’s  has  been  since  1815,  we  should  at  the  close 
of  the  present  century  have  a population  of  forty-five 
million  souls,  and  a property  amounting  to  fifty  thou- 
sand millions  of  dollars.  Even  upon  this  ratio  of  prog- 
ress our  entire  debt  would  cease  to  be  felt  as  a bur- 
den. But  upon  the  increase  of  population  anddevel- 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


Ill 


opment  of  wealth  to  be  so  assuredly  anticipated,  the 
debt  would  be  so  small,  in  comparison  with  the  total 
resources  of  the  nation,  as  to  become  absolutely  incon- 
siderable. 

To  those  who  may  be  disposed  to  doubt  the  future 
progress  of  our  country  according  to  the  ratio  as- 
sumed, a few  familiar  considerations  in  respect  to  our 
resources  may  be  recalled  with  advantage.  We  oc- 
cupy a territory  at  least  three  million  square  miles  in 
extent ; within  a fraction  as  large  as  the  whole  of 
Europe;  Our  habitable  and  cultivable  area  is  indeed 
larger  than  that  of  all  Europe,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
superior  fertility  and  general  productiveness  of  our 
soil. 

So  vast  is  our  extent  that  though  we  may  glibly  re- 
peat its  numerical  measure,  we  find  it  most  difficult  to 
form  any  just  conception  of  it.  The  State  of  Texas 
alone  is  equal  in  area  to  the  empire  of  France  and 
the  kingdom  of  Portugal  united  ; and  yet  these  two 
monarchies  support  a population  of  forty  millions, 
while  Texas  has  but  six  hundred  thousand  inhabitants. 

OUR  GREAT  STATES. 

Or,  if  we  wish  for  a comparative  measure  nearer 
home,  let  me  state  that  the  area  of  Texas  is  greater 
than  that  of  the  six  New  England  States,  together  with 
New  York  and  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  and 
Ohio  and  Indiana  all  combined.  California,  the  second 
State  in  size,  is  equal  in  extent  to  the  kingdom  of 
Spain  and  the  kingdom  of  Belgium  together.  Spain 
and  Belgium  have  twenty  millions  of  people,  while 


112 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


California  has  not  half  a million.  And  we  might 
pursue  this  species  of  comparison  almost  indefinitely, 
clearly  showing  that  in  capacity  and  assured  destiny 
our  individual  States,  if  peaceful  and  united,  are  to 


become  as  wealthy,  as  populous,  and  as  powerful  as 
the  separate  great  nations  of  Europe. 

Mere  territorial  extent  does  not,  of  course,  imply 
future  greatness,  though  it  is  one  great  requisite  to  it. 
And  in  our  case  it  is  so  vast  an  element  that  we  may 
be  pardoned  for  dwelling  on  it  with  emphasis  and 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


113 


iteration.  The  land  that  is  still  in  the  hands  of  our 
Government,  not  sold  nor  even  pre-empted,  amounts 
to  a thousand  millions  of  acres — an  extent  of  territory 
thirteen  times  as  large  as  Great  Britain,  and  equal  in 
area  to  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe,  with  Russia  and 
Turkey  alone  excepted. 

THE  NATION’S  WEALTH. 

Combined  with  this  afinost  limitless  expanse  of 
territory  we  have  facilities  for  the  acquisition  and 
consolidation  of  wealth — varied,  magnificent,  and  im- 
measurable. Our  agricultural  resources,  bounteous 
and  boundless  by  nature,  are,  by  the  application  of 
mechanical  skill  and  labor-saving  machinery,  receiving 
a development  each  decade,  which  a century  in  the 
past  would  have  failed  to  secure,  and  which  a century 
in  the  future  will  place  beyond  all  present  power  of 
computation — giving  us  so  far  the  lead  in  the  produc- 
tion of  those  staple  articles  essential  to  life  and  civili- 
zation that  we  become  the  arbiter  of  the  world’s 
destiny  without  aiming  at  the  world’s  empire. 

The  single  State  of  Illinois,  cultivated  to  its  capacity, 
can  produce  as  large  a crop  of  cereals  as  has  ever 
been  grown  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States ; 
while  Texas,  if  peopled  but  half  as  densely  as  Mary- 
land even,  could  give  an  annual  return  of  cotton  larger 
than  the  largest  that  has  ever  been  grown  in  all  the 
cotton  States  together.  Our  facilities  for  commerce 
and  exchange,  both  domestic  and  foreign — who  shall 
measure  them  ? Our  oceans,  our  vast  inland  seas,  our 
marvelous  and  unlimited  flow  of  navigable  streams, 
8 


114 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


our  canals,  our  network  of  railroads  more  than  thirty 
thousand  miles  in  extent,  greater  than  the  railroads 
of  all  Europe  and  all  the  world  besides — these- give,  us 
avenues  of  trade  and  channels  of  communication,  both 
natural  and  artificial,  such  as  no  other  nation  has  ever 
enjoyed,  and  which  tend  to  the  production  of  wealth 
with  a rapidity  not  to  be  measured  by  any  standard 
of  the  past. 

The  enormous  field  for  manufacturing  industry  in 
all  its  complex  and  endless  variety — with  our  raw 
material,  our  wonderful  motive-power  both  by  water 
and  steam,  our  healthful  climate,  our  cheap  carriage, 
our  home  consumption,  our  foreign  demand — fore- 
shadows a traffic  whose  magnitude  and  whose  profit 
will  in  no  long  period  surpass  the  gigantic  industrial 
system  of  Great  Britain,  where  to-day  the  cunning 
hands  of  ten  million  artisans  accomplish,  with  mechan- 
ical aid,  the  work  of  six  hundred  millions  of  men  ! 

OUR  IMMENSE  RESOURCES. 

Our  mines  of  gold  and  silver  and  iron  and  copper 
and  lead  and  coal,  with  their  untold  and  unimaginable 
wealth,  spread  over  millions  of  acres  of  territory,  in 
the  valley,  on  the  mountain-side,  along  rivers,  yielding 
already  a rich  harvest,  are  destined  yet  to  increase  a 
thousand-fold,  until  their  every-day  treasures, 

“ familiar  grown, 

Shall  realize  Orient’s  fabled  wealth.” 

These  are  the  great  elements  of  material  progress ; 
and  they  comprehend  the  entire  circle  of  human  enter- 
prise-agriculture, commerce,  manufactures,  mining. 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


115 


They  assure  to  us  a growth  in  property  and  popula- 
tion that  will  surpass  the  most  sanguine  deductions 
of  our  census  tables,  framed  as  those  tables  are  upon 
the  ratios  and  relations  of  our  progress  in  the  past. 
They  give  into  our  hands,  under  the  blessing  of 
Almighty  God,  the  power  to  command  our  fate  as  a 
Nation.  They  hold  out  to  us  the  grandest  future 
reserved  for  any  people  ; and  with  this  promise  they 
teach  us  the  lesson  of  patience,  and  make  confidence 
and  fortitude  a duty.  With  such  amplitude  and  afflu- 
ence of  resources,  and  with  such  a vast  stake  at  issue, 
we  should  be  unworthy  of  our  lineage  and  our  inheri- 
tance if  we  for  one  moment  distrusted  our  ability  to 
maintain  ourselves  a united  people,  with  “one  country, 
one  constitution,  one  destiny.” 

GRAPPLING  WITH  HARD  PROBLEMS. 

The  foregoing  tribute  to  the  loyal  States  is  as  just 
as  it  is  eloquent  It  reveals  the  masterly  thought  of 
the  statesman  and  the  wisdom  of  the  financier.  It 
ranks  among  the  great  deliverances  on  the  floor  of 
Congress  and  is  worthy  of  Henry  Clay  in  his  palmiest 
days. 

Mr.  Blaine  discussed  in  the  same  able  manner  other 
questions  which  came  before  Congress.  He  had  evi- 
dently made  a study  of  each,  and  his  speeches,  instead 
of  being  so  much  wind  and  tongue,  threw  light  on  the 
subjects  he  handled.  He  had  some  other  end  in  view 
than  to  draw  the  attention  of  his  constituents  to  the 
fact  that  he  was  making  harangues  in  Congress,  and 
therefore  they  were  to  conclude  that  they  were  ably 


116 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


represented.  He  did  not  speak  for  effect;  he  was  not 
constantly  shouting  “ Mr.  Speaker,”  in  order  to  figure 
in  newspaper  reports.  To  him  the  floor  of  Congress 
was  not  a place  for  empty  speech-making,  but  a tri- 
V bunal  where  the  questions  profoundly  agitating  the 
Nation  were  to  be  tried  and  settled  according  to 
enlightened  statesmanship,  and  in  keeping  with  the 
gravity  of  the  interests  at  stake. 

PROPOSITION  TO  TAX  EXPORTS. 

Looking  to  the  sources  whence  the  nation  could 
derive  the  immense  revenue  needed  for  its  war-debt, 
Mr.  Blaine  proposed  to  levy  a”  tax  on  exports.  This 
was  something  new,  and  coming  from  any  ordinary 
man  would  have  been  considered  audacious,  if  not 
absurd.  He  threw  around  it  such  charms  of  eloquence, 
gave  such  cogent  reasons  for  its  adoption,  and  was 
so  powerful  .in  sustaining  his  novel  views  that  his 
measure  attracted  universal  attention,  and  was  dis- 
cussed throughout  the  country. 

Mr.  Blaine  urged  that  such  a tax  was  now  needed 
“for  the  maintenance  of  our  National  credit,”  and  in 
the  conclusion  of  his  speech  followed  Mr.  Madison’s 
argument,  who  demanded  export  duties  for  the  “pur- 
pose of  encouraging  domestic  manufacturers  and  pro- 
curing equitable  treaties  of  commerce  with  foreign 
nations.”  He  spoke  next  of  the  subjects  liable  to  such 
taxation : 

The  General  ancj  obvious  distinction  is  to  tax  such 
and  such  only  as  have  no  competing  product  in  foreign 
marts,  or  at  all  events  such  weak  competition  as  will 


HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


UNITED  STATES  SENATE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


117 


<jive  us  the  command  of  the  market  after  the  com- 

o 

modity  has  paid  its  export  dues  in  this  country. 

EXPORTS  OF  COTTON. 

As  an  illustration,  take  cotton,  which  is  our  leading 
export  in  time  of  peace.  It  is  believed  with  confidence 
that  the  American  product  can  pay  an  export  tax  of 
five  cents  per  pound,  and  yet  with  ease  maintain  its 
pre-eminence  in  the  markets  of  England  and  the 
European  continent. 

Our  export  in  a single 
year  has  reached  three 
million  two  hundred 
thousand  bales  of  five 
hundred  pounds  each, 
and  it  would  rapidly  run 
beyond  that  figure  after 
peace  is  restored  and 
the  competition  of  free 
labor  is  applied  to  its 
production.  But  if  it 
should  never  go  beyond 
the  quantity  named,  an 
export  tax  of  five  cents 
per  pound  would  yield 
a revenue  of  eighty  million  dollars  from  this  single 
article,  as  any  one  will  see  by  a moment’s  calcula- 
tion. 

Tobacco  and  naval  stores  also  afford  a lame  mar- 

o 

gin  for  an  export  tax,  owing  to  the  superior  quality  and 
quantity  of  the  American  production  of  each  article. 


118 


LIFE  OF  BON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


THE  LUXURY  OF  TOBACCO. 

In  the  case  of  tobacco,  might  we  not,  at  all  events, 
share  with  foreign  nations  the  advantage  of  the 
enormous  tax  which  this  article  of  luxury  will  bear, 
making  them  pay  a moiety  into  our  coffers  instead  of 
monopolizing  it  all  for  their  own  ? Should  petroleum 
continue  to  be  developed  in  such  immense  quantities, 
without  being  found  elsewhere,  it,  too,  will  in  due  time 
bear  a very  considerable  export  tax,  as,  indeed,  will  all 
articles  (without  attempting  their  specific  enumeration) 
whose  production  is  peculiar  to  this  country,  or  whose 
quality  may  be  greatly  superior  to  products  of  similar 
kind  in  other  countries,  or,  in  the  comprehensive  phrase 
of  Mr.  Madison,  “articles  in  which  America  is  not 
rivaled  in  foreign  markets.” 

The  fear  that  has  often  been  expressed,  that  the 
Congressional  power  to  tax  exports  might  be  used  to 
oppress  certain  sections,  and  to  discriminate  against 
particular  commodities,  is  manifestly  groundless.  It 
is  always  safe  to  trust  to  self-interest  in  a nation  as 
well  as  in  an  individual.  The  highest  National  in- 
terest  in  the  matter  we  are  discussing  is  to  encourage 
exports  in  every  honorable  and  practicable  way ; and 
the  moment  that  an  export  tax  should  tend  to  check 
or  decrease  exportation,  that  moment  it  would  be 
abolished  or  reduced. 

Of  course,  there  must  be  exportation  before  revenue 
can  be  derived  from  an  export  tax,  and  hence  I repeat 
that  the  interest  which  underlies  the  whole  design 
affords  the  most  absolute  guaranty  against  any  op- 


SECOND  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


119 


pressive  attempt  to  discriminate  against  any  section 
or  any  particular  commodity. 

EXPENSE  OF  COLLECTION. 

Not  the  least  advantage,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  this  mode 
of  collecting  the  tax,  is  the  cheapness  with  which  it 
can  be  done.  The  points  of  shipment  of  cotton  are 
so  few  that  you  may  count  them  on  your  fingers;  and 
the  tendency,  owing  to  the  converging  of  water-courses 
and  railroad  lines,  is  against  any  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  these  ports.  The  same  officers  of  customs, 
that  are  already  there,  to  collect  your  tariff  duties,  can 
perform  the  labor  of  collecting  the  export  duties,  with- 
out a dollar's  additional  expense,  beyond  the  salaries 
of  clerks  that  the  increase  of  business  might  demand. 

Compare  with  this  the  vast  expense  of  sending  an 
army  of  excisemen  throughout  all  the  cotton  and 
tobacco  plantations,  and  you  will  find  that  the  system 
of  export  duties  would  effect  a saving  of  millions  to 
the  Government,  simply  in  the  mode  of  collection. 
And,  sir,  you  could  invent  no  more  offensive  system 
of  taxation  than  would  be  involved  in  sending  your 
Government  agents  to  every  rural  home  in  the  plant- 
ing regions,  to  interrogate  the  farmer  as  to  the  num- 
ber of  bales  in  his  cotton  crop,  or  how  many  pounds 
of  tobacco  he  had  raised.  The  officials,  who  should 
perambulate  the  country  on  such  errands,  would  ac- 
quire, in  popular  opinion,  as  bad  a reputation  as  Dr. 
Johnson,  in  his  Dictionary,  fastened  on  the  English  ex- 
ciseman, “ an  odious  wretch,  employed  to  collect  an 
unjust  tax.” 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Third  Term  in  Congress. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  in  Congress  to  remain.  He  would 
have  been  compelled  to  fight  his  way  out  if  he  had 
wished  to  retire.  Having-  become  the  most  command- 
ing  figure  in  the  council  of  the  Nation,  he  was  ex- 
pected to  remain  and  continue  his  career.  He  was 
by  this  time  a thoroughly  qualified  legislator ; his 
value  to  his  party  and  the  country  was  gratefully  rec- 
ognized ; in  every  position  assigned  him  he  had 
proved  his  conspicuous  ability  and  efficient  service, 
and  his  renomination  in  1868  came  as  a matter  of 
course.  It  was  felt,  not  merely  by  the  people  of  the 
district  he  represented,  but  by  his  party  throughout 
the  country,  that  he  was  needed  at  Washington,  and 
his  retirement  from  office  would  be  a public  calamity. 

The  question  of  the  hour  related  to  the  national 
currency.  Mr.  Blaine  had  long  studied  this  perplex- 
ing subject,  and  was  outspoken  in  the  expression  of 
his  views.  He  believed  in  an  “honest  dollar.”  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  introduced  his  cele- 
brated Gold  Bill,  and  Mr.  Blaine  moved  to  lay  it  on 
the  table.  In  doing  so  he  gave  one  of  his  inimitable 
thrusts  which  stabbed  the  Greenback  fallacy  to  the 
(120) 


THIRD  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


121 


quick.  “The  bill,”  he  said,  “aims  at  what  is  impossi- 
ble. You  cannot  make  a gold  dollar  worth  less  than 
it  is,  or  a paper  dollar  worth  more  than  it  is,  by  a 
Congressional  declaration.” 

He  also  made  a powerful  speech  in  favor  of  an 
“honest  dollar,”  which  was  one  of  the  most  important 
contributions  made  in  Congress  to  the  discussion  of 
the  vexed  question  upon  which  there  was  a great 
variety  of  opinion.  He  resolutely  opposed  the  views 
expressed  by  G.  H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  and  Benjamin 
F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts. 

SPEECH  ON  THE  CURRENCY. 

The  position  of  these  gentlemen  I understand  to  be 
simply  this : That  the  principal  of  the  United  States 
bonds,  known  as  the  Five-twenties,  may  be  fairly  and 
legally  paid  in  paper  currency  by  the  Government 
after  the  expiration  of  five  years  from  the  date  of  issue. 

A brief  review  of  the  origin  of  the  Five-twenty 
bonds  will  demonstrate,  I think,  that  this  position  is  in 
contravention  of  the  honor  and  good  faith  of  the 
National  Government ; that  it  is  hostile  to  the  spirit 
and  the  letter  of  the  law ; that  it  contemptuously  ig- 
nores the  common  understanding  between  borrower 
and  lender  at  the  time  the  loan  was  negotiated;  and 
that  finally,  even  if  such  mode  of  payment  were 
honorable  and  practicable,  it  would  prove  disastrous 
to  the  financial  interests  of  the  Government  and  the 
general  prosperity  of  the  country. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  suppose,  for  the  sake  of  argu- 
ment, we  admit  that  the  Government  may  fairly  and 


122 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


legally  pay  the  Five-twenty  bonds  in  paper  currency, 
what  then  ? I ask  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
to  tell  us,  what  then  ? It  is  easy,  I know,  to  issue  as 
many  greenbacks  as  will  pay  the  maturing  bonds,  re- 
gardless of  the  effect  upon  the  inflation  of  prices,  and 
the  general  derangement  of  business.  Five  hundred 
millions  of  the  Five-twenties  are  now  payable,  and  ac- 
cording to  the  easy  mode  suggested,  all  we  have  to  do 
is  to  set  the  printing-presses  in  motion,  and  “ so  long 
as  rags  and  lampblack  hold  out  ” we  need  have 
no  embarrassment  about  paying  our  National  Debt. 

ABSURD  INFLATION. 

But  the  ugly  question  recurs,  what  are  you  going 
to  do  with  the  greenbacks  thus  put  afloat  ? Five 
hundred  millions  this  year,  and  eleven  hundred  mil- 
lions more  on  this  theory  of  payment  by  the  year 
1872  ; so  that  within  the  period  of  four  or  five  years 
we  would  only  have  added  to  our  paper  money  the 
trifling-  inflation  of  sixteen  hundred  millions  of  dollars. 
We  should  all  have  splendid  times  doubtless  ! Wheat, 
under  the  new  dispensation,  ought  to  bring  twenty 
dollars  a bushel,  and  boots  would  not  be  worth  more 
than  two  hundred  dollars  a pair,  and  the  farmers  of 
our  country  would  be  as  well  off  as  Santa  Anna’s 
rabble  of  Mexican  soldiers,  who  were  allowed  ten  dol- 
lars a day  for  their  services  and  charged  eleven  for 
their  rations  and  clothing. 

The  sixteen  hundred  millions  of  greenbacks  added 
to  the  amount  already  issued,  would  give  us  some 
twenty-three  hundred  millions  of  paper  money,  and  I 


THIRD  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


123 


suppose  the  theory  of  the  new  doctrine  would  leave 
this  mass  permanently  in  circulation,  for  it  would 
hardly  be  consistent  to  advocate  the  redemption 
of  the  greenbacks  in  gold  after  having  repudiated  and 
foresworn  our  obligation  on  the  bonds. 

But  if  it  be  intended  to  redeem  the  legal  tenders  in 
gold,  what  will  have  been  the  net  gain  to  the  Govern- 
ment in  the  whole 
transaction?  If  any 
gentleman  will  tell  me, 

I shall  be  Mad  to  learn 

o 

how  it  would  be  easier 
to  pay  sixteen  hundred 
in  the 

redemption  of  green- 
backs, than  to  pay  the 
same  amount  in  the 
redemption  of  Five- 
twenty  bonds  ? The 
policy  advocated,  it 
seems  to  me,  has  only 
two  alternatives — the  benjamin  f.  butler. 
one  to  ruinously  inflate  the  currency  and  leave  it  so, 
reckless  of  results  ; the  other  to  ruinously  inflate  the 
currency  at  the  outset,  only  to  render  redemption  in 
gold  far  more  burdensome  in  the  end. 

THE  TRUE  REMEDY. 

The  remedy  for  our  financial  troubles,  Mr.  Speaker, 
will  not  be  found  in  a superabundance  of  depreciated 
paper  currency.  It  lies  in  the  opposite  direction — 


millions  in  gold 


124 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  the  sooner  the  nation  finds  itself  on  a specie 
basis,  the  sooner  will  the  public  treasury  be  freed  from 
embarrassment,  and  private  business  relieved  from 
discouragement.  Instead,  therefore,  of  entering  upon 
a reckless  and  boundless  issue  of  legal  tenders,  with 
their  consequent  depression  if  not  destruction  of 
value,  let  us  set  resolutely  to  work  and  make  those 
already  in  circulation  equal  to  as  many  gold  dol- 
lars. . 

Discarding  all  such  schemes  so  at  once  unworthy 
and  unprofitable,  let  us  direct  our  policy  steadily,  but 
not  rashly,  towards  the  resumption  of  specie  payment, 
and  when  we  have  attained  that  end — easily  attainable 
at  no  distant  day  if  the  proper  policy  be  pursued — we 
can  all  unite  on  some  honorable  plan  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  Five-twenty  bonds,  and  the  issuing  instead 
thereof  a new  series  of  bonds  which  can  be  more 
favorably  placed  at  a lower  rate  of  interest.  When 
we  shall  have  reached  the  specie  basis,  the  value  of 
United  States  securities  will  be  so  high  in  the  money 
market  of  the  world,  that  we  can  command  our  own 
terms. 

HONEST  MONEY  FOR  AN  HONEST  DEBT. 

We  can  then  call  in  our  Five-twenties  according  to 
the  very  letter  and  spirit  of  the  bond,  and  adjust  a 
new  loan  that  will  be  eagerly  sought  for  by  capitalists, 
and  will  be  free  from  those  elements  of  discontent  that 
in  some  measure  surround  the  existing  funded  debt 
of  the  country. 

And  this,  Mr.  Speaker,  we  shall  do.  Our  National 


WM.  B.  ALLISON. 


EUGENE  HALE 


THIRD  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


125 


honor  demands  it;  our  National  interest  equally  de- 
mands it.  We  have  vindicated  our  claim  to  the  highest 
heroism  on  a hundred  bloody  battle-fields,  and  have 
stopped  at  no  sacrifice  of  life  needful  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  our  National  integrity.  I am  sure  that  in 
the  pease  which  our  arms  have  conquered,  we  shall 
not  dishonor  ourselves  by  withholding  from  any  public 
creditor  a dollar  that  we  promised  to  pay  him,  nor 
seek  by  cunning  construction  and  clever  afterthought, 
to  evade  or  escape  the  full  responsibility  of  our  Na- 
tional indebtedness.  It  will  doubtless  cost  us  a vast 
sum  to  pay  that  indebtedness — but  it  would  cost  us 
incalculably  more  not  to  pay  it. 

A MAN  OF  MANY  AFFAIRS. 

Such  were  Mr.  Blaine’s  views  upon  the  currency. 
The  majority  of  his  countrymen  received  them  as  just 
and  sound ; the  average  common  sense  approved  them. 
A man  who  cannot  talk  common  sense  had  better  not 
talk  at  all ; Mr.  Blaine  demonstrated  his  right  to  talk 
by  talking  sense. 

He  was  extremely  active  during  this  term  in  Con- 
gress. He  had  already  proved  his  efficiency  as  a good 
committee-man,  and  many  committees  wanted  him. 
He  was  the  leading  spirit  in  the  House,  and  in  all  the 
multifarious  affairs  of  legislation  his  advice  was  sought 
and  his  co-operation  was  heartily  welcomed.  From 
the  appointment  of  a restaurant-keeper  for  the  Capitol 
up  to  the  drafting  of  a foreign  treaty  his  voice  was 
heard ; he  seemed  to  combine  a good  part  of  Congress 
in  his  own  person. 


126 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


One  of  the  subjects  much  debated  at  this  time  was 
the  basis  of  representation  in  Congress.  It  was  main- 
tained by  some  persons  that  the  basis  should  be  the 
number  of  voters ; others  argued  that  the  only  correct 
basis  is  the  number  of  population.  Mr.  Blaine  held 
to  the  latter  view,  and  was  opposed  by  so  powerful  a 
leader  and  parliamentarian  as  Roscoe  Conkling. 
Blaine  described  Conkling  as  “ presenting  the  spec- 
tacle of  the  waterman  in  the  Pilgrim  s Progress , who 
got  his  living  by  rowing  in  one  direction  while  looking 
in  another.”  He  then  proceeded  with  his  speech  as 
follows : 

BASIS  OF  REPRESENTATION  IN  CONGRESS. 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  present  session,  Mr. 
Chairman,  we  have  had  several  propositions  to  amend 
the  Federal  Constitution  with  respect  to  the  basis  of 
representation  in  Congress.  These  propositions  have 
differed  somewhat  in  phrase,  but  they  all  embrace 
substantially  the  one  idea  of  making  suffrage  instead 
of  population  the  basis  of  apportioning  Representa- 
tives ; or,  in  other  words,  to  give  the  States  in  future 
a representation  proportioned  to  their  voters  instead 
of  their  inhabitants. 

The  effect  contemplated  and  intended  by  this  change 
is  perfectly  well  understood,  and  on  all  hands  frankly 
avowed.  It  is  to  deprive  the  lately  rebellious  States 
of  the  unfair  advantage  of  a large  representation  in 
this  House,  based  on  their  colored  population,  so  long 
as  that  population  shall  be  denied  political  rights  by 
the  legislation  of  those  States.  The  proposed  consti- 


THIRD  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


127 


tutional  amendment  would  simply  say  to  those  States, 
while  you  refuse  to  enfranchise  your  black  population, 
you  shall  have  no  rep- 
resentation based  on 
their  numbers;  but  ad- 
mit them  to  civil  and 
political  rights,  and  they 
shall  at  once  be  counted 
to  your  advantage  in 
the  apportionment  of 
Representatives. 

The  direct  object 
thus  aimed  at,  as  it  re- 
spects the  rebellious 
States,  has  been  so 
generally  approved  that 
little  thought  seems  to 
have  been  given  to  the 


incidental  evils  which  roscoe  conkling. 

the  proposed  constitutional  amendment  would  inflict 
on  a large  portion  of  the  loyal  States — evils,  in  my 
judgment,  so  serious  and  alarming  as  to  lead  me  to 
oppose  the  amendment  in  any  form  in  which  it  has 
yet  been  presented. 

NON-VOTERS  TO  BE  CONSIDERED. 

As  an  abstract  proposition,  no  one  will  deny  that 
population  is  the  true  basis  of  representation ; for 
women,  children,  and  other  non-voting  classes  may 
have  as  vital  an  interest  in  the  legislation  of  the 
country  as  those  who  actually  deposit  the  ballot.  In- 


128 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


deed,  the  very  amendment  we  are  discussing  implies 
that  population  is  the  true  basis,  inasmuch  as  the 
exclusion  of  the  black  people  of  the  South  from  polit- 
ical rights  has  suggested  this  indirectly  coercive  mode 
of  securing  them  those  rights.  Were  the  negroes  to 
be  enfranchised  throughout  the  South  to-day,  no  one 
would  insist  on  the  adoption  of  this  amendment ; and 
yet  if  the  amendment  shall  be  incorporated  in  the 
Federal  Constitution,  its  incidental  evils  will  abide  in 
the  loyal  States  long  after  the  direct  evil  which  it  aims 
to  cure  may  have  been  eradicated  in  the  Southern 
States. 

Basing  representation  on  voters,  unless  Congress 
should  be  empowered  to  define  their  qualification, 
would  tend  to  cheapen  suffrage  everywhere.  There 
would  be  an  unseemly  scramble  in  all  the  States 
during  each  decade,  to  increase,  by  every  means,  the 
number  of  voters,  and  all  conservative  restrictions, 
such  as  the  requirement  of  reading  and  writing,  now 
enforced  in  some  of  the  States,  would  be  stricken  down 
in  a rash  and  reckless  effort  to  procure  an  enlarged 
representation  in  the  National  councils.  Foreigners 
would  be  invited  to  vote  on  a mere  preliminary  “dec- 
1 ation  of  intention.” 


REVIVAL  OF  AMERICAN  COMMERCE. 


''  It  has  long  been  a puzzle  to  many  reflecting  persons 
that  a country  like  ours  should  have  no  distinctively 
American  commerce.  Other  countries  are  mistresses 
of  the  seas.  Mr.  Blaine  had  some  plain  words  to 
speak  on  this  subject.  He  denounced  the  granting 


ISO 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


of  new  American  registers  to  ships  transferred  to 
foreign  owners  during  the  war,  and  upon  the  subject 
of  ship-building  said: 

One  word  more,  Mr.  Speaker.  The  whole  tone  of 
the  speeches  we  have  had  from  both  the  gentlemen 
from  Ohio  (Mr.  Spaulding  and  Mr.  Garfield)  was  for 
free  trade.  They  urge  that  we  shall  buy  our  ships 
wherever  we  can  get  them  cheapest,  and  that  all 
restrictions  as  to  registry  should  be  abolished.  Well, 
sir,  if  we  are  prepared  to  reduce  this  free  trade  theory 
to  practice,  why  not  have  it  in  everything  ? There  is 
no  branch  of  American  industry  that  is,  to-day,  so  little 
protected  and  so  much  oppressed  by  our  revenue  laws 
as  ship-building.  It  is  taxed  at  all  points,  and  nearly 
taxed  to  death  ; and  I submit  to  these  new  advocates 
of  free  trade  that  it  would  be  better  to  begin  with 
some  interest  that  is  essentially  protected  by  our  laws 
to-day. 

If  we  are  going  to  have  free  trade,  let  us  have  it 
equally  and  impartially  applied  to  all  the  industrial 
interests  of  the  land ; but  for  myself,  I am  opposed  to 
it  altogether.  In  theory  and  in  practice  I am  for  pro- 
tecting American  industry  in  all  its  forms,  and  to  this 
end  we  must  encourage  American  manufactures,  and 
we  must  equally  encourage  American  commerce. 

AN  HONORABLE  CAREER. 

It  would  be  impossible  within  the  limits  of  a single 
volume  to  detail  all  the  varied  and  eminent  services 
rendered  by  Mr.  Blaine  in  Congress.  He  stood  in  the 
eye  of  the  Nation.  His  course  was  marked  by  wise 


THIRD  TERM  IN  CONGRESS. 


131 


measures,  patriotic  impulses,  commanding  oratory  and 
far-sighted  statesmanship.  One  had  arisen  who  was 
a worthy  successor  of  the  Nation’s  most  illustrious 
sons ; he  was  looked  upon  as  a great  leader,  a sturdy 
defender  of  all  rightful  legislation,  and  a benefactor 
of  his  country  by  the  measures  he  advocated  in  the 
interest  of  all  her  citizens. 

When  he  received  his  nomination  in  1866,  an  influ- 
ential Democratic  journal  thus  expressed  its  satisfac- 
tion in  view  of  his  prospective  election  : “As  a ready 
and  forcible  debater,  a clear  reasoner,  a sound  legis- 
lator, fearless  advocate,  and  true  supporter  of  the 
principles  and  organization  of  the  party  of  Union  and 
Right,  he  has  made  a mark  in  the  annals  of  Congress 
of  which  he  and  those  who  elected  him  may  be  proud/’ 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  March  4,  1869.  He  was  elevated 
to  this  position  for  the  reason  that  no  other  member 
of  the  House  was  so  well  qualified  to  preside  over  its 
deliberations.  Even  when  in  college,  as  we  have  seen, 
he  was  a skilled  parliamentarian,  and  at  that  time  was 
able  to  guide  a deliberative  body  through  all  the  intri- 
cacies of  motions,  counter  motions,  amendments,  votes 
and  decisions.  He  was  even  then,  without  knowing 
it,  securing  the  training  which  afterward  was  to  give 
him  efficiency  and  distinction  in  the  Speaker’s  chair  at 
Washington. 

His  career  in  Congress  naturally  marked  him  out 
for  the  highest  distinction.  His  ability,  firmness  and 
self-possession,  had  been  proved  many  times,  and  it 
was  universally  conceded  that  he  would  grace  the 
chair  which  had  been  occupied  with  pre-eminent  ability 
by  Clay,  Banks,  and  other  great  leaders,  and  would 
add  lustre  and  dignity  to  the  high  position.  Looking 
back  now  at  his  Speakership,  it  may  safely  be  said 
that  history  will  assign  him  the  most  distinguished 
jplace  among  the  presiding  officers  of  the  House  of 
(132) 


BLAINE’S  RESIDENCE  AT  BAR  HARBOR,  MAINE. 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


133 


Representatives,  and  he  will  be  remembered  as 
Speaker  Blaine,  a title  that  will  distinguish  him  more 
than  any  other  he  ever  bore. 

Having  received  the  nomination  for  Speaker  in  the 
Republican  caucus,  he  was  elected  by  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  votes  against  fifty-seven  for  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate,  Hon.  Michael  C.  Kerr,  of  Indiana. 
Mr.  Kerr  was  an  able,  popular  and  active  Represent- 
ative, and  in  the  changes  of  party  precedent  and  power 
became  at  length  one  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  successors. 

o 

SPEECH  ON  TAKING  THE  CHAIR. 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives:  I 
thank  you  profoundly  for  the  great  honor  which  you 
have  just  conferred  upon  me.  The  gratification  which 
this  signal  mark  of  your  confidence  brings  to  me  finds 
its  only  drawback  in  the  diffidence  with  which  I as- 
sume the  weighty  duties  devolved  upon  me.  Succeed- 
ing to  a chair  made  illustrious  by  the  services  of  such 
eminent  statesmen  and  skilled  parliamentarians  as 
Clay,  and  Stevenson,  and  Polk,  and  Winthrop,  and 
Banks,  and  Grow,  and  Colfax,  I may  well  distrust  my 
ability  to  meet  the  just  expectations  of  those  who 
have  shown  me  such  marked  partiality.  But  relying, 
gentlemen,  on  my  honest  purpose  to  perform  all  my 
duties  faithfully  and  fearlessly,  and  trusting  in  a large 
measure  to  the  indulgence  which  I am  sure  you  will 
always  extend  to  me,  I shall  hope  to  retain,  as  I have 
secured  your  confidence,  your  kindly  regard  and  your 
generous  support. 

The  Forty-first  Congress  assembles  at  an  auspicious 


134 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


period  in  the  history  of  our  Government.  The  splen- 
did and  impressive  ceremonial  which  we  have  just 
witnessed  in  another  part  of  the  Capitol  appropriately 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT. 

* 

symbolizes  the  triumphs  of  the  past  and  the  hopes  of 
the  future. 

TRIBUTE  TO  GENERAL  GRANT. 

A great  chieftain,  whose  sword  at  the  head  of 
gallant  and  victorious  armies  saved  the  Republic  from 
dismemberment  and  ruin,  has  been  fitly  called  to  the 
highest  civic  honor  which  a grateful  people  can  be- 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


135 


stow.  Sustained  by  a Congress  that  so  ably  repre- 
sents the  loyalty,  the  patriotism,  and  the  personal 
worth  of  the  nation,  the  President  this  day  inaugurated 
will  assure  to  the  country  an  administration  of  purity, 
fidelity,  and  prosperity;  an  era  of  liberty  regulated 
by  law,  and  of  law  thoroughly  inspired  with  liberty. 

Congratulating  you,  gentlemen,  upon  the  happy 
auguries  of  the  day,  and  invoking  the  gracious  bless- 
ing of  Almighty  God  on  the  arduous  and  responsible 
labors  before  you,  I am  now  ready  to  take  the  oath  of 
office  and  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  the  duties  to 
which  you  have  called  me. 

TAKING  THE  OATH. 

The  Hon.  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois,  senior 
member  of  the  House,  then  administered  the  oath  of 
office. 

Mr.  Blaine  proved  at  once  his  fitness  for  the 
Speakership.  He  could  not  be  entangled  in  the 
meshes  of  parliamentary  tactics ; his  coolness  was 
conspicuous  on  all  occasions ; his  impartiality  was 
evident;  his  quick  decisions,  stood  the  test  of  parlia- 
mentary law.  In  the  wild  storm  of  debate  his  calm 
demeanor  and  guiding  hand  were  felt.  One  word 
from  him  would  cut  the  tangle  that  a moment  before 
appeared  to  be  hopeless.  He  was  impatient  of  delays, 
and  expedited  business  by  his  prompt  and  ready 
rulings. 

“ His  quickness,”  wrote  a well-informed  Washington 
correspondent,  “his  thorough  knowledge  of  parlia- 
mentary law  and  of  the  rules,  his  firmness,  clear  voice, 


136 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  impressive  manner,  his  ready  comprehension  of 
subjects  and  situations,  and  his  dash  and  brilliancy 
have  been  widely  recognized,  and  really  made  him  a 
great  presiding  officer.”  He  was  soon  celebrated  for 
his  disoatch  of  business. 

x. 

He  was  described  as  adverse  to  red  tape,  and  hav- 
ing an  admirable  faculty  for  cutting  corners  and 

knocking  away  obstruc- 
tions so  that  the  House 
could  go  by  the  most- 
direct  way  to  the  end  it 
was  seeking. 

No  man  since  Clay 
presided  with  such  an 
absolute  knowledge  of 
the  rules  of  the  House 
and  with  so  great  a 
mastery  in  the  rapid, 
intelligent,  and  faithful 
discharge  of  business. 
His  knowledge  of  parlia- 
mentary law  was  in- 
stinctive and  complete, 
and  his  administration 
of  it  so  fair  that  both  sides  of  the  House  united  at  the 
close  of  each  Congress  in  cordial  thanks  for  his  im- 
partiality. 

VOTE  OF  THANKS. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1871,  Blaine’s  first  term  as 
Speaker  came  to  an  end.  Mr.  S.  S.  Cox,  of  New 


HANNIBAL  HAMLIN. 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


137 


York,  his  old  opponent,  a consistent  and  courageous 
Democrat,  moved  a resolution  ot  thanks  to  Mr.  Blaine 
for  his  conduct  in  the  Chair.  It  was  in  the  following- 
terms  : 

Resolved,  In  view  of  the  difficulties  involved  in  the 
performance  of  the  du- 
ties of  the  presiding 
officer  of  this  House, 
and  of  the  able,  cour- 
teous, dignified,  and  im- 
partial discharge  of 
those  duties  by  Hon. 

J.  G.  Blaine  during  the 
present  Congress,  it  is 
eminentlv  becoming 
that  our  thanks  be  and 
they  are  hereby  ten- 
dered to  the  Speaker 
thereof. 

The  resolution  . was 
agreed  to  unanimously, 

o v 1 

and  the  retiring 
Speaker,  in  adjourning  the  House  at  noon,  pronounced 
the  valedictory  of  the  Forty-first  Congress  : 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives  : 
Our  labors  are  at  an  end  ; but  I delay  the  final  ad- 
journment long  enough  to  return  my  most  profound 
and  respectful  thanks  for  the  commendation  which  you 
have  been  pleased  to  bestow  upon  my  official  course 
and  conduct. 


138 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


GRATEFUL  AC KN 0 W LE D G M ENT. 

In  a deliberative  body  of  this  character  a presiding 
officer  is  iortunate  if  he  retains  the  confidence  and 
steady  support  of  his  political  associates.  Beyond 
that  you  give  me  the  assurance  that  I have  earned  the 
respect  and  good-will  of  those  from  whom  I am  sepa- 
rated by  party  lines.  Your  expressions  are  most 
grateful  to  me,  and  are  most  gratefully  acknowledged. 

The  Congress  whose  existence  closes  with  this  hour 
enjoys  a memorable  distinction.  It  is  the  first  in  which 
all  the  States  have  been  represented  on  this  floor 
since  the  baleful  winter  that  preceded  our  late  bloody 
war.  Ten  years  have  passed  since  then — years  of 
trial  and  of  triumph;  years  of  wild  destruction  and 
years  of  careful  rebuilding  ; and  after  all,  and  as  the 
result  of  all,  the  National  Government  is  here  to-day, 
united,  strong,  proud,  defiant,  and  just,  with  a terri- 
torial area  vastly  expanded,  and  with  three  additional 
States  represented  on  the  folds  of  its  flag.  For  these 
prosperous  fruits  of  our  great  struggle  let  us  humbly 
give  thanks  to  the  God  of  battles  and  to  the  Prince 
of  Peace. 

And  now,  gentlemen,  with  one  more  expression  of 
the  obligation  I feel  for  the  considerate  kindness  with 
which  you  have  always  sustained  me,  I perform  the 
only  remaining  duty  of  my  office,  in  declaring,  as  I 
now  do,  that  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
Forty-first  Congress  is  adjourned  without  day. 

RE-ELECTED  SPEAKER. 

The  Forty-second  Congress  met  on  the  following 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


139 


day.  It  was  a foregone  conclusion  that  the  popular 
Speaker  of  the  House  would  be  honored  again  by  his 
associates.  He  received  126  votes,  and  the  opposing 


WILLIAM  A.  WHEELER. 

candidate,  G.  W.  Morgan,  of  Ohio,  received  92  votes, 
Mr.  Blaine  spoke  as  follows  : 

Gentlemen  : The  Speakership  of  the  American 
House  of  Representatives  has  always  been  esteemed 
as  an  enviable  honor.  A re-election  to  the  position 
carries  with  it  peculiar  gratification,  in  that  it  implies 
an  approval  of  past  official  bearing.  For  this  great 


140 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


mark  of  your  confidence  I can  but  return  to  you  my 
sincerest  thanks,  with  the  assurance  of  my  utmost 
devotion  to  the  duties  which  you  call  upon  me  to  dis- 
charge. 

Chosen  by  the  party  representing  the  political 
majority  in  this  House,  the  Speaker  owes  a faithful 
allegiance  to  the  principles  and  the  policy  of  that  party. 
But  he  will  fall  far  below  the  honorable  requirements 
of  his  station  if  he  fails  to  give  to  the  minority  their 
full  rights  under  the  rules  which  he  is  called  upon  to 
administer.  The  successful  working  of  our  grand 
system  of  government  depends  largely  upon  the  vigi- 
lance of  party  organizations,  and  the  most  wholesome 
legislation  which  this  House  produces  and  perfects  is 
that  which  results  from  opposing  forces  mutually 
eager,  watchful  and  well-nigh  balanced  in  numbers. 

A PROSPEROUS  LAND. 

The  Forty-second  Congress  assembles  at  a period 
of  general  content,  happiness,  and  prosperity  through- 
out the  land.  Under  the  wise  administration  of  the 
National  Government,  peace  reigns  in  all  our  borders, 
and  the  only  serious  misunderstanding  with  any  foreign 
power  is,  we  may  hope,  at  this  moment  in  process  of 
honorable,  cordial,  and  lasting  adjustment.  We  are 
fortunate  in  meeting  at  such  a time,  in  representing 
such  constituencies,  in  legislating  for  such  a country. 

Trusting,  gentlemen,  that  our  official  intercourse 
may  be  free  from  all  personal  asperity,  believing  that 
all  our  labors  will  eventuate  for  the  public  good,  and 
craving  the  blessing  of  Him  without  wrhose  aid  we 


WILLIAM  R.  MORRISON. 


SPEAKER  OP  THE  HOUSE. 


141 


labor  in  vain,  I am  now  ready  to  proceed  with  the 
further  organization  of  the  House  ; and,  as  the  first 
step  thereto,  I will  myself  take  the  oath  prescribed  by 
the  Constitution  and  laws. 

“ ABLE,  PROMPT  AND  IMPARTIAL.” 

Mr.  Dawes,  of  Massachusetts,  who  had  served  the 
longest  continuously  in  the  House,  then  administered 
the  oath. 

Again,  at  the  close  of  the  second  session  of  the 
Forty-second  Congress,  a vote  of  thanks  was  moved 
by  Mr.  Samuel  J.  Randall,  of  his  native  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania, “for  the  able,  prompt,  and  impartial  manner 
in  which  he  has  discharged  the  duties  of  his  office,” 
during  the  second  session,  and  on  the  final  dissolution 
on  the  3d  of  March,  1873,  Mr.  Dan.  Voorhees,  of  In- 
diana, addressing  the  temporary  chairman,  Mr.  W.  A. 
Wheeler,  of  New  York,  said: 

I rise  to  present  a matter  to  the  House  in  which  I 

am  sure  every  member  will  concur.  In  doing  so  I 

perform  the  most  pleasant  duty  of  my  entire  service 

on  this  floor.  I offer  the  following- resolution.  It  has 

«_> 

the  sincere  sanction  of  my  head  and  of  my  heart.  I 
move  its  adoption. 

Then,  amid  the  silence  of  the  crowded  hall,  the 
Clerk  of  the  House  read  as  follows: 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  House  are  due, 
and  are  hereby  tendered,  to  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  for 
the  distinguished  ability  and  impartiality  with  which 
he  has  discharged  the  duty  of  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  the  Forty-second  Congress. 


142 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


The  resolution  was  adopted  unanimously. 

FOUR  YEARS  OF  SERVICE. 

On  the  same  day,  in  adjourning  the  House  sine  die , 
Mr.  Blaine  spoke  as  follows: 

Gentlemen  : For  the  forty-second  time  since  the 
Federal  Government  was  organized,  its  great  repre- 
sentative body  stands  on  the  eve  of  dissolution.  The 
final  word  which  separates  us  is  suspended  for  a 
moment  that  I may  return  my  sincere  thanks  for  the 
kind  expressions  respecting  my  official  conduct,  which, 
without  division  of  party,  you  have  caused  to  be  en- 
tered on  your  journal. 

At  the  close  of  four  years’  service  in  this  responsi- 
ble and  often  trying  position,  it  is  a source  of  honor- 
able pride  that  I have  so  administered  my  trust  as  to 
secure  the  confidence  and  approbation  of  both  sides 
of  the  House.  It  would  not  be  strange  if,  in  the 
necessarily  rapid  discharge  of  the  daily  business,  I 
should  have  erred  in  some  of  the  decisions  made  on 
points,  and  often  without  precedent  to  guide  me.  It 
has  been  my  good  fortune,  however,  to  be  always  sus- 
tained by  the  House,  and  in  no  single  instance  to  have 
had  a ruling  reversed.  I advert  to  this  gratifying  fact, 
to  quote  the  language  of  the  most  eloquent  of  my 
predecessors,  “ in  no  spirit  of  exaltation,  but  as  fur- 
nishing a powerful  motive  for  undissembled  gratitude.” 

And  now,  gentlemen,  with  a hearty  God  bless  you 
all,  I discharge  my  only  remaining  duty  in  declaring 
that  the  House  of  Representatives  for  the  Forty-second 
Congress  is  adjourned  without  day. 


SPEAKER  OP  THE  HOUSE. 


143 


THIRD  ELECTION. 

For  the  third  time,  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  was 
elected  Speaker  of  the  United  States  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives on  December  2,  1873.  He  was  con- 
ducted to  the  chair  by  Mr.  Maynard,  of  Tennessee, 
and  Mr.  Wood,  of  New  York,  and  spoke  as  follows: 

Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives  : 
The  vote  this  moment 
announced  by  the  Clerk 
is  such  an  expression  of 
your  confidence  as  calls 
for  my  sincerest  thanks, 

To  be  chosen  Speaker 
of  the  American  House 
of  Representatives  is 
always  an  honorable 
distinction;  to  be 
chosen  a third  time 
enhances  the  honor 
more  than  three-fold ; 
to  be  chosen  by  the 
largest  body  that  ever 
assembled  in  the  Capi- 
tol imposes  a burden 
of  responsibility  which  only  your  indulgent  kindness 
could  embolden  me  to  assume. 

The  first  occupant  of  this  chair  presided  over  a 
House  of  sixty-five  members,  representing  a popula- 
tion far  below  the  present  aggregate  of  the  State  of 
New  York.  At  that  time  in  the  whole  United  States 


144 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


there  were  not  fifty  thousand  civilized  inhabitants  to 
be  found  oge  hundred  miles  distant  from  the  flow  of 
the  Atlantic  tide. 

MARVELLOUS  GROWTH. 

To-dav,  gentlemen,  a large  body  of  you  come  from 
beyond  that  limit,  and  represent  districts  then  peopled 
only  by  the  Indian  and  adventurous  frontiersman.  The 
National  Government  is  not  yet  as  old  as  many  of  its 
citizens  ; but  in  this  brief  span  of  time,  less  than  one 
lengthened  life,  it  has,  under  God’s  providence,  ex- 
tended its  power  until  a continent  is  the  field  of  its 
empire,  and  attests  the  majesty  of  its  law. 

With  the  growth  of  new  States  and  the  resultant 
changes  in  the  centres  of  population,  new  interests 
are  developed,  rival  to  the  old,  but  by  no  means  hos- 
tile, diverse,  but  not  antagonistic.  Nay,  rather  are 
all  these  interests  in  harmony ; and  the  true  science 
of  just  government  is  to  give  to  each  its  full  and  fair 
play,  oppressing  none  by  undue  exaction,  favoring 
none  by  undue  privilege.  It  is  this  great  lesson  which 
our  daily  experience  is  teaching  us,  binding  us  together 
more  closely,  making  our  mutual  dependence  more 
manifest,  and  causing  us  to  feel,  whether  we  live  in 
the  North  or  in  the  South,  in  the  East  or  in  the  West, 
that  we  have  indeed  but  “one  country,  one  Constitu- 
tion. one  destiny.” 

VALEDICTORY  ADDRESS. 

At  the  close  of  the  session,  March  3,  1875,  Mr. 
Blaine  addressed  the  House  in  a very  impressive  man- 
ner. He  took  farewell  of  the  expiring  Congress  and 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


145 


* 


of  his  own  office  as  Speaker.  After  the  customary 
vote  of  thanks  he  spoke  as  follows  : 

Gentlemen  : I close  with  this  hour  a six  years’  ser- 
vice as  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives — a 
period  surpassed  in  length  by  but  two  of  my  predeces- 
sors, and  equaled  by  only  two  others.  The  rapid 
mutations  of  personal  and  political  fortunes  in  this 
country  have  limited  the  great  majority  of  those  who 
have  occupied  this  Chair  to  shorter  terms  of  office. 

It  would  be  the  gravest  insensibility  to  the  honors 
and  responsibilities  of  life,  not  to  be  deeply  touched 
by  so  signal  a mark  of  public  esteem  as  that  which 
I have  thrice  received  at  the  hands  of  my  political  as- 
sociates. I desire  in  this  last  moment  to  renew  to 

A POST  OF  DIGNITY  AND  RESPONSIBILITY, 
them,  one  and  all,  my  thanks  and  my  gratitude. 

To  those  from  whom  I differ  in  my  party  relations 
— the  minority  of  this  House — I tender  my  acknowl- 
edgments for  the  generous  courtesy  with  which  they 
have  treated  me.  By  one  of  those  sudden  and  de- 
cisive changes  which  distinguish  popular  institutions, 
and  which  conspicuously  mark  a free  people,  that 
minority  is  transformed  in  the  ensuing  Congress  to 
the  governing  power  of  the  House.  However  it 
might  possibly  have  been  under  other  circumstances, 
that  event  renders  these  words  my  farewell  to  the 
Chair. 

The  Speakership  of  the  American  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives is  a post  of  honor,  of  dignity,  of  power,  of 
responsibility.  Its  duties  are  at  once  complex  and 
10 


146 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


continuous  ; they  are  both  onerous  and  delicate  ; they 
are  performed  in  the  broad  light  of  day,  under  the  eye 
of  the  whole  people,  subject  at  all  times  to  the  closest 
observation,  and  always  attended  with  the  sharpest 
criticism.  I think  no  other  official  is  held  to  such  in- 
stant and  such  rigid  accountability.  Parliamentary 
rulings  in  their  very  nature  are  peremptory  ; almost 
absolute  in  authority  and  instantaneous  • in  effect. 
They  cannot  always  be  enforced  in  such  a way  as  to 
win  applause  or  secure  popularity  ; but  I am  sure  that 
no  man  of  any  party  who  is  worthy  to  fill  this  Chair 
will  ever  see  a dividing  line  between  duty  and 
policy. 

Thanking  you  once  more,  and  thanking  you  most 
cordially  for  the  honorable  testimonial  you  have  placed 
on  record  to  my  credit,  I perform  my  only  remaining 
duty  in  declaring  that  the  Forty-third  Congress  has 
reached  its  constitutional  limit,  and  that  the  House  of 
Representatives  stands  adjourned  without  day. 

SHARP  SKIRMISH  WITH  BEN..  BUTLER. 

The  retiring  Speaker’s  words  thrilled  the  immense 
assemblage.  Cheers  and  shouts  of  approval  attested 
his  popularity.  Says  an  eye-witness:  “ Never  before 
was  witnessed  such  a scene  at  the  close  of  Congress.” 
The  attack  upon  him  by  B.  F.  Butler  will  have  a 
special  interest  to  the  reader.  On  the  1 6th  of  March, 
1871,  when  the  House  was  debating  a resolution  pro- 
viding for  an  investigation  into  alleged  outrages  upon 
loyal  citizens  of  the  South,  Mr.  Butler  bitterly  assailed 
Mr.  Blaine,  and  censured  him  for  being  the  author 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


147 


of  the  resolution  and  securing  its  adoption  by  a Re- 
publican caucus.  The  following  sharp  discussion  en- 
sued : 

Mr.  Blaine — I nominated  Mr.  Butler  chairman  of 
the  committee,  because  I knew  that  if  I omitted  the 
appointment  of  the  gentleman,  it  would  be  heralded 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  country,  by 
the  clacqueurs  who  have  so  industriously  distributed 
this  letter  this  morning,  that  the  Speaker  had  packed 
the  committee,  as  the  gentleman  sa;cj  }le  would,  with 
“ weak-kneed  Republicans,”  who  would  not  go  into  an 
investioation  vigorously,  as  he  would.  That  was  the 
reason.  So  that  the  Chair  laid  the  responsibility  upon 
the  gentleman  of  declining  the  appointment. 

Mr.  Butler — I knew  that  was  the  trick  of  the  Chair. 

Mr.  Blaine — Ah,  the  “ trick  ! ” We  now  know  what 
the  gentleman  meant  by  the  word  “ trick.”  I am  very 
glad  to  know  that  the  “ trick  ” was  successful. 

Mr.  Butler — No  doubt. 

Mr.  Blaine — It  is  this  “trick”  which  places  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts  on  his  responsibility 
before  the  country. 

Then  he  defied  Mr.  Butler  to  name  any  members 
who  had  voted  under  coercion  ; and  on  his  refusal  to 
do  so,  on  the  plea  that  he  could  .not  violate  private 
conversations,  the  Speaker  exclaimed : * 

Oh,  no;  but  you  will  distribute  throughout  the  entire 
country  unfounded  calumnies  purporting  to  rest  upon 
assertions  made  in  private  conversations,  which,  when 
called  for,  cannot  be  verified. 


148 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Mr.  Butler — Pardon  me,  sir.  I said  there  was  a 
caucus 

Mr.  Blaine — I hope  God  will  pardon  you  ; but  you 
ought  not  to  ask  me  to  do  it ! 

Mr.  Butler— I will  ask  God,  and  not  you. 

Mr.  Blaine — I am  glad  the  gentleman  will. 

Mr.  Butler — I have  no  favors  to  ask  of  the  devil. 

THE  PARTY  CAUCUS. 

Mr.  Blaine  had  some  plain  words  to  speak  concern- 
ing the  binding  power  of  the  party  caucus.  He  jibed 
Butler  for  being  a weather-vane  in  politics,  changing 
from  one  party  to  another.  He  defended  his  own 
right  to  take  part  in  the  proceedings  of  the  House. 
These  were  his  words  : 

Why,  even  in  the  worst  days  of  the  Democracy, 
when  the  gentleman  himself  was  in  the  front  rank  of 
the  worst  wing  of  it,  when  was  it  ever  attempted  to 
say  that  a majority  of  a party  caucus  could  bind  men 
upon  measures  that  involved  questions  of  constitu- 
tional law,  of  personal  honor,  of  religious  scruple  ? 
The  gentleman  asked  what  would  have  been  done — 
he  asked  my  colleague  (Mr.  Peters)  what  would  have 
been  done  in  case  of  members  of  a party  voting  against 
the  caucus  nominee  for  Speaker.  I understand  that 
was  intended  as  a thrust  at  myself.  Caucus  nomina- 
tions of  officers  have  always  been  held  as  binding. 

But,  just  here,  let  me  say,  that  if  a minority  did  not 
vote  against  the  decision  of  the  caucus  that  nominated 
me  for  Speaker,  in  my  judgment,  it  was  not  the  fault 
of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts.  If  the  requisite 


ROBERT  T.  LINCOLN. 


CHAUNCEV  M.  DEPEW. 


SPEAKER  OP  THE  HOUSE. 


149 


number  could  have  been  found  to  have  gone  over  to 
the  despised  Nazarenes  on  the  opposite  side,  that 
gentleman  would  have  led  them  as  gallantly  as  he  did 
the  forces  in  the  Charleston  Convention. 

Mr.  Speaker,  in  old  times  it  was  the  ordinary  habit 
of  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representa- 
tives to  take  part  in  de- 
bate. The  custom  has 
fallen  into  disuse.  For 
one,  I am  very  glad  that 
it  has.  For  one,  I ap- 
prove of  the  conclusion 
that  forbids  it.  The 
Speaker  should,  with 
consistent  fidelity  to  his 
own  party,  be  the  im- 
partial administrator  of 
the  rules  of  the  House, 
and  a constant  par- 
ticipation in  the  discus- 
sions of  members  would 
take  from  him  that  appearance  of  impartiality  which  it 
is  so  important  to  maintain  in  the  rulings  of  the  Chair. 

THE  HEIGHT  OF  INSOLENCE. 

But  at  the  same  time  I despise  and  denounce  the 
insolence  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  when 
he  attempts  to  say  that  the  Representative  from  the 
Third  District  of  the  State  of  Maine  has  no  riuht  to 
Fame  a resolution  ; has  no  right  to  seek  that  under 


150 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  rules  that  resolution  shall  be  adopted;  has  no  right 
to  ask  the  judgment  of  the  House  upon  that  resolution. 
Why,  even  the  insolence  of  the  gentleman  himself 
never  reached  that  sublime  height  before. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  nobody  regrets  more  sincerely 
than  I do  any  occurrence  which  calls  me  to  take  the 
floor.  On  questions  of  propriety,  I appeal  to  members 

on  both  sides  of  the 
House,  and  they  will 
bear  me  witness,  that 
the  circulation  of  this 
letter  in  the  morning 
prints;  its  distribution 
throughout  the  land  by 
telegraph  ; the  laying  it 
upon  the  desks  of  mem- 
bers, was  intended  to  be 
by  the  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts,  not 
openly  and  boldly,  but 
covertly — I will  not  use 
a stronger  phrase — an 
j insult  to  the  Speaker 
WILLIAM  D.  KELLEY.  of  this  House.  As  SUch  j) 

l resent  it.  I denounce  it  in  all  its  essential  state- 
ments, and  in  all  its  misstatements,  and  in  all  its 
meaner  inferences  and  meaner  innuendoes.  I denounce 
this  letter  as  groundless  without  justification  ; and  the 
gentleman  himself,  I trust,  will  live  to  see  the  day 
when  he  will  be  ashamed  of  having  written  it, 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


151 


CREDIT  MOBILIER  SCANDAL. 

At  the  second  session  of  the  42d  Congress,  begin- 
ning December  2,  1872,  Speaker  Blaine  on  the  first 
day  called  attention  to  the  charges  made  by  Demo- 
cratic orators  and  newspapers  during  the  Presidential 
campaign  just  closed,  that  the  Vice-President  (Colfax), 
and  the  Vice-President  elect  (Wilson),  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  several  Senators,  the  Speaker  of  the 
Hou  se,  and  a large  number  of  Representatives,  includ- 
ing James  A.  Garfield,  H.  L.  Dawes  and  William  D. 
Kelley,  had  been  bribed  during  the  years  1867  and 
1868,  by  Oakes  Ames,  a member  of  the  House  from 
Massachusetts;  that  he  and  his  agents  had  given  them 
presents  of  stock  in  a corporation  known  as  the  Credit 
Mobilier,  to  influence  their  legislative  action  for  the 
benefit  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  company. 

Upon  Speaker  Blaine’s  motion,  a committee  of  in- 
vestigation was  appointed  by  Hon.  S.  S.  Cox,  of  New 
York,  a noted  Democrat  temporarily  called  to  the 
Chair. 

After  the  close  of  the  campaign  (as  was  remarked 
by  the  Republic  Magazine  at  the  time)  the  dominant 
party  might  well  have  claimed,  and  would  have  insisted 
had  they  been  opposed  to  a thorough  investigation  and 
a full  exposure  of  corruption,  that  the  verdict  of  the 
people  in  the  late  canvass  was  sufficient  answer  to 
these  charges  ; but  the  Republican  party  not  merely 
granted  all  the  investigations  sought,  but  summoned 
on  the  leading  committee  a majority  of  its  political  foes 
to  conduct  inquest. 


152 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


In  moving  his  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  to  investigate  the  charge  Mr.  Blaine  said : 

A charge  of  bribery  of  members  is  the  gravest  that 
can  be  made  in  a legislative  body.  It  seems  to  me, 
sir,  that  this  charge  demands  prompt,  thorough  and 
impartial  investigation,  and  I have  taken  the  floor  for 
the  purpose  of  moving  that  investigation.  Unwilling, 
of  course,  to  appoint  any  committee  of  investigation 
to  examine  into  a charge  in  which  I was  myself  in- 
cluded, I have  called  you,  sir,  to  the  Chair,  an  honored 
member  of  the  House,  honored  here  and  honored  in 
the  country;  and  when  on  Saturday  last  I called  upon 
you  and  advised  you  of  this  service,  I placed  upon  you 
no  other  restriction  in  the  appointment  of  a committee 
than  that  it  should  not  contain  a majority  of  my  politi- 
cal friends. 

REFUSES  INCREASED  SALARY. 

In  the  strict  discharge  of  his  functions  Mr.  Blaine 
had  been  in  favor  of  economy,  and  refused  to  accept 
the  increased  salary  assigned  to  the  Speaker  by  the 
notorious  Salary  Bill.  During  the  consideration  of 
the  bill,  on  the  last  day  of  January,  1873,  he  addressed 
the  House  as  Speaker,  and  made  the  following  re- 
marks : 

The  Chair  now  desires  to  make  a statement  per- 
sonal to  himself.  In  reading  the  bill  the  Chair  pre- 
sumes the  language  of  this  amendment  would  make 
the  Speaker’s  salary  $10,000  for  this  Congress.  The 
salary  of  the  Speaker,  the  last  time  the  question  of 
pay  was  under  consideration,  was  adjusted  to  that  of 


SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE. 


153 


the  Vice-President  and  members  of  the  Cabinet.  The 
Chair  thinks  that  adjustment  should  not  be  disturbed, 
and  the  question  which  he  now  raises  does  not  affect 
the  pay  of  other  members  of  the  House.  He  asks 
unanimous  consent  to  put  in  the  word  “ hereafter,”  to 
follow  the  words  “ shall  receive.”  This  will  affect  who- 
ever shall  be  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives hereafter,  and  does  not  affect  the  Speaker  of  this 
House,  but  leaves  him  upon  the  same  plane  with  the 
Vice-President  and  Cabinet  officers,  upon  the  salary 
as  before  adjusted. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  course  was  approved  by  the  Nation, 
and  his  refusal  to  accept  increased  salary  was  proof 
that  his  main  idea  was  not  to  grab  the  loaves  and 
fishes.  When  the  repeal  of  the  bill  was  under  con- 
sideration he  cast  the  deciding  vote,  as  Speaker,  which 
kept  the  matter  before  the  House. 


9 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Famous  Mulligan  Letters. 

After  the  war  the  Republicans  had  a majority  in  1 
Congress  up  to  1874.  During  this  year,  which  was, 
to  some  extent,  a period  of  revolution  in  politics,  the 
Democrats  obtained  a majority  of  Congressmen,  and 
during  the  ensuing  session  they  endeavored  to  make 
the  most  of  their  power. 

They  assumed  that  the  Republican  rule  at  Wash- 
ington had  been  attended  by  wholesale  corruption  and 
fraud.  They  began  to  pry  and  investigate.  Commit- 
tee after  committee  was  appointed,  the  object  being 
to  fasten  charges  upon  the  party  that  had  ruled  so 
long  in  Congress.  Every  stone  was  to  be  overturned 
to  see  what  was  concealed  under  it;  every  bush  was 
to  be  beaten  to  discover  what  game  might  be  lurking 
within  it;  every  man’s  pockets  were  to  be  turned  in- 
side out  to  ascertain  whether  there  was  any  lucre  there 
which  had  been  dishonestly  obtained.  There  was  a 
craze  for  investigation.  The  bloodhounds  were  to  be 
put  upon  the  track.  Congress  was  to  play  the  detect- 
ive, and  rake  the  gutters  for  evidences  of  underhanded 
dealings. 

Unquestionably  there  were  opportunity  and  neces- 
sity for  investigation,  No  political  party  was  ever  in 
(154) 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


155 


power  for  a whole  generation  without  drawing  to  it 
some  men  whose  patriotism  burned  to  obtain  the  loaves 
and  fishes,  whose  highest  ambition  was  to  serve  their 
country  for  what  they  could  make  out  of  it.  The  in- 
vestigating committees  did  start  some  game;  with  an 
immense  whoop  and  shout  they  chased  and  bagged  it. 
It  was  the  right  thing  to  do,  and  no  man  who  is  not  a 
thief  will  enter  a single  word  of  protest. 

ATTACK  ON  MR.  BLAINE. 

Of  course,  a mark  so  conspicuous  as  the  late  Speaker 
of  the  House  could  not  escape  this  mania  for  investi- 
gation. His  political  opponents  were  eager  to  cripple 
his  power  and  limit  his  influence.  They  foresaw  that 
under  his  leadership  his  party  would  likely  maintain 
its  prestige,  and  would  continue  to  legislate  for  the 
country.  Eyes  were  opened  and  ears  were  listening 
for  something  that  might  prove  damaging  to  his  repu- 
tation. There  he  stood  in  all  his  integrity,  his  whole 
life  open  as  the  sunlight,  his  course  consistent  and 
honorable  from  the  beginning,  his  name  a tower  of 
strength  in  the  councils  of  the  Nation  ; he  was  a mark 
for  envy,  as  every  man  is  who,  by  his  own  genius  and 
brilliancy,  rises  above  his  fellows  and  is  carried  upon 
the  wave  of  a nation’s  applause. 

The  question  therefore  was  whether  any  charge 
could  be  brought  against  Mr.  Blaine  concerning  his 
conduct  of  public  affairs,  or  his  private  transactions 
outside  of  his  political  life.  The  movement  against 
him  did  not  begin  in  Congress.  A western  newspaper, 
far  from  being  a leading  journal,  made  an  attack  upon 


156 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


him  which  at  first  awakened  very  little  attention,  but 
which  was  repeated,  and  each  time  with  greater  bold- 
ness and  definiteness  of  detail.  This  was  a fine  nut 
for  his  enemies  to  crack;  this  was  something  they  had 
been  eager  to  obtain  ; this  gave  them  the  opportunity 
their  malice  had  been  seeking.  It  was  not  claimed 
that  he  was  a murderer,  that  he  was  a horse- thief,  that 
he  was  a pickpocket,  that  he  had  cheated  his  washer- 
woman, but  it  was  asserted  that  as  Speaker  of  the 
House  he  had  used  his  vast  influence  in  favor  of  certain 
western  railroads,  and  that  he  had  been  amply  com- 
pensated for  his  services.  In  short,  he  had  taken 
money  which  would  not  have  come  to  him  if  he  had 
not  favored  the  corporations  from  which  the  guilty 
spoils  were  received.  He  had  obtained  stock  from 
these  railroad  companies  on  terms  exceedingly  favor- 
able, and  his  honesty  as  a man  and  statesman  was 
called  in  question. 

AN  INVESTIGATION  APPOINTED. 

At  this  time  the  Hon.  Michael  C.  Kerr,  of  Indiana, 
was  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  one  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous members  was  Hon.  Proctor  Knott,  of  Ken- 
tucky. The  matter  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  dreadful  conduct 
having  been  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  House,  a 
committee  of  investigation  was  appointed  with  Mr. 
Knott  as  chairman,  a man  who  would  not  be  likely  ever 
to  incur  the  charge  of  whitewashing  any  man  opposed 
to  his  own  political  principles. 

On  April  24,  1876,  Mr.  Blaine  made  an  eloquent 
and  convincing  speech  in  the  House  in  answer  to  the 


BLAINE  AND  HARRISON  FAMILIES  AT  BAR  HARBOR. 


SCENE  AT  THE  DEATH  BED  OF  TAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


157 


charges,  and  by  his  frank  statement  carried  conviction 
to  many  minds  which  before  had  been  somewhat 
suspicious.  And  here  it  must  be  said,  that  in  all  this 
unhappy  affair  by  which  he  was  placed  as  a culprit 
before  Congress  and  the  country,  his  bearing  was  that 
of  an  innocent,  high-minded,  noble,  brave  man,  who 
courted  investigation  instead  of  seeking  to  evade  it. 
In  answer  to  the  grave  charge  that  he  had  received  a 
considerable  sum  of  money  from  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  Company  for  official  influence,  and  another 
sum  from  an  Arkansas  railroad,  he  made  the  following 
comprehensive  and  straightforward  speech : 

A SERIOUS  ACCUSATION  REFUTED. 

Mr.  Speaker,  with  the  leave  of  the  House  so  kindly 
granted,  I shall  proceed  to  submit  certain  facts  and 
correct  certain  errors  personal  to  myself.  The  dates 
of  the  correspondence  embraced  in  my  statement  will 
show  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  make  it  earlier. 
I shall  be  as  brief  as  the  circumstances  will  permit. 
For  some  months  past  a charge  against  me  has  been 
circulating  in  private — and  was  recently  made  public — 
designing  to  show  that  I had  in  some  indirect  manner 
received  the  large  sum  of  $64,000  from  i*he  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  Company  in  1871,  for  what  services 
or  for  what  purpose  has  never  been  stated. 

The  alleged  proofs  of  the  serious  accusation  were 
based,  according  to  the  original  story,  upon  the  author- 
ship of  E.  H.  Rollins,  treasurer  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Company,  who,  it  is  averred,  had  full  knowledge  that 
I got  the  money,  and  also  upon  the  authority  of  Morton, 


(158) 


THE  WHITE  HOUSE— THE  OBJECT  OF  BLAINE’S  AMBITION. 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


159 


Bliss  & Company,  bankers,  of  New  York,  through 
whom  the  draft  for  $64,000  was  said  to  have  been 
negotiated  for  my  benefit,  as  they  confidently  knew. 
Hearing  of  this  charge  some  weeks  in  advance  of  its 
publication,  I procured  the  following  statement  from 
the  two  principal  witnesses,  who  were  quoted  as  having 
such  definite  knowledge  against  me: 

o o 

Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company. 

Boston,  March  31,  1876. 

Dear  Sir : — In  response  to  your. inquiry,  I beg  leave 
to  state  that  I have  been  treasurer  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  Company  since  April  8,  1871,  and  have 
necessarily  known  of  all  disbursements  made  since 
that  date.  During  the  entire  period  up  to  the  present 
time  I am  sure  that  no  money  has  been  paid  in  any 
way  or  to  any  person  by  the  company  in  which  you 
were  interested  in  any  manner  whatever.  I make  the 
statement  in  justice  to  the  company,  to  you,  and  to 
myself.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

E.  H.  Rollins. 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine. 

New  York,  April  6,  1876. 

Dear  Sir : — In  answer  to  your  inquiry,  we  beg  to 
say  that  no  draft,  note,  or  check,  or  other  evidence  of 
value  has  passed  through  our  books  in  which  you  were 
known  or  supposed  to  have  any  interest  of  any  kind, 
direct  or  indirect. 

We  remain,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  ser- 
vants, 

Morton,  Bliss  & Co. 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Washington,  D.  C. 


V 


160 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Some  persons  on  reading  the  letters  of  Morton, 
Bliss  & Company  said  that  its  denial  seemed  to  be 
confined  to  any  payment  that  had  passed  through  their 
books,  whereas  they  might  have  paid  a draft  in  which  I 
was  interested  and  yet  no  entry  made  of  it  on  their 
books.  On  the  criticism  being  made  known  to  the  firm, 
they  at  once  addressed  me  the  following  letter : 

New  York,  April  13,  1876. 

Dear  Sir : — It  has  been  suggested  to  us  that  our 
letter  of  the  6t’n  instant  was  not  sufficiently  inclusive 
or  exclusive.  In  that  letter  we  stated  “ that  no  draft, 
note,  or  check,  or  other  evidence  of  value  has  ever 
passed  through  our  books  in  which  you  were  known 
or  supposed  to  have  any  interest,  direct  or  indirect.” 
It  may  be  proper  for  us  to  add  that  nothing  has  been 
paid  to  us  in  any  form,  or  at  any  time,  to  any  person 
or  any  corporation  in  which  you  were  known,  believed, 
or  supposed  to  have  any  interest  whatever. 

We  remain,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  ser- 
vants, 

Morton,  Bliss  & Co. 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  two  witnesses  quoted  for  the  original  charge 
having  thus  effectually  disposed  of  it,  the  charge  itself 
reappeared  in  another  form  to  this  effect,  namely  : 
That  a certain  draft  was  negotiated  at  the  house  of 
Morton,  Bliss  & Company  in  1871,  through  Thomas 
A.  Scott,  then  president  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad 
Company,  for  the  sum  of  $64,000,  and  that  $75,000  of 
the  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  Railroad 
Company  were  pledged  as  collateral  ; that  the  Union 


4 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


161 


Pacific  Company  paid  the  draft  and  took  up  the  col- 
lateral ; that  the  cash  proceeds  of  it  went  to  me,  and 
that  I had  furnished,  or  sold,  or  in  some  way  conveyed 
or  transferred  to  Thomas  A.  Scott,  these  Little  Rock 
and  Fort  Smith  bonds  which  had  been  used  as  col- 
lateral ; that  the  bonds  in  reality  had  belonged  to  me 
or  some  friend  or  constituent  of  mine  for  whom  I was 
acting.  I endeavor  to 
state  the  charge  in  its 
boldest  form  and  in  all 
its  phases. 

THE  WHOLE  STORY 
FALSE. 

I desire  here  and  now 
to  declare  that  all  and 
every  part  of  this  story 
that  connects  my  name 
with  it,  is  absolutely  un- 
true, without  a particle 
of  foundation  in  fact, 
and  without  a tittle  of 
evidence  to  substantiate 
it.  I never  had  any 
transaction  of  any  kind 
with  Thomas  A.  Scott  concerning  bonds  of  the  Little 
Rock  and  Fort  Smith  Road,  or  the  bonds  of  any  other 
railroad,  or  any  business  in  any  way  connected  with 
railroads,  directly  or  indirectly,  immediately  or  re- 
motely. I never  had  any  business  transactions  what- 
ever with  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  or  any 
ll 


162 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


of  its  officers  or  agents  or  representatives,  and  never, 
in  any  manner,  received  from  that  Company,  directly 
or  indirectly,  a single  dollar  in  money,  or  stocks,  or 
bonds,  or  any  other  form  of  value. 

And  as  to  the  particular  transaction  referred  to,  I 
never  so  much  as  heard  of  it  until  nearly  two  years 
after  its  alleged  occurrence,  when  it  was  talked  of,  at 
the  time  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  investigation,  in  1873. 
But  while  my  denial  ought  to  be  conclusive,  I should 
greatly  regret  to  be  compelled  to  leave  the  matter 
there.  I am  fortunately  able  to  sustain  my  own  dec- 
laration by  the  most  conclusive  evidence  that  the  case 
admits  of,  or  that  human  testimony  can  supply.  If 
any  person  or  persons  know  the  truth  or  falsity  of 
these  charges,  it  must  be  the  officers  of  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  Company. 

CONVINCING  LETTERS. 

I accordingly  addressed  a note  to  the  president  of 
that  company,  a gentleman  who  has  been  a director 
of  the  company  from  its  organization,  I believe,  who 
has  a more  thorough  acquaintance  with  its  business 
transactions,  probably,  than  any  other  man.  The  cor- 
respondence, which  I here  submit,  will  explain  itself, 
and  leave  nothing  to  be  said.  I will  read  these  letters 
in  their  proper  order.  They  need  no  comment. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  April  13,  1876. 

Dear  Sir: — You  have  doubtless  observed  the  scandal 
now  in  circulation  in  regard  to  my  having  been  in- 
terested in  certain  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort 
Smith  Road,  alleged  to  have  been  purchased  by  your 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


163 


company  in  1871.  It  is  due  to  me,  I think,  that  some 
statement  in  regard  to  the  subject  should  be  made 
by  yourself,  as  the  official  head  of  the  Union  Pacific 
Railroad  Company. 

Very  respectfully, 

J.  G.  Blaine. 

Sidney  Dillon,  Esq.,  President  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road Company. 

Office  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company, 

New  York,  April  15,  1876. 

Dear  Sir: — I have  your  favor  of  the  13th  instant, 
and  in  reply  desire  to  say  that  I have  this  day  written 
Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  who  was  president  of  the 
Union  Pacific  Company  at  the  time  of  the  transaction 
referred  to,  a letter,  of  which  I send  a copy  herewith. 
On  receipt  of  his  reply,  I will  enclose  it  to  you. 

Very  respectfully, 

Sidney  Dillon,  President. 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Office  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Co., 

New  York,  April  15,  1876. 

Dear  Sir : — The  press  of  the  country  are  making 
allegations  that  certain  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock  and 
Fort  Smith  Railroad  Company,  in  1871,  were  obtained 
from  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  or  that  the  avails, 
in  some  form,  went  to  his  benefit,  and  that  the  knowl- 
edge of  those  facts  rests  with  the  officers  of  the  com- 
pany  and  with  yourself.  These  statements  are  injuri- 
ous both  to  Mr.  Blaine  and  to  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road Company.  There  were  never  any  facts  to  warrant 
them,  and  I think  that  a statement  to  the  public  is  due 
both  from  you  and  myself.  I desire,  as  president  of 


164 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  company,  to  repel  any  such  inference  in  the  most 
emphatic  manner,  and  would  be  glad  to  hear  from  you 
on  the  subject. 

Very  respectfully, 

Sidney  Dillon,  President. 

Col.  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Office  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company, 

New  York,  April  22,  1876. 

Dear  Sir: — As  I advised  you  some  days  ago,  I 
wrote  Colonel  Thomas  A.  Scott,  and  begged  leave  to 
enclose  you  his  reply.  I desire  further  to  say  that  I 
was  a director  of  the  company  and  a member  of  the 
executive  committee  in  1871,  and  to  add  my  testimony 
to  that  of  Colonel  Scott  in  verification  of  all  that  he 
has  stated  in  the  enclosed  letter. 

Truly  yours, 

Sidney  Dillon,  President. 

Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Philadelphia,  April  21,  1876. 

My  Dear  Sir : — I have  your  letter  under  date  New 
York,  April  15,  1876,  stating  that  the  press  of  the 
country  are  making  allegations  that  certain  bonds  of 
the  Little  Rock  and  f'ort  Smith  Railroad,  purchased 
by  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  in  1871,  were 
obtained  from  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine,  or 
that  the  avails  in  some  form  went  to  his  benefit;  that 
there  never  were  any  facts  to  warrant  them  ; that  it  is 
your  desire  as  president  of  the  company  to  repel  any 
such  inference  in  the  most  emphatic  manner,  and  ask- 
ing me  to  make  a statement  in  regard  to  the  matter. 

In  reply,  I beg  leave  to  say  that  much  as  I dislike 
the  idea  of  entering  into  any  of  the  controversies  that 
are  before  the  public  in  these  days  of  scandal  from 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


165 


which  but  few  men  in  public  life  seem  to  be  exempt,  I 
feel  it  my  duty  to  state : 

That  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  bonds  pur- 
chased by  the  Union  .Pacific  Railroad  Company  in 
1871  were  not  purchased  or  received  from  Mr.  Blaine, 
directly  or  indirectly,  and  that  of  the  money  paid  by 
the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  or  of  the  avails 
of  said  bonds,  not  one  dollar  went  to  Mr.  Blaine  or  to 
any  person  for  him,  or  for  his  benefit  in  any  form. 

All  statements  to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Blaine  ever 
had  any  transactions  with  me,  directly  or  indirectly, 
involving  money  or  valuables  of  any  kind,  are  abso- 
lutely without  foundation  in  fact. 

I take  pleasure  in  making  this  statement  to  you,  and 
you  may  use  it  in  any  manner  you  deem  best  for  the 
interest  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company. 

Very  truly  yours, 

Thomas  A.  Scott. 

Sidney  -Dillon,  Esq.,  President, 

Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  New  York. 

THE  CASE  IN  A NUTSHELL. 

Let  me  now,  Mr.  Speaker,  briefly  summarize  what 
I presented:  First,  that  the  story  of  my  receiving 
$64,000  or  any  other  sum  of  money,  or  anything  of 
value,  from  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  di- 
rectly or  indirectly,  or  in  any  form,  is  absolutely  dis- 
proved by  the  most  conclusive  testimony.  Second, 
that  no  bond  of  mine  was  ever  sold  to  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific,  or  the  Missouri,  Kansas  and  Texas  Rail- 
road Company,  and  that  not  a single  dollar  of  money 
from  either  of  these  companies  ever  went  to  my  profit 
or  benefit.  Third,  that  instead  of  receiving  bonds  of 

7 o 


166 


LIFE  OP  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  Road  as  a gratuity,  I 
never  had  one  except  at  the  regular  market  price ; 
and  instead  of  making  a large  fortune  off  that  com- 
pany, I have  incurred  a severe  pecuniary  loss  from  my 
investment  in  its  securities,  which  I still  retain  ; and 
out  of  such  affairs  as  these  grows  the  popular  gossip 

of  large  fortunes 
amassed  in  Con- 
gress. 

I can  hardly 
expect,  Mr. 
Speaker,  that  any 
statement  from 
me  will  stop  the 
work  of  those 
who  have  so  in- 
dustriously circu- 
lated these  calum- 
nies. For  months 
past  the  effort 
has  been  ener- 
getic and  contin- 
uous to  spread 
Joseph  r.  hawley.  these  stories  in 

private  circles.  Emissaries  of  slander  have  visited 
editorial  rooms  of  leading  Republican  papers  from 
Boston  to  Omaha,  and  whispered  of  revelations  to 
come  that  were  too  terrible  even  to  be  spoken  in 
loud  tones,  and  at  last  the  revelations  have  been 
made.  I am  now,  Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  fourteenth 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS.  167 

year  of  a not  inactive  service  in  this  hall ; I have 
taken  and  given  blows ; I have  no  doubt  said  many 
things  in  the  heat  of  debate  that  I would  gladly  re- 
call ; I have  no  doubt  given  votes  which  in  fuller 
light  I would  gladly  change ; but  I have  never  done 
anything  in  my  public  career  for  which  I could  be  put 
to  the  faintest  blush  in  any  presence,  or  for  which  I 
cannot  answer  to  my  constituents,  my  conscience,  and 
the  Great  Searcher  of  Hearts. 

FANNING  THE  FLAME  OF  SCANDAL. 

The  foregoing  statement  of  Mr.  Blaine  was  final 
and  convincing  except  to  those  who  were  not  willing 
to  be  convinced  by  any  denial  or  any  array  of  evi- 
dence. The  effect  was  to  increase  the  confidence  his 
friends  and  his  party  had  reposed  in  him ; but  there 
were  members  of  Congress  and  newspapers  quite 
ready  to  renew  the  attack.  The  time  for  holding  the 
Republican  National  Convention  was  not  far  distant, 
and  it  was  understood  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  a promi- 
nent candidate  for  the  presidential  nomination.  The 
favorite  political  game  was  played,  and  an  attempt 
was  made  to  smirch  Mr.  Blaine’s  reputation  and  kill 
his  chances  in  the  convention. 

On  the  first  of  May  it  was  stated  with  a great  flour- 
ish in  one  of  the  leading  newspapers  of  New  York 
that  Mr.  Blaine  had  received  as  a gift  certain  shares 
of  the  Kansas  Pacific  Railroad,  and  it  was  said  that 
positive  proof  was  at  hand  of  his  then  being  engaged 
in  a lawsuit  regarding  these  shares.  It  was  shown 
that  John  E.  Blaine,  brother  of  James  G.,  was  the  one 


168 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


interested  in  the  lawsuit  in  a Kansas  court;  it  was 
also  proved  by  the  lawyers  and  newspaper  correspond- 
ents that  Mr.  Blaine  was  not  in  any  way  interested 
or  concerned  in  the  transaction.  He  concluded  his 
explanation  as  follows : 

OPPOSED  TO  A FLEA-HUNT. 

Having  now  noticed  the  two  charges  that  have  been 
so  extensively  circulated,  I shall  refrain  from  calling 
the  attention  of  the  House  to  any  others  that  may  be 
invented.  To  quote  the  language  of  another,  “I  do 
not  propose  to  make  my  public  life  a perpetual  and 
uncomfortable  flea-hunt,  in  the  vain  efforts  to  run  down 
stories  which  have  no  basis  in  truth,  which  are  usually 
anonymous,  and  whose  total  refutation  brings  no  pun- 
ishment to  those  who  have  been  guilty  of  originating 
them.” 

It  was  plain  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  master  of  the  situ- 
ation, and  was  not  likely  to  suffer  from  the  attacks  of 
his  enemies.  He  was  strong  in  his  defence  ; he  boldly 
met  every  charge  and  it  fell  before  him  ; his  popu- 
larity, instead  of  diminishing,  had  increased,  and  the 
weapons  hurled  at  him  had  only  struck  his  impenetra- 
ble armor  and  fallen  harmlessly  at  his  feet. 

But  he  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  rest.  Acquitted 
by  the  great  tribunal  of  public  opinion,  he  had  still  to 
encounter  the  political  venom  of  his  accusers  in  Con- 
gress. On  the  2d  of  May  Mr.  Tarbox,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, introduced  into  the  House  a resolution  call- 
ing for  an  investigation  of  an  alleged  purchase  by  the 
Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  of  certain  bonds  of 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


169 


the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  Railroad  Company.  It 
was  claimed  that  the  price  paid  was  much  greater  than 
the  real  value  of  the  bonds. 

OBJECT  OF  THE  RESOLUTION. 

The  statement  of  Mr.  Tarbox  in  introducing  his, 
proposition  was,  that  the  investigation  was  not  aimed 
at  Mr.  Blaine,  and  was  not  to  be  directed  to  his  busi- 
ness transactions.  As  this  was  supposed  to  be  a 
truthful  statement  no  objection  was  made,  and  the 
inquiry  was  ordered. 

At  once  it  appeared  that  the  object  was  directly  the 
opposite  to  what  had  been  stated.  It  was  another 
covert  attack  on  Mr.  Blaine.  Under  the  guise  of  an 
investigation  of  a railroad  transaction,  he  and  his  pri- 
vate affairs  were  to  be  dragged  before  the  nation.  He 
was  just  as  ready  to  meet  this  attack  as  he  had  been 
to  repel  others. 

He  demanded  a prompt  investigation,  for  he  was 
not  willing  to  remain  a moment  under  suspicion.  He 
wished  to  meet  at  once  all  charges  brought  against 
him.  There  was  no  haste  on  the  part  of  his  enemies  ; 
delay  was  what  they  courted,  for  it  would  damage 
Mr.  Blaine’s  chances  in  the  National  Convention. 

NEW  AND  STARTLING  FEATURE. 

Suddenly  it  was  announced  that  some  of  Mr. 
Blaine’s  private  correspondence  would  be  produced  in 
evidence.  A confidential  clerk,  named  Mulligan,  had 
come  from  Boston  to  Washington  to  testify  that  he 
had  abstracted  some  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  letters,  showing 
his  transactions  with  certain  Railroad  Companies,  and 


170 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


these  would  show  conclusively  the  crookedness  of  his 
dealings.  With  almost  equal  suddenness  it  was  an- 
nounced that  Mr.  Blaine  had  obtained  possession  of 
his  own  letters,  and  they  would  not  appear  in  evidence. 

The  affair  was  the  talk  of  the  country.  Mr.  Blaine’s 
enemies  more  than  insinuated  that  he  had  secured 
the  letters  in  order  to  suppress  them  and  stifle  their 
damaging  disclosures.  His  friends  were  restless  and 
nervous,  and  hardly  knew  what  to  think  of  his  action. 
In  fact,  he  took  the  letters,  not  to  suppress  them,  but 
to  make  them  public,  to  put  the  truthful  construction 
upon  them,  and  not  allow  a misinformed  investigating 
committee  to  put  an  interpretation  upon  them  which 
was  utterly  false. 

A BOLD  MOVE. 

Nothing  could  show  rrfore  conclusively  Mr.  Blaine’s 
consummate  generalship  than  his  production  of  this 
correspondence  on  the  floor  of  Congress.  His  ene- 
mies were  struck  with  astonishment ; his  friends  ex- 
pressed their  admiration  and  delight.  In  an  instant 
the  whole  situation  had  changed.  There  was  nothing 
in  the  letters  he  was  ashamed  of,  and  although  Mulli- 
gan could  produce  letters  he  had  no  right  whatever  to 
make  public,  he  could  not  furnish  any  criminating  evi- 
dence. The  two  witnesses  from  Boston,  Fisher  and 
Mulligan,  only  gave  him  the  opportunity  to  clear  away 
the  whole  mass  of  innuendoes,  charges,  whisperings, 
and  base  insinuations  which  had  been  industriously 
gathered  about  his  name.  The  investigation  commit- 
tee  tried  to  obtain  these  letters.  Mr.  Blaine  refused 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


171 


to  yield  them  up,  claimed  his  right  to  hold  and  use 
them,  and  in  support  of  it  brought  forward  the  opin- 
ions of  ex-Judge  Black,  a good  Democrat,  and  Mat- 
thew H.  Carpenter,  the 
distinguished  Senator 
from  Wisconsin. 

His  refusal  was  at- 
tributed by  many  to 
fear  of  revealing  the 
contents  of  the  letters. 

Judge  then  of  their 
astonishment  when  in 
the  course  of  his  mem- 
orable defence  before 
the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives he  held  up 
the  parcel  of  letters, 
and  with  a voice  that 
thrilled  his  auditors, 
exclaimed:  “I  invite 
the  confidence  of  44,000,000  of  my  countrymen  while 
I read  those  letters  from  the  desk.” 

THE  GLADIATOR  FACES  HIS  FOES. 

On  the  5th  of  June  Mr.  Blaine  quietly  arose  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  said  : “ Mr.  Speaker, 
if  the  morning  hour  has  expired,  I desire  to  speak  on 
a question  of  privilege.”  Whereupon  Mr.  Blaine 
proceeded  as  follows : 

Mr.  Speaker,  on  the  second  day  of  May  this  reso- 
lution was  passed  by  the  House: 


172  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

“Whereas,  it  is  publicly  alleged,  and  is  not  denied 
by  the  officers  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company, 
that  that  corporation  did,  in  the  year  1871  or  1872, 
become  the  owner  of  certain  bonds  of  the  Little  Rock , 
and  Fort  Smith  Railroad  Company,  for  which  bonds 
the  said  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  paid  a con- 
sideration largely  in  excess  of  their  market  or  actual 
value,  and  that  the  board  of  directors  of  said  Union 
Pacific  Railroad  Company,  though  urged,  have  ne- 
glected to  investigate  said  transaction  ; therefore, 

“ Be  it  resolved , That  the  Committee  on  the  Judici- 
ary be  instructed  to  inquire  if  any  such  transaction 
took  place,  and,  if  so,  what  were  the  circumstances  or 
inducements  thereto,  from  what  person  or  persons 
said  bonds  were  obtained  and  upon  what  considera- 
tion, and  whether  the  transaction  was  from  corrupt 
design  or  in  furtherance  of  any  corrupt  object;  and 
that  the  committee  have  power  to  send  for  persons 
and  papers. ’’ 

AIMED  AT  HIMSELF. 

That  resolution  on  its  face,  and  in  its  fair  intent, 
was  obviously  designed  to  find  out  whether  any  im- 
proper thing  had  been  done  by  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road Company;  and  of  course,  incidentally  thereto, 
to  find  out  with,  whom  the  transaction  was  made. 

No  sooner  was  the  sub-committee  designated  than 
it  became  entirely  obvious  that  the  resolution  was 
solely  and  only  aimed  at  me.  I think  there  had  not 
been  three  questions  asked  until  it  was  evident  that 
the  investigation  was  to  be  a personal  one  upon  me, 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


173 


and  that  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad,  or  any  other  in- 
cident of  the  transaction,  was  secondary,  insignificant 
and  unimportant.  I do  not  complain  of  that ; I do 
not  say  that  I had  any  reason  to  complain  of  it.  If 
the  investigation  was  to  be  made  in  that  personal 
sense,  I was  ready  to  meet  it. 

* The  gentleman  on  whose  statement  the  accusation 
rested  was  first  called.  He  stated  what  he  knew  from 
rumor.  Then  there  were  called  Mr.  Rollins,  Mr. 
Morton,  and  Mr.  Millard,  from  Omaha,  a Government 
director  of  the  Union  Pacific  Road,  and  finally  Thomas 
A.  Scott. 

THE  CHARGE  DISPROVED. 

The  testimony  was  completely  and  conclusively  in 
disproof  of  the  charge  that  there  was  any  possibility 
that  I could  have  had  anything  to  do  with  the  transac- 
tion. When  the  famous  witness  Mulligan  came  here 
loaded  with  information  in  regard  to  the  Fort  Smith 
Road,  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  drew  out  what  he 
knew  had  no  reference  whatever  to  the  question  of 
investigation.  He  then  and  there  insisted  on  all  my 
private  memoranda  being  allowed  to  be  exhibited  by 
that  man  in  reference  to  business  that  had  no  more 
connection,  no  more  relation,  no  more  to  do  with  that 
investigation  than  with  the  North  Pole. 

And  the  gentleman  tried  his  best,  also,  though  I be- 
lieve that  has  been  abandoned,  to  capture  and  use  and 
control  my  private  correspondence.  This  man  has  se- 
lected, out  of  correspondence  running  over  a great 
many  years,  letters  which  he  thought  would  be  pecu- 


174 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


liarly  damaging  to  me.  He  came  here  loaded  with 
them.  He  came  here  for  a sensation.  He  came 
here  primed.  He  came  here  on  that  particular  errand. 
I was  advised  of  it,  and  I obtained  those  letters  under 
circumstances  which  have  been  notoriously  scattered 
over  the  United  States,  and  are  known  to  everybody. 
I have  them.  I claim  that  I have  the  entire  right  to 
those  letters,  not  only  by  natural  right,  but  by  all  the 
principles  and  precedents  of  law,  as  the  man  who  held 
those  letters  in  possession  held  them  wrongfully. 

VIOLATION  OF  PRIVATE  RIGHTS. 

The  committee  that  attempted  to  take  those  letters 
from  that  man  for  use  against  me  proceeded  wrong- 
fully. It  proceeded  in  all  boldness  to  a most  defiant 
violation  of  the  ordinary  private  and  personal  rights 
which  belong  to  every  American  citizen.  I wanted 
the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  and  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia  to  introduce  that  question  upon  this 
floor,  but  they  did  not  do  it. 

I stood  up  and  declined,  not  only  on  the  conclusions 
of  my  own  mind,  but  by  eminent  legal  advice.  I was 
standing  behind  the  rights  which  belong  to  every 
American  citizen,  and  if  they  wanted  to  treat  the  ques- 
tion in  my  person  anywhere  in  the  legislative  halls  or 
judicial  halls,  I was  ready.  Then  there  went  forth 
everywhere  the  idea  and  impression  that  because  I 
wmuld  not  permit  that  man,  or  any  man  whom  I could 
prevent,  from  holding  as  a menace  over  my  head  my 
private  correspondence,  there  must  be  in  it  something 
deadly  and  destructive  to  my  reputation. 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


175 


I would  like  any  gentleman  to  stand  up  here  and 
tell  me  that  he  is  willing  and  ready  to  have  his  private 
correspondence  scanned  over  and  made  public  for  the 
last  eight  or  ten  years.  I would  like  any  gentleman 
to  say  that.  Does  it  imply  guilt  ? Does  it  imply 
wrong-doing?  Does  it  imply  any  sense  of  weakness 
that  a man  will  protect  his  private  correspondence  ? 
No,  sir;  it  is  the  first  instinct  to  do  it,  and  it  is  the 
last  outrage  upon  any  man  to  violate  it. 

PRODUCES  THE  LETTERS. 

Now,  Mr.  Speaker,  I say  that  I have  defied  the 
power  of  the  House  to  compel  me  to  produce  these 
letters.  I speak  with  all  respect  to  this  House.  I 
know  its  powers,  and  I trust  I respect  them.  But  I 
say  that  this  House  has  no  more  power  to  order  what 
shall  be  done  or  not  done  with  my  private  corre- 
spondence, than  it  has  with  what  I shall  do  in  the  nur- 
ture and  education  of  my  children,  not  a particle. 
The  right  is  as  sacred  in  the  one  case  as  it  is  in  the 
other.  But,  sir,  having  vindicated  that  right,  standing 
by  it,  ready  to  make,  any  sacrifice  in  defence  of  it,  here 
and  now,  if  any  gentleman  wants  to  take  issue  with 
me  on  behalf  of  this  House,  I am  ready  for  any  ex- 
tremity of  contest  or  conflict  in  behalf  of  so  sacred  a 
right.  And  while  I am  so,  I am  not  afraid  to  show 
the  letters.  Thank  God  Almighty,  I am  not  ashamed 
to  show  them.  There  they  are  (holding  up  a package 
of  letters).  There  is  the  very  original  package.  And 
with  some  sense  of  humiliation,  with  a mortification  I 
do  not  attempt  to  conceal,  with  a sense  of  the  outrage 


176 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


which  I think  any  man  in  my  position  would  feel,  I in- 
vite the  confidence  of  forty-four  millions  of  my  country- 
men, while  I read  those  letters  from  this  desk.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

******* 

This  is  the  letter  in  which  Mulligan  says,  and  puts 
down  in  his  abstract,  that  I admitted  the  sixty-four 
thousand  dollar  sale  of  bonds  : 

Washington,  D.  C.,  April  i 8,  1872. 

My  dear  Mr.  Fisher : — I answered  you  very  hastily 
last  evening,  as  you  said  you  wished  for  an  immediate 
reply,  and  perhaps  in  my  hurry  I did  not  make  myself 
fully  understood.  You  have  been,  for  some  time,  la- 
boring under  a totally  erroneous  impression  in  regard 
to  my  results  in  the  Fort  Smith  matter.  The  sales  of 
bonds  which  you  spoke  of  my  making,  and  which  you 
seem  to  have  thought  were  for  my  own  benefit,  were 
entirely  otherwise.  I did  not  have  the  money  in  my 
possession  forty-eight  hours,  but  paid  it  over  directly 
to  the  parties  whom  I tried,  by  every  means  in  my 
power,  to  protect  from  loss.  I am  very  sure  that  you 
have  little  idea  of  the  labors,  the  losses,  the  efforts  and 
the  sacrifices  I have  made  within  the  past  year  to  save 
those  innocent  persons,  who  invested  on  my  request, 
from  personal  loss. 

And  I say  to  you  to-night,  that  I am  immeasurably 
worse  off  than  if  I had  never  touched  the  Fort  Smith 
matter.  The  demand  you  make  upon  me  now  is  one 
which  I am  entirely  unable  to  comply  with.  I cannot 
do  it.  It  is  not  in  my  power.  You  say  that  “necessity 
knows  no  law.”  That  applies  to  me  as  well  as  to  you, 
and  when  I have  reached  the  point  I am  now  at,  I 
simply  fall  back  on  that  law.  You  are  as  well  aware 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


177 


as  I am,  that  the  bonds  are  due  me  under  the  contract. 
Could  I have  them,  I could  adjust  many  matters  not 
now  in  my  power,  and  as  long  as  this  and  other  matters 
remain  unadjusted  between  us,  I do  not  recognize  the 
equity,  or  the  lawfulness,  of  your  calling  on  me  for  a 
partial  settlement.  I am  ready  at  any  moment  to  make 
a full,  fair,  comprehensive  settlement  with  you,  on  the 
most  liberal  terms.  I will  not  be  exacting  or  captious 
or  critical,  but  am  ready  and  eager  to  make  a broad 
and  generous  adjustment  with  you,  and  if  we  can’t 
agree  ourselves,  we  can  select  a mutual  friend  who  can 
easily  compromise  all  points  of  difference  between  us. 

You  will,  I trust,  see  that  I am  disposed  to  meet  you 
in  a spirit  of  friendly  cordiality,  and  yet  with  a sense  of 
self-defence  that  impels  me  to  be  frank  and  expose  to 
you  my  pecuniary  weakness. 

With  very  kind  regards  to  Mrs.  Fisher,  I am  yours 
truly, 

J.  G.  Blaine. 

W.  Fisher,  Jr.,  Esq. 

ARKANSAS  LAND  GRANT. 

I now  pass  to  a letter  dated  Augusta,  Me.,  October 
4,  1869,  but  I read  these  letters  now  somewhat  in  their 
order.  Now  to  this  letter  I ask  the  attention  of  the 
House.  In  the  March  session  of  1869,  the  first  one  at 
which  I was  Speaker,  the  extra  session  of  the  Forty- 
first  Congress,  a land  grant  in  the  State  of  Arkansas 
to  the  Little  Rock  Road  was  reported.  I never  remem- 
ber to  have  heard  of  the  road,  until  at  the  last  night 
of  the  session,  when  it  was  up  here  for  consideration. 
The  gentleman  in  Boston  with  whom  I had  relations 
did  not  have  anything  to  do  with  that  road  for  nearly 
12 


178 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


three  or  four  months  after  that  time.  It  is  in  the  light 
of  that  statement  that  I desire  that  letter  read. 

In  the  autumn,  six  or  eight  months  afterward,  I was 
looking  over  the  Globe , probably  with  some  curiosity, 
if  not  pride,  to  see  the  decisions  I had  made  the  first 
five  weeks  I was  speaker.  I had  not  until  then  recalled 
this  decision  of  mine,  and  when  I came  across  it,  all  the 
facts  came  back  to  me  fresh,  and  I wrote  this  letter : 

(Personal.) 

Augusta,  Me.,  October  4,  1869. 

My  Dear  Sir : — I spoke  to  you  a short  time  ago 
about  a point  of  interest  to  your  railroad  company  that 
occurred  at  the  last  session  of  the  Congress. 

It  was  on  the  last  night  of  the  session,  when  the  bill 
renewing  the  land  grant  to  the  State  of  Arkansas  for 
the  Little  Rock  Road  was  reached,  and  Julian,  of  In- 
diana, chairman  of  the  Public  Lands  Committee,  and, 
by  right,  entitled  to  the  floor,  attempted  to  put  on  the 
bill  as  an  amendment,  the  Fremont  El  Paso  scheme — a 
scheme  probably  well  known  to  Mr.  Caldwell.  The 
House  was  thin,  and  the  lobby  in  the  Fremont  interest 
had  the  thing  all  set  up,  and  Julian’s  amendment  was 
likely  to  prevail  if  brought  to  a vote.  Roots,  and  the 
other  members  from  Arkansas,  who  were  doing  their 
best  for  their  own  bill  (to  which  there  seemed  to  be  no 
objection),  were  in  despair,  for  it  was  well  known  that 
the  Senate  was  hostile  to  the  Fremont  scheme,  and  if 
the  Arkansas  bill  had  gone  back  to  the  Senate  with 
Julian’s  amendments,  the  whole  thing  could  have  gone 
on  the  table  and  slept  the  sleep  of  death. 

In  this  dilemma,  Roots  came  to  me  to  know  what  on 
earth  he  could  do  under  the  rules ; for  he  said  it  was 
vital  to  his  constituents  that  the  bill  should  pass.  I told 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


179 


him  that  Julian’s  amendment  was  entirely  out  of  order, 
because  not  o-ermane:  but  he  had  not  sufficient  confi- 
dence  in  his  own  knowledge  of  the  rules  to  make  the 
point,  but  he  said  General  Logan  was  opposed  to  the 
Fremont  scheme  and  would  probably  make  the  point. 
I sent  my  page  to  General  Logan  with  the  suggestion, 
and  he  at  once  made  the  point.  I could  not  do  other- 
wise than  sustain  it,  and  so  the  bill  was  freed  from  the 
mischievous  -amendment  moved  by  Julian,  and  at  once 
passed  without  objection. 

At  that  time  I had  never  seen  Mr.  Caldwell,  but  you 
can  tell  him  that  without  knowing  it,  I did  him  a great 
favor.  Sincerely  yours, 

J.  G.  Blaine. 

W.  Fisher,  Jr.,  Esq.,  24  India  Street,  Boston. 

The  amendment  referred  to  in  that  letter  will  be 
found  in  The  Congressional  Globe  of  the  First  Session 

<c> 

of  the  Forty-first  Congress,  page  702.  That  was  before 
the  Boston  persons  had  ever  touched  the  road. 

“THOSE  BONDS  WERE  NOT  MINE.” 

There  is  mentioned  in  another  letter  $6,000  of  land- 
o-rant  bonds  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  for  which  I 

o 

stood  as  only  part  owner;  these  were  only  in  part  mine. 
As  I have  started  to  make  a personal  explanation,  I 
want  to  make  a full  explanation  in  regard  to  this  mat- 
ter. Those  bonds  were  not  mine  except  in  this  sense : 
In  1869,  a lady  who  is  a member  of  my  family  and 
whose  financial  affairs  I have  looked  after  for  many 
years — many  gentlemen  will  know  to  whom  I refer 
without  my  being  more  explicit — bought,  on  the  rec- 
ommendation of  Mr.  Hooper,  $6,000  in  land-grant 


180 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


bonds  of  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  as  they  were 
issued  in  1869.  She  got  them  on  what  was  called  the 
stockholder’s  basis ; I think  it  was  a very  favorable 
basis  on  which  they  distributed  the  bonds.  These 
$ 6,000  of  land-grant  bonds  were  obtained  in  that  way. 

In  1871  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company  broke 
down,  and  these  bonds  fell  so  that  they  were  worth 
about  forty  cents  on  the  dollar.  She  was  anxious  to 
make  herself  safe,  and  I had  so  much  confidence  in 
the  Fort  Smith  land  bonds,  that  I proposed  to  her  to 
make  an  exchange.  The  six  bonds  were  in  my  pos- 
session, and  I had  previously  advanced  money  to  her 
for  certain  purposes,  and  held  a part  of  these  bonds 
as  a security  for  that  advance.  The  bonds,  in  that 
sense  and  in  that  sense  only,  were  mine — that  they 
were  security  for  the  loan  which  I had  made.  They 
were  all  literally  hers ; they  were  all  sold  finally  for 
her  account — not  one  of  them  for  me.  I make  this 
statement  in  order  to  be  perfectly  fair. 

WHAT  “SOMEBODY  ELSE”  SAID. 

I do  not  wish  to  detain  the  House,  but  I have  one 
or  two  more  observations  to  make.  The  specific 
charge  that  went  to  the  committee,  as  it  affects  me,  is 
whether  I was  a party  in  interest  to  the  $64,000  trans- 
action ; and  I submit  that  up  to  this  time  there  has  not 
been  one  particle  of  proof  before  the  committee,  sus- 
taining that  charge.  Gentlemen  have  said  that  they 
heard  somebody  else  say,  and  generally,  when  that 
somebody  else  was  brought  on  the  stand,  it  appeared 
that  he  did  not  say  it  at  all.  Colonel  Thomas  A, 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


181 


Scott  swore  very  positively  and  distinctly,  under  the 
most  rigid  cross-examination,  all  about  it.  Let  me 
call  attention  to  that  letter  of  mine  which  Mulligan 
says  refers  to  that.  I ask  your  attention,  gentlemen, 
as  closely  as  if  you  were  a jury,  while  I show  the  ab' 
surdity  of  that  statement. 

It  is  in  evidence  that,  with  the  exception  of  a small 
fraction,  the  bonds  which  were  sold  to  parties  in  Maine 
were  first  mortgage  bonds.  It  is  in  evidence,  over  and 
over  again,  that  the  bonds  which  went  to  the  Union 
Pacific  Road  were  land-grant  bonds.  Therefore  it  is  a 
moral  impossibility  that  the  bonds  taken  up  to  Maine 
should  have  gone  to  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad.  They 
were  of  different  series,  different  kinds,  different  colors, 
everything  different,  as  different  as  if  not  issued  within 
a thousand  miles  of  each  other.  So,  on  its  face,  it  is 
shown  that  it  could  not  be  so. 

A GREAT  DEAL  OF  HEARSAY. 

There  has  not  been,  I say,  one  positive  piece  of  tes- 
timony in  any  direction.  They  sent  to  Arkansas  to 
get  some  hearsay  about  bonds.  They  sent  to  Boston 
to  get  some  hearsay.  Mulligan  was  contradicted  by 
Fisher,  and  Atkins  and  Scott  swore  directly  against 
him.  Morton,  of  Morton,  Bliss  & Co.,  never  heard  my 
name  in  the  matter.  Carnegee,  who  negotiated  the 
note,  never  heard  my  name  in  that  connection.  Rol- 
lins said  it  was  one  of  the  intangible  rumors  he  spoke 
of  as  floating  in  the  air.  Gentlemen  who  have  lived  any 
time  in  Washington,  need  not  be  told  that  intangible 
rumors  get  very  considerable  circulation  here ; and  if 


182 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


a man  is  to-be  held  accountable  in  public  opinion  for 
intangible  rumors,  who  in  the  House  will  stand? 

Now,  gentlemen,  those  letters  I have  read  were 
picked  out  of  correspondence  extending  over  fifteen 
years.  The  man  did  his  worst,  the  very  worst  he 
could,  out  of  the  most  intimate  business  correspond- 
ence of  my  life.  I ask,  gentlemen,  if  any  of  you,  and 
I ask  it  with  some  feeling,  can  stand  a severer  scrutiny 
of,  or  more  rigid  investigation  into,  your  private  cor- 
respondence ? That  was  the  worst  he  could  do. 

THAT  CABLE  DESPATCH. 

There  is  one  piece  of  testimony  wanting.  There  is 
but  one  thing  to  close  the  complete  circle  of  evidence. 
There  is  but  one  witness  whom  I could  not  have,  to 
whom  the  Judiciary  Committee,  taking  into  account 
the  great  and  intimate  connection  he  had  with  the 
transaction,  was  asked  to  send  a cable  despatch,  and 
I ask  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  if  that  cable  de- 
spatch was  sent  to  him? 

Mr.  Frye.  Who? 

Mr.  Blaine.  To  Josiah  Caldwell. 

Mr.  Knott.  Iv  will  reply  to  the  gentleman  that 
Judge  Hamton  and  myself  have  both  endeavored  to 
get  Mr.  Caldwell’s  address,  and  have  not  yet  got  it. 

Mr.  Blaine.  Has  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  re- 
ceived a despatch  from  Mr.  Caldwell  ? 

Mr.  Knott.  I will  explain  that  directly. 

Mr.  Blaine.  I want  a categorical  answer. 

Mr.  Knott.  I have  received  a despatch  purporting 
to  be  from  Mr.  Caldwell. 


THE  FAMOUS  MULLIGAN  LETTERS. 


183 


Mr.  Blaine.  You  did? 

Mr.  Knott.  How  did  you  know  I got  it? 

Mr.  Blaine.  When  did  you  get  it?  I want  the 
gentleman  from  Kentucky  to  answer  when  he  got  it. 

Mr.  Knott.  Answer  my  question  first. 

Mr.  Blaine.  I never  heard  of  it  until  yesterday. 

Mr.  Knott.  How  did  you  hear  it  ? 

Mr.  Blaine.  I heard  that  you  got  a despatch  last 
Thursday  morning,  at  eight  o’clock,  from  Josiah  Cald- 
well, completely  and  absolutely  exonerating  me  from 
this  charge,  and  you  have  suppressed  it.  (Protracted 
applause  upon  the  floor  and  in  the  galleries.)  I want 
the-  gentleman  to  answer.  (After  a pause.)  Does 
the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  decline  to  answer? 

A BOLD  CHARGE. 

The  gentleman  from  Kentucky  in  responding  prob- 
ably, I think,  from  what  he  said,  intended  to  convey 
the  idea  that  I had  some  illegitimate  knowledge  of 
how  that  despatch  was  obtained.  I have  had  no  com- 
munication with  Josiah  Caldwell.  I have  had  no 
means  of  knowing  from  the  telegraph  office  whether 
the  despatch  was  received.  But  I tell  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  that  murder  will  out,  and  secrets  will 
leak.  And  I tell  the  gentleman  now,  and  I am  pre- 
pared to  state  to  this  House,  that  at  eight  o’clock  on 
last  Thursday  morning,  or  thereabouts,  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky  received  and  receipted  for  a message 
addressed  to  him  from  Josiah  Caldwell,  in  London,  en- 
tirely corroborating  and  substantiating  the  statements 
of  Thomas  A.  Scott,  which  he  had  just  read  in  the 


184 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


New  York  papers,  and  entirely  exculpating  me  from 
the  charge  which  I am  bound  to  believe,  from  the 
suppression  of  that  report,  that  the  gentleman  is 
anxious  to  fasten  upon  me.  (Protracted  applause 
from  the  floor  and  galleries.) 

MR.  BLAINE  THE  VICTOR. 

All  accounts  agree  in  representing  the  scene  in  the 
House  during  this  speech  as  one  unparalleled.  The 
grand  bearing,  the  acute  reasoning,  the  eloquent 
periods  and  triumphant  vindication  of  the  accused, 
made  a profound  impression  upon  those  who  were 
present  on  that  memorable  day.  Equally  telling  was 
the  effect  upon  the  country  at  large.  The  man  Mulli- 
gan had  done  his  worst ; he  had  picked  a number  of 
letters  from  a correspondence  extending  over  many 
years,  had  separated  them  from  their  connection,  and 
with  infernal  ingenuity  had  twisted  their  meaning  to 
his  own  contemptible  purposes.  Such  rascality  de- 
served the  red-hot  condemnation  it  received. 

The  scene  was  one  of  moral  sublimity  when  Mr. 
Blaine  turned  to  his  abashed  accusers,  and  with  all  the 
magnetic,  overwhelming  force  of  which  he  was  capable, 
roared  out  in  thunder  tones:  “You  have  received 
from  Josiah  Caldwell  a despatch  completely  and  ab- 
solutely exonerating  me,  and  you  have  suppressed 
it ! ” The  day  on  which  Mr.  Blaine  made  complete 
his  vindication  was  a historic  day  in  Congress,  one 
that  can  never  be  forgotten  by  any  who  were  wit- 
nesses of  the  extraordinary  scene. 


CHAPTER  X. 


“ The  Plumed  Knight  ” and  the  Presidency. 

The  desire  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  friends  to  secure  for 
him  the  nomination  for  the  presidency  took  definite 
shape  in  1876.  No  one  supposed  his  name  could  be 
kept  out  of  the  Convention,  for  his  long  and  brilliant 
public  career  pointed  him  out  as  one  most  worthy  to 
receive  the  honor  of  a nomination.  It  was  not  certain, 
however,  that  he  could  overcome  the  various  prefer- 
ences which  always  appear  in  a national  convention, 
and  gain  a majority  of  the  delegates. 

There  was  a widespread  feeling  in  the  Republican 
party  that  too  many  reproaches  gathered  about  Presi- 
dent Grant’s  last  administration  to  admit  of  his  re-nom- 
ination. The  breath  of  scandal  mingled  with  the  winds 
that  floated  the  Nation’s  flag-.  There  was  the  scandal 
of  the  Whisky  Ring;  another  of  the  Department  of  the 
Interior;  another  of  the  War  Department,  and  many 
whisperings  and  insinuations  of  widespread  corruption 
in  high  places. 

Any  man  who  went  boldly  into  the  den  and  dragged 
out  hidden  frauds  or  dishonesties  was  popular  with  the 
people.  The  Attorney-General,  Mr.  Bristow,  had  done 
this,  and  by  reason  of  having  uncovered  the  whisky 
frauds  was  quite  the  man  of  the  hour.  But  he  had 

(185) 


136 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


powerful  rivals  in  Senator  Conkling,  of  New  York,  and 
ex-Governor  Morton,  of  Indiana. 

ALL  HOSTILE  TO  MR.  BLAINE. 

Superadded  to  Mr.  Conkling’s  pre-eminent  ability, 
which  not  even  his  political  opponents  ever  disputed, 
and  the  commanding  position  he  held  in  the  Senate, 
he  had  the  support  of  the  administration.  “ Washing- 
ton ” was  hurrahing  for 
him,  and  all  that  is 
meant  by  that  term  was 
enlisted  in  his  behalf. 

Mr.  Morton  had  been 
the  “ war-governor  ” of 

o 

Indiana,  had  made  him- 
self famous  by  a bril- 
liant record,  was  a rank 
foe  to  the  solid  South, 
and  was  making  the 
most  of  his  past  ser- 
vices to  influence  the 
Convention  in  his  favor. 

Unfortunately  an  the 
Sunday  morning  pre- 
ceding the  Convention 
at  Cincinnati,  Mr.  Blaine  met  with  a partial  sunstroke. 
In  company  with  Mrs.  Blaine  he  was  on  his  way  to 
church  when,  being  overcome  by  the  heat,  he  was 
compelled  to  sit  down,  and  afterward  to  request  that 
he  miodit  be  carried  home.  This  untoward  event 

o 

had  some  effect  upon  his  prospects  in  the  Convention, 


BLAINE  AND  THE  PRESIDENCY. 


187 


yet  his  friends  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost,  and 
did  their  best  to  hold  his  forces  in  line  of  battle. 
The  report  was  industriously  circulated  at  Cincinnati 
that  he  had  been  stricken  with  apoplexy  and  his  illness 
was  quite  too  serious  to  admit  of  his  undergoing  the 
strain  of  a presidential  campaign. 

AN  ENCOURAGING  TELEGRAM. 

The  anxiety  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  friends  was  allayed  by  a 
telegram  received  from  him  bv  Congressman  Eugene 
Hale,  of  Maine,  which  read  as  follows : 

I am  entirely  convalescent,  suffering  only  from  phys- 
ical weakness.  Impress  upon  my  friends  the  great 
depth  of  gratitude  I feel  for  the  unparalleled  stead- 
fastness with  which  they  have  adhered  to  me  in  my 
hour  of  trial.  J.  G.  Blaine. 

The  decisive  hour  in  the  Convention  was  awaited 
with  breathless  suspense.  The  excitement  was  intense, 
not  only  at  Cincinnati  but  in  all  parts  of  the  country; 
excited  crowds  stood  impatiently  before  bulletin-boards 
to  obtain  the  news,  and  the  public  fever  plainly  indi- 
cated that  great  interest  was  felt  in  the  result. 

At  length  the  time  came  for  launching;  Mr.  Blaine’s 
name  before  the  Convention,  and  Colonel  Robert  G. 
Ingersoll,  of  Illinois,  ascended  the  platform.  His  ap- 
pearance was  the  signal  for  an  outburst  of  enthusiasm 
which  shook  the  immense  building,  and  seemed  to  roll 
its  waves  to  the  Atlantic  on  the  one  side  and  the 
Pacific  on  the  other.  He  rose  to  the  dignity  of  the 
occasion  and  delivered  an  address  which  has  been 
famous  since  the  hour  that  g;ave  it  birth. 


188 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


It  was  in  this  celebrated  speech  that  Mr.  Blaine  was 
first  called  “The  Plumed  Knight,”  an  inspiring  name 
ever  after  designating  his  heroic  spirit,  his  courageous 
bearing  and  manly  characteristics,  all  of  which  united 
to  make  him  the  most  magnetic  political  leader  of  his 
time. 

SPEECH  OF  ROBERT  G.  INGERSOI L. 

Massachusetts  may  be  satisfied  with  the  loyalty  of 

Benjamin  H.  Bristow ; 
so  am  I ; but  if  any 
man  nominated  by  this 
convention  cannot 
carry  the  State  of 
Massachusetts,  I am  not 
satisfied  with  the  loyalty 
of  that  State.  If  the 
nominee  of  this  conven- 
tion cannot  carry  the 
grand  old  Common- 
wealth of  Massachusetts 
by  seventy-five  thousand 
majority,  I would  advise 
them  to  sell  out  Faneuil 
Hall  as  a Democratic 
headquarters.  I would 
advise  them  to  take  from  Bunker  Hill  that  old  monu- 
ment of  glory. 

The  Republicans  of  the.  United  States  demand  as 
their  leader  in  the  great  contest  of  1876  a man  of  in- 
telligence, a man  of  integrity,  a man  of  well-known 


ROBERT  G.  INGERSOLL. 


BLAINE  AND  THE  PRESIDENCY. 


189 


and  approved  political  opinions.  They  demand  a re- 
former after  as  well  as  before  the  election.  They  de- 
mand a politician  in  the  highest,  broadest  and  best 
sense — a man  of  superb  moral  courage.  They  de- 
mand a man  acquainted  with  public  affairs,  with  the 
wants  of  the  people ; with  not  only  the  requirements 
of  the  hour,  but  with  the  demands  of  the  future. 
They  demand  a man  broad  enough  to  comprehend  the 
relations  of  this  government  to  the  other  nations  of 
the  earth.  They  demand  a man  well  versed  in  the 
powers,  duties,  and  prerogatives  of  each  and  every 
department  of  this  Government. 

They  demand  a man  who  will  sacredly  preserve  the 
financial  honor  of  the  United  States ; one  who  knows 
enough  to  know  that  the  national  debt  must  be  paid 
through  the  prosperity  of  this  people  ; one  who  knows 
enough  to  know  that  all  the  financial  theories  in  the 
world  cannot  redeem  a single  dollar ; one  who  knows 
enough  to  know  that  all  the  money  must  be  made,  not 
by  law,  but  by  labor  ; one  who  knows  enough  to  know 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  the  industry 
to  make  the  money  and  the  honor  to  pay  it  over  just 
as  fast  as  they  make  it. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  demand  a man 
who  knows  that  prosperity  and  resumption,  when  they 
come,  must  come  together ; that  when  they  come,  they 
will  come  hand  in  hand  through  the  golden  harvest 
fields;  hand  in  hand  by  the  whirling  spindles  and  the 
turning  wheels  ; hand  in  hand  past  the  open  furnace 
doors ; hand  in  hand  by  the  flaming  forges  ; hand  in 


190 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


hand  by  the  chimneys  filled  with  eager  fire — greeted 
and  grasped  by  the  countless  sons  of  toil. 

This  money  has  to  be  dug  out  of  the  earth.  You 
cannot  make  it  by  passing  resolutions  in  a political 
convention. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States  want  a man 
who  knows  that  the  government  should  protect  every 
citizen,  at  home  and  abroad ; who  knows  that  any 
government  that  will  not  defend  its  defenders,  and 
protect  its  protectors,  is  a disgrace  to  the  map  of  the 
world.  They  demand  a man  who  believes  in  the  eter- 
nal separation  and  divorcement  of  Church  and  School. 
They  demand  a man  whose  political  reputation  is 
spotless  as  a star;  but  they  do  not  demand  that  their 
candidate  shall  have  a certificate  of  moral  character 
signed  by  a Confederate  Congress.  The  man  who 
has,  in  full,  heaped  and  rounded  measure,  all  these 
splendid  qualifications,  is  the  present  grand  and  gal- 
lant leader  of  the  Republican  party — James  G.  Blaine. 

Our  country,  crowned  with  the  vast  and  marvelous 
achievements  of  its  first  century,  asks  for  a man  wor- 
thy of  the  past  and  prophetic  of  her  future;  asks  for 
a man  who  has  the  audacity  of  genius  ; asks  for  a man 
who  is  the  grandest  combination  of  heart,  conscience 
and  brain  beneath  her  flag.  Such  a man  is  James 
G.  Blaine. 

For  the  Republican  host,  led  by  this  intrepid  man, 
there  can  be  no  defeat. 

This  is  a grand  year — a year  filled  with  the  recol- 
lections of  the  Revolution ; filled  with  proud  and  ten- 


BLAINE  AND  THE  PRESIDENCY. 


191 


der  memories  of  the  past;  with  the  sacred  legends  of 
liberty  ; a year  in  which  the  sons  of  freedom  will  drink 
from  the  fountains  of  enthusiasm  ; a year  in  which  the 
people  call  for  a man  who  has  preserved  in  Congress 
what  our  soldiers  won  upon  the  field  ; a year  in  which 
they  call  for  the  man  who  has  torn  from  the  throat  of 
treason  the  tongue  of  slander  ; for  the  man  who  has 
snatched  the  mask  of  Democracy  from  the  hideous 
face  of  rebellion  ; for  the  man  who,  like  an  intellectual 
athlete,  has  stood  in  the  arena  of  debate  and  chal- 
lenged all  comers,  and  who  is  still  a total  stranger  to 
defeat. 

Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a plumed  knight , James 
G.  Blaine  marched  down  the  halls  of  the  American 
Congress,  and  threw  his  shining  lance  full  and  fair 
against  the  brazen  foreheads  of  the  defamers  of  his 
country  and  the  maligners  of  his  honor. 

For  the  Republican  party  to  desert  this  gallant 
leader  now,  is  as  though  an  army  should  desert  their 
general  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

James  G.  Blaine  is  now  and  has  been  for  years  the 
bearer  of  the  sacred  standard  of  the  Republican  party. 
I call  it  sacred,  because  no  human  being  can  stand  be- 
neath its  folds  without  becoming-  and  without  remain- 
ing  free. 

Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  in  the  name  of  the 
great  Republic,  the  only  Republic  that  ever  existed 
upon  the  earth ; in  the  name  of  all  her  defenders  and 
of  all  her  supporters ; in  the  name  of  all  her  soldiers 
living ; in  the  name  of  all  her  soldiers  dead  upon  the 


192 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


field  of  batde,  and  in  the  name  of  those  who  perisned 
in  the  skeleton  clutch  of  famine  at  Andersonville  and 
Libby,  whose  sufferings  he  so  vividly  remembers,  Illin- 
ois— Illinois  nominates  for  the  next  President  of  this 
country,  that  prince  of  parliamentarians — that  leader 
of  leaders — James  G.  Blaine. 

Maine  sent  us  to  this  magnificent  Convention  with 
a memory  of  her  own  salvation  from  impending  peril 
fresh  upon  her.  To  you  representatives  of  50,000,000 
of  the  American  people  who  have  met  here  to  counsel 
how  the  Republic  can  be  saved,  she  says,  “ Represent- 
atives of  the  people,  take  the  man,  the  true  man,  the 
staunch  man,  for  your  leader,  who  has  just  saved  me, 
and  he  will  bring  you  to  safety  and  certain  victory.” 

RESULT  OF  THE  BALLOTING. 

Early  in  Mr.  Blaine’s  career  it  became  an  under- 
stood thing  that  whenever  his  name  was  mentioned  in 
a popular  assembly  it  would  be  attended  with  demon- 
strations of  the  wildest  excitement  and  most  enthu- 
siastic approval.  It  was  so  on  this  occasion.  All  that 
has  ever  been  said  or  written  concerning  the  great 
uprising  of  thousands  of  people  in  a national  conven- 
tion when  the  name  of  some  favorite  candidate  was 
mentioned,  would  fail  to  give  an  adequate  description 
of  the  unparalleled  scene  when  the  “ Plumed  Knight” 
was  placed  in  nomination. 

The  first  ballot  gave  Mr.  Blaine  285  votes.  The 
whole  number  of  votes  in  the  convention  was  756,  and 
379  were  necessary  to  a choice.  After  the  first  ballot 
had  ended  all  compliments  to  “ favorite  sons  ” the  real 


RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES. 


194 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


contest  began.  After  several  ballots  which  made  it 
evident  that  neither  Conkling,  Morton,  Bristow  nor 
Hartranft  could  be  nominated,  the  inevitable  “ dark 
horse”  was  trotted  out,  and  the  popular  candidates 
were  defeated.  On  the  seventh  ballot  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes,  of  Ohio,  received  384  votes  and  Mr.  Blaine 

351.  This  was  an  unex- 
pected outcome  of  the 
contest,  but  when  it  be- 
came evident  that  none 
of  Mr.  Blaine’s  rivals 
could  be  nominated 
they  united  to  compass 
his  defeat.  Like  a solid 
phalanx  his  friends  and 
supporters  stood  by  him 
to  the  end. 

HE  HEARS  THE  NEWS. 
The  telegraph  flashed 
the  result  of  the  ballot- 
ing across  the  continent. 
With  his  accustomed 
coolness  and  self-pos- 
session Mr.  Blaine  was  awaiting-  the  news  in  Washing- 

o o 

ton.  A gentleman  who  was  with  him  gives  the  follow- 
ing  account  of  what  transpired  at  Mr.  Blaine’s  resi- 
dence. 

“I  happened  to  be  in  his  library  in  Washington  when 
the  balloting  was  going  on  in  Cincinnati  on  that  hot 
July  day  in  1876.  A telegraph  instrument  was  on  his 


BENJAMIN  H.  HILL. 


BLAINE  AND  THE  PRESIDENCY. 


195 


library  table,  and  Mr.  Sherman,  his  private  secretary, 
a deft  operator,  was  manipulating  its  key.  Despatches 
came  from  dozens  of  friends  giving  the  last  votes,  which 
only  lacked  a few  of  a nomination,  and  everybody  pre- 
dicted the  success  of  Blaine  on  the  next  ballot.  Only 
four  persons  beside  Mr.  Sherman  were  in  the  room. 
It  was  a moment  of  ^reat  excitement.  The  next  vote 
was  quietly  ticked  over  the  wire,  and  then  the  next 
announced  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hayes. 

“ Mr.  Blaine  was  the  only  cool  person  in  the  apart- 
ment. It  was  such  a reversal  of  all  anticipations  and 
assurances  that  self-possession  was  out  of  the  question 
except  with  Mr.  Blaine.  He  had  just  left  his  bed  after 
two  days  of  unconsciousness  with  sunstroke,  but  he 
was  as  self-possessed  as  the  portraits  on  the  wall.  He 
merely  gave  a murmur  of  surprise,  and  before  anybody 
had  recovered  from  the  surprise,  he  had  written,  in  a 
firm,  fluent  hand,  three  despatches — now  in  my  pos- 
session— one  to  Mr.  Hayes  of  congratulation  : 

“‘To  Gov.  R.  B.  Hayes,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

‘“I  offer  you  my  sincerest  congratulations  on  your 
nomination.  It  will  be  alike  my  highest  pleasure  as 
well  as  my  first  political  duty  to  do  the  utmost  in  my 
power  to  promote  your  election.  The  earliest  moments 
of  my  returning  and  confirmed  health  will  be  devoted 
to  securing  you  as  large  a vote  in  Maine  as  she  would 
have  given  for  myself.  J.  G.  Blaine.’ 

“Another  despatch  was  sent  to  the  Maine  delegates 
thanking  them  for  their  devotion,  and  another  to  Eu- 
gene Hale  and  Mr.  Frye,  asking  them  to  go  personally 


196 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


to  Mr.  Hayes,  at  Columbus,  and  present  his  good-will, 
with  promises  of  hearty  aid  in  the  campaign.  The 
occasion  affected  him  no  more  than  the  news  of  a 
servant  quitting  his  employ  would  have  done.  Half 
an  hour  afterward  he  was  out  with  Secretary  Fish  in 
an  open  carriage,  receiving  the  cheers  of  the  thousands 
of  people  who  were  gathered  about  the  telegraph 
bulletins.” 

ON  THE  STUMP. 

Although  Mr.  Blaine  had  been  defeated  in  the 
Convention  he  did  not  “ sulk  in  his  tent.”  He  was 
too  loyal  to  his  party  and  country  to  allow  his  interest 
in  political  issues  to  cool.  He  did  not  measure  his 
duty  to  the  nation  by  his  own  successes  or  defeats. 
The  nation  is  greater  than  any  man  or  any  party ; he 
was  a patriot,  not  a pretender.  Men  come  and  go; 
principles  and  ideas  abide  ; he  was  enlisted  in  behalf 
of  the  principle,  the  idea,  and  not  for  the  man.  The 
man,  at  best,  was  but  a representative  of  the  thoughts 
and  measures  of  the  hour;  not  himself,  but  what  he 
stood  for — this  was  the  matter  of  gravest  concern. 

Accordingly  Mr.  Blaine  was  found  ardently  sup- 
porting the  nominees  and  platform  of  the  Republi- 
can Convention.  He  threw  his  whole  soul  into  the 
campaign.  Immense  and  enthusiastic  throngs  at- 
tended his  triumphal  progress  through  twelve  States 
in  which  he  spoke,  and  never  did  king  or  conqueror 
receive  a more  hearty  ovation  than  that  which  greeted 
him  at  every  step.  His  audiences  in  some  instances 
reached  20,000-  persons  ; his  name  and  portrait  were 


BLAINE  AND  THE  PRESIDENCY. 


197 


carried  in  bannered  processions ; his  coming  was 
everywhere  the  signal  for  a popular  uprising,  and  any 
one  not  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  would 
have  supposed  he,  and  not  another,  was  die  presi- 
dential nominee,  and  everybody  was  going  to  vote  for 
him. 


SQUIRE  BROWN  S HORSE. 

Hon.  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,  tells  an  anecdote 
of  Mr.  Blaine  which 


shows  one  secret  of  his 
unbounded  popularity. 

It  illustrates  his  mar- 
vellous memory,  and  his 
personal  power  over 
men.  He  had  a way  of 
making-  them  feel  he 
was  specially  interested 
in  them  ; he  could  re- 
member names  and 
faces,  and  recall  them 
after  long  periods  of 
time.  Judge  Thurman’s 
anecdote  is  as  follows: 

All  the  people  of 
both  parties  turned  out 
to  hear  Blaine.  I have  among  my  clients  a promi- 
nent old  farmer,  who  is  one  of  the  wealthiest  men 
in  the  county.  He  was  a good  Republican  and 
after  Blaine  got  through  speaking,  and  was  shaking 
hands  with  everybody,  I saw  my  old  client  in  the 


ALLEN  G.  THURMAN. 


198 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


crowd  looking  on  at  the  orator  of  the  day  rather  in- 
terestedly. 

I said  to  him,  “Squire  Brown”  (that  is  not  his 
name,  but  it  will  do  here),  “ would  you  like  to  know 
Mr.  Blaine  ? ” 

Of  course  he  said  he  would ; so  I took  him  to  the 
Maine  statesman  and  introduced  him,  at  the  same 
time  telling  Blaine  who  he  was.  Blaine’s  eye  was  in- 
stantly caught  by  the  handsome  appearance  and  style 
of  his  trotters.  One  of  them  particularly  pleased 
him,  and  he  said  to  my  client  that  the  colt  should 
be  trained,  as  it  would  make  a very  superior  trot- 
ter. Well,  after  a five  minutes’  talk,  Blaine  went 
away. 

In  1880  he  came  into  Ohio  again  and  to  my  town. 
He  spoke  to  an  immense  audience  as  usual.  In  the 
crowd  was  my  old  Republican  client,  Squire  Brown. 
He  was  waiting-  in  the  outskirts  of  the  audience,  won- 
dering-  if  Mr.  Blaine  would  remember  him  if  he  went 
to  speak  to  him.  All  at  once  Blaine  caught  sight  of 
the  old  man.  He  went  straight  up  to  him,  called  his 
name,  and  after  a few  words  said : 

“ Squire  Brown,  did  you  ever  train  the  near  colt 
of  that  team  you  were  driving  when  I was  here  four 
years  ago  ? I have  often  thought  of  that  colt,  and  I 
believe  he  would  make  a great  horse  if  trained.” 

“Now,”  said  Judge  Thurman,  “here  was  a man 
who  had  made  a canvass  for  the  Presidency,  and 
had  a nation’s  labor  almost  on  his  shoulders,  and 
yet  so  wonderful  was  his  memory  that  the  least  in- 


BLAINE  AND  THE  PRESIDENCY.  199 

cident  fixed  itself  there  and  was  never  forgotten.  I 
have  never  known  any  one  in  my  day  with  a memory 
like  that,  and  now  I begin  to  understand  why  it  is 
that  Blaine’s  popularity  is  so  much  greater  than  that 
of  any  other  man  in  his  party.” 


CHAPTER  XI. 


Blaine  in  the  United  States  Senate. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  appointed  by  the  Governor  of 
Maine,  July  19,  1876,  to  be  United  States  Senator  to 
fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Senator 
Morrill,  who  then  became  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
and  took  his  seat  in  that  august  body  at  the  opening 
of  its  session  in  December,  1876. 

Many  regretted  that  the  able  Speaker  of  the  House, 
the  dashing  and  brilliant  debater  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  should,  as  they  expressed  it,  be  shelved  in  the 
Senate.  Four  years  passed,  and  it  would  be  hard  to 
name  a man  who  had  been  less  securely  shelved,  a 
Senator  who  moved  so  promptly  to  the  front.  The 
Senate  contained  a large  number  of  able  men  and 
some  skillful  debaters,  but  in  logical,  off-hand  discus- 
sion, in  quick  perception  and  full  command  of  every 
resource,  it  never  contained  a man  superior  to  Mr. 
Blaine. 

His  career  in  the  Senate  was  as  active  as  that  in 
the  House.  He  took  a prominent  part  in  every  im- 
portant debate,  and  though  not  fearing  to  differ  from 
his  party,  was  always  a strong  party  man,  and  one  of 
the  recognized  leaders  on  the  Republican  side. 

(200) 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


201 


ADDRESS  TO  HIS  CONSTITUENTS. 

He  was  subsequently  elected  for  the  unexpired 
term  and  for  the  ensuing  term  expiring  in  1883.  On 
his  appointment  he  wrote  to  the  people  of  his  Con- 
gressional District  a farewell  address,  in  which  he  said : 

Beginning  with  1862  you  have  by  continuous  elec- 
tions sent  me  as  your  representative  to  the  Congress 
of  the  United  States.  For  such  marked  confidence  I 
have  endeavored  to  return  the  most  zealous  and  de- 
voted service  in  my  power,  and  it  is  certainly  not 
without  a feeling  of  pain  that  I now  surrender  a trust 
by  which  I have  always  felt  so  signally  honored. 

It  has  been  my  boast  in  public  and  in  private  that 
no  man  on  the  floor  of  Congress  ever  represented  a 
constituency  more  distinguished  for  intelligence,  for 
patriotism,  for  public  and  personal  virtue.  The  cor- 
dial support  you  have  so  uniformly  given  me  through 
these  fourteen  eventful  years  is  the  chief  honor  of  my 
life.  In  closing  the  intimate  relations  I have  so  loner 
held  with  the  people  of  this  district  it  is  a great  satis- 
faction to  me  to  know  that  with  returning  health  I 
shall  enter  upon  a field  of  duty  in  which  I can  still 
serve  them  in  common  with  the  larger  constituency  of 
which  they  form  a part. 

A GLOWING  TRIBUTE. 

The  Kennebec  Journal  of  his  State,  well  represent- 
ing the  sentiment  of  the  public  in  the  State,  said  : 

“Fourteen  years  ago,  standing  in  the  convention 
at  which  he  was  first  nominated,  Mr.  Blaine  pledged 
himself  to  use  his  best  services  for  the  district,  and  to" 


202 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


support  to  the  best  of  his  ability  the  policy  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  to  subdue  the  rebellion,  and  then  and 
there  expressed  plainly  the  idea  that  slavery  must  and 
ought  to  be  abolished  to  save  the  Union.  That  he 
has  kept  his  pledge  faithfully  his  constituents  know 
and  feel,  and  the  records  of  Congress  attest. 

“To  this  district  his  abilities  were  freely  given,  and 
as  he  rose  in  honor  in  the  House  and  in  the  public  es- 
timation he  reflected  honor  and  gave  strength  to  the 
constituency  that  supported  him.  Every  step  he  made 
in  advance  was  a gain  for  them.  It  was  a grand  thing 
for  this  district  to  have  as  its  Representative  in  Con- 
gress for  six  years  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  filling 
the  place  next  in  importance  to  that  of  President  of 
the  United  States  with  matchless  ability. 

TAKES  UP  NEW  DUTIES. 

“It  was  a grander  thing  when  he  took  the  lead  of 
the  minority  in  the  House  last  December,  routed  the 
Democratic  majority,  and  drove  back  in  dismay  the 
ex-Confederates  who  were  intending  and  expecting 
through  the  advantage  they  had  already  gained  to 
grasp  the  supreme  power  in  the  Nation  and  w'ield  it 
in  the  interest  of  the  cause  of  secession  and  rebellion 
revived.  For  what  he  has  done  as  their  representa- 
tive in  Congress,  never  will  this  Illd.  district  of  Maine 
forget  to  honor  the  name  of  James  G.  Blaine.  It  will 
live  in  the  hearts  of  this  people  even  as  the  name  of 
Henry  Clay  is  still  loved  by  the  people  of  his  old  dis- 
trict in  Kentucky.” 

He  at  once  entered  actively  upon  his  new  official 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


203 


duties,  and  his  prestige  in  the  House  and  his  great 
popularity  with  the  people  made  him  a prominent 
figure  in  his  new  position.  His  progressive  nature 
had  little  regard  for  the  tradition  of  that  body,  which 
expects  new  members  to  listen  to  their  elders  instead 
of  pushing  forward  in  debates.  He  could  not  remain 
silent  on  questions  upon  which  he  was  well  informed, 
and  so  he  at  once  became  a debater  in  the  Senate. 

He  made  a strong  speech  in  favor  of  restricting 
Chinese  immigration,  which  was  much  censured  and 
much  praised,  according  to  the  point  of  view  of  his 
critics.  He  voted  against  the  Electoral  Commission 
bill.  He  opposed  the  Bland  silver  bill  in  a vigorous 
speech,  and  favored  the  coinage  of  an  honest  silver 
dollar.  The  question  of  the  restoration  of  the  Amer- 
ican carrying  trade  upon  the  seas  received  a great  deal 
of  attention  from  him,  and  his  speeches  and  letters  on 
this  subject  attracted  much  attention.  One  of  these 
speeches  was  made  at  a New  York  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce dinner,  and  was  accepted  as  a masterly  presen- 
tation of  the  subject. 

A PLOT  FRUSTRATED. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  sagacity,  coolness  and  wisdom  as  a 
party  leader  were  conspicuously  demonstrated  in  the 
measures  he  took  to  circumvent  the  Democratic  plot 
for  stealing  the  State  Government  of  Maine  in  1879,  by 
fraudulently  counting  out  Republican  members  of  the 
Legislature.  All  the  advantages,  save  that  of  being 
in  the  right,  were  with  his  opponents  at  the  start.  His 
supporters  were  eager  to  resort  to  arms  as  the  only 


204 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  ELAINE. 


means  of  obtaining  justice,  but  they  were  restrained 
by  him. 

His  plan  was  first  to  arouse  public  sentiment  by  ex- 
posing the  enormity  of  the  plot,  next  to  tangle  up  his 
antagonists  in  a web  of  contradictions,  and  then,  after 
obtaining  the  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court,  to  seize 
and  hold  the  legislative  halls.  It  was  completely  suc- 
cessful, and  the  conspiracy  became  impotent  and 
ridiculous. 

His  position  on  the  Chinese  question  was  the  result 
of  a thorough  investigation  of  the  subject  in  all  its 
bearings,  and  when  a conclusion  had  been  reached,  he 
threw  all  the  force  of  his  genius  and  ability  in  opposi- 
tion to  an  unlimited  immigration  of  those  people  to 
this  country.  This  action  made  him  the  most  popular 
statesman  on  the  Pacific  coast,  and  the  people  of  those 
States  gave  him  the  most  decided  manifestations  of 
their  esteem  and  confidence.  His  independence  of 
action  made  him  friends  and  enemies,  but  apparently 
indifferent  to  personal  interests  or  popular  clamor,  he 
boldly  proclaimed  and  defended  his  convictions.  He 
was  no  time-serving  politician. 

A STRONG  PROTECTIONIST. 

He  never  waited  to  ascertain  the  current  of  public 
opinion  and  then  drift  with  it.  On  the  contrary  he  was 
a born  leader,  who  made  public  opinion,  and  his  ad- 
vanced ideas  led  him  to  the  front,  while  his  magnetism 
brought  a host  of  followers.  He  possessed  those  qual- 
ities which  make  a military  commander  great,  a diplo- 
mat effective,  and  a statesman  popular.  His  position 


BLAINE  IN  TI1E  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


205 


on  the  tariff  question  was  in  strict  harmony  with  his 
party,  and  ever  since  he  entered  the  halls  of  legislation 
he  advocated  the  doctrine  of  protection  to  labor. 

In  the  Senate,  as  in  the  House,  Mr.  Blaine  was  a 
staunch  advocate  of  a protective  tariff. 

On  the  2 2d  of  April,  187S,  he  offered  the  following 
resolutions : 

Resolved , That  any  radical  change  in  our  present 
tariff  laws,  would  in  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  be 
inopportune,  would  needlessly  derange  the  business 
interests  of  the  country,  and  would  seriously  retard 
that  return  to  prosperity  for  which  all  should  earnestly 
co-operate. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  judgment  of  the  Senate,  it 
should  be  the  fixed  policy  of  this  government  to  so 
maintain  our  tariff  for  revenue  as  to  afford  adequate 
protection  to  American  labor. 

On  the  1 st  of  May,  1S78,  Mr.  Blaine  called  up  his 
resolutions  and  urged  their  passage  in  a storm)'  speech, 
which,  however,  was  ineffectual  at  the  time. 

HIS  VIEWS  ON  PUBLIC  QUESTIONS. 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Blaine  was  as  firm  an  advocate 
of  the  principles  and  measures  of  his  party  as  he  had 
been  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  There  was 
no  wavering.  The  old  classic  saying  that  they  do  not 
change  their  characters  who  change  their  skies  applied 
to  him  ; and  he  was  the  same  man  under  the  roof  of 
the  Senate  Chamber  that  he  was  before  taking  his 
seat  in  that  august  body. 

In  the  main  he  supported  the  policy  of  President 


206 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Hayes,  but  did  not  approve  of  the  President’s  action 
in  recognizing  the  Democratic  government  in  some 
States  of  the  South.  His  views  were  broad  ; his  range 
of  vision  took  in  the  whole  country.  Whatever  was 
American  in  the  highest  sense  of  the  term,  whatever 
would  advance  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  whole 
country,  found  in  him  an  earnest  advocate.  Moreover, 
he  boldly  proclaimed  his  belief  in  popular  rights,  the 
rights  of  the  whole  people ; these  were  not  to  be 
trampled  down  by  any  false  theory  of  State  sover- 
eignty. 

SPEECH  ON  CHINESE  IMMIGRATION. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  speech  on  the  Chinese  question  at- 
tracted wide  attention.  A bill  had  been  introduced 
restricting  the  number  of  Chinamen  on  incoming  ves- 
sels  to  fifteen,  and  otherwise  placing  obstructions  in 
the  way  of  a wholesale  introduction  of  this  class  of 
foreigners  into  the  United  States.  It  was  one  of  the 
important  questions  of  the  hour,  as  it  is  still.  Mr. 
Blaine  heartily  supported  this  bill.  His  speech  was 
so  masterly  and  comprehensive,  that  it  is  here  repro- 
duced nearly  entire : 

As  I said,  the  Chinese  question  is  not  new.  We 
have  had  it  here  very  often,  and  proceeding  some- 
what to  the  second  branch,  I lay  down  this  principle, 
that,  so  far  as  my  vote  is  concerned,  I will  not  admit 
a man  to  immigration  to  this  country  that  I am  not 
willing  to  place  on  the  basis  of  a citizen.  Let  me  re- 
peat that.  We  ought  not  to  admit  to  this  country  of 
universal  suffrage  the  immigration  of  a great  people, 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


207 


great  in  numbers,  whom  we  ourselves  declare  to  be 
utterly,  unfit  to  become  citizens. 

What  do  you  say  on  that  point?  In  the  Senate  of 
the  United  States,  on  the  fourth  of  July,  1870,  a 
patriotic  day,  we  were  amending  the  naturalization 
laws.  We  had  made  all  the  negroes  of  the  United 
States  voters  practically ; at  least  we  had  said  they 
should  not  be  deprived 
of  suffrage  by  rea- 
son of  race  or  color. 

We  had  admitted 
them  all,  and  we  then 
amended  the  naturali- 
zation laws  so  that  the 
gentleman  from  Africa 
himself  could  become 
a citizen  of  the 
United  States  ; and  an 
immigrant  from 
Africa  to-morrow, 
from  the  coast  of 

Guinea  or  Seneo-am- 
<_> 

bia,  can  be  naturalized 
and  made  an  Ameri- 
can citizen.  The  Senator  Trumbull  moved  to  add : 
“ Or  persons  born  in  the  Chinese  empire.” 

He  said : “ I have  offered  this  amendment  so  as  to 
bring  the  distinct  question  before  the  Senate,  whether 
they  will  vote  to  naturalize  persons  from  Africa,  and 
vote  to  refuse  to  naturalize  those  who  come  from 


208 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


China.  I ask  for  the  yeas  and  nays  on  my  amend- 
ment.” 

WHO  THEY  WERE. 

The  yeas  and  nays  were  as  follows  on  the  ques- 
tion of  whether  we  would  ever  admit  a Chinaman 
to  be  come  an  American  citizen.  The  yeas  were: 
Messrs  Fenton,  Fowler,  McDonald,  Pomeroy,  Rice, 

Robertson,  Sprague, 
Sumner,  and  Trumbull 
— 9- 

The  nays  were  : 
Messrs.  Bayard,  Bore- 
man,  Chandler,  Conk- 
ling,  Corbett,  Cragin, 
Drake,  Gilbert,  Hamil- 
ton, of  Maryland,  Ham- 
lin, Harlan,  Howe, 
McCreery,  Morrill,  of 
Vermont,  Morton,  Nye, 
Osborn,  Ramsey,  Sauls- 
bury,  Sawyer,  Scott, 
Stewart,  Stockton, 
JAMES  f.  WILSON.  Thayer,  Thurman,  Tip- 

ton, Vickers,  Warner,  Wiley,  Williams,  and  Wilson — 3 1 . 

My  friend  from  Rhode  Island  [Mr.  Anthony]  and 
the  honorable  Chairman  of  the  Judiciary  Committee 
[Mr.  Edmunds]  are  put  among  the  absent,  but  there 
was  a vote  of  31  against  9 in  a Senate  three-fourths 
Republican,  declaring  that  the  Chinaman  never  ought 
to  be  made  a citizen.  I think  that  settles  the  whole 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


209 


question,  if  that  was  a correct  vote,  because  you  cannot 
in  our  system  of  government  as  it  is  to-day,  with  safety 
to  all,  permit  a large  immigration  of  people  who  are 
not  to  be  made  citizens  and  take  part  in  the  govern- 
ment. The  Senator  from  California  tells  us  that 
already  the  male  adult  Chinese  in  California  are  more 
numerous  than  the  white  voters.  I take  him  as  an 
authority  from  his  own  State,  and  I should  expect  him 
to  take  my  statement  about  my  own  State. 

' THE  DILEMMA. 

It  seems  to  me  that  if  we  adopt  as  a permanent 
policy  the  free  immigration  of  those  who,  by  over- 
whelming votes  in  both  branches  of  Congress,  we  say 
shall  forever  remain  political  and  social  pariahs  in  a 
great  free  government,  we  have  introduced  an  element 
that  we  cannot  handle.  You  cannot  stop  where  we 
are  ; you  are  compelled  to  do  one  of  two  things — • 
either  exclude  the  immigration  of  Chinese  or  include 
them  in  the  great  family  of  citizens. 

Well,  what  about  the  question  of  numbers?  Did  it 
ever  occur  to  my  honorable  friend  from  Ohio  that  the 
vast  myriads  of  millions  almost,  as  you  might  call  them, 
the  incalculable  hordes  in  China,  are  much  nearer  to 
the  Pacific  coast  of  the  United  States,  in  point  of  money 
and  passage,  in  point  of  expense  of  reaching  it,  than 
the  people  of  Kansas  ? A man  in  Shanghai  or  Hong- 
Kong  can  be  delivered  at  San  Francisco  more  cheaply 
than  a man  in  Omaha  now.  I do  not  speak  of  the 
Atlantic  coast,  where  the  population  is  still  more 
dense;  but  you  may  take  the  Mississippi  valley,  Illinois, 
14 


210 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Iowa,  Nebraska,  Kansas,  Missouri,  all  the  great  Com- 
monwealths of  that  valley,  and  they  are,  in  point  of 
expense,  further  off  from  the  Pacific  slope  than  the 
vast  hordes  in  China  and  Japan. 

CHEAP  TRANSPORTATION. 

I am  told  by  those  who  are  familiar  with  the  ccnv 
mercial  affairs  of  the  Pacific  side  that  a person  can  be 
sent  from  any  of  the  great  Chinese  ports  to  San  Fran- 
cisco for  something  over  $30.  I suppose  in  an  emigrant 
train  over  the  Pacific  Railroad  from  Omaha,  not  to 
speak  of  the  expense  of  reaching  Omaha,  but  from 
that  point  alone,  it  would  cost  $50  per  head,  and  that 
would  be  cheap  railroad  fare  as  things  go  in  this 
country.  So  that  in  point  of  practicability — in  point 
of  getting  there — the  Chinaman  to-day  has  an  advan- 
tage over  an  American  laborer  in  any  part  of  the 
country,  except  in  the  case  of  those  who  are  already 
on  the  Pacific  coast. 

Ought  we  to  exclude  them  ? The  question  lies  in 
my  mind  thus  : either  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  will  pos- 
sess the  Pacific  slope  or  the  Mongolians  will  possess 
it.  You  give  them  the  start  to-day  with  the  keen 
thrust  of  necessity  behind  them,  and  with  the  ease  of 
transportation  before  them,  with  the  inducements  to 
come,  while  we  are  filling  up  the  other  portions  of  the 
continent,  and  it  is  entirely  inevitable,  if  not  demon- 
strable, that  they  will  occupy  that  great  space  of  country 
between  the  Sierras  and  the  Pacific  coast.  They  are 
themselves  to-day  establishing  steamship  lines  ; they 
are  themselves  to-day  providing  the  means  of  trans- 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


211 


portation  ; and  when  gentlemen  say  that  we  admit 
from  all  other  countries,  where  do  you  find  the  slightest 
parallel?  And  in  a Republic  especially,  in  any  govern- 
ment that  maintains  itself,  the  unit  of  order  and  of 
administration  is  in  the  family. 

A DISCORDANT  ELEMENT. 

The  immigrants  that  come  to  us  from  all  portions 
of  the  British  Isles,  from  Germany,  from  Norway,  from 
France,  from  Spain,  from  Italy,  come  here  with  the 
idea  of  the  family  as  much  engraven  on  their  minds 
and  in  their  customs  and  in  their  habits  as  we  have  it. 
The  Asiatic  cannot  go  on  with  our  population  and 
make  a homogeneous  element.  The  idea  of  comparing 
European  immigration  with  an  immigration  that  has 
no  regard  to  family,  that  does  not  recognize  the  rela- 
tion of  husband  and  wife,  that  does  not  observe  the  tie 
of  parent  and  child,  that  does  not  have  in  the  slightest 
degree  the  ennobling  and  the  civilizing  influences  of 
the  hearthstone  and  the  fireside,  why,  when  gentlemen 
talk  loosely  about  emigration  from  European  states  as 
contrasted  with  that,  they  certainly  are  forgetting  his- 
tory and  forgetting  themselves. 

There  has  not  been  from  the  outset  any  immigration 
of  Chinese  in  the  sense  in  which  immigration  comes 
to  us  from  Europe.  It  has  all  been  “under  contract” 
and  through  agencies,  and  if  not  in  every  respect  of  the 
Coolie  type,  the  entire  immigration  from  China  has  had 
the  worst  and  most  demoralizing  features  of  Coolieism. 
The  Burlingame  treaty  specially  “reprobated  any  other 
than  an  entirely  voluntary  immigration,”  and  yet  from 


212 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  first  Chinaman  that  came,  in  1848,  to  the  last  one 
that  landed  in  San  Francisco,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  not 
one  in  one  hundred  came  in  an  “entirely  voluntary” 
manner. 

THEIR  NUMBERS. 

Up  to  October,  1876,  the  records  of  the  San  Fran- 
cisco Custom-House  show  that  233,136  Chinese  had 
arrived  in  this  country,  and  that  93,273  had  returned 
to  China.  The  immigration  since  has  been  quite  large, 
and  allowing  for  returns  and  deaths,  the  best  statistics 
I can  procure  show  .that  about  100,000  Chinese  are  in 
California  and  from  20,000  to  25,000  in  the  adjacent 
Pacific  States  and  Territories. 

Of  this  large  population  fully  nine-tenths  are  adult 
males.  The  women  have  not  in  all  numbered  over 
seven  thousand,  and,  according  to  all  accounts,  they 
are  impure  and  lewd  far  beyond  the  Anglo-Saxon 
conception  of  impurity  and  lewdness.  One  of  the  best- 
informed  Californians  I ever  met  says  that  not  one 
score  of  decent  and  pure  women  could  ever  have  been 
found  in  the  whole  Chinese  immigration. 

It  is  only  in  the  imagined,  rather  I hope  the  unim- 
agined, feculence  and  foulness  of  Sodom  and  Gomor- 
rah that  any  parallel  can  be  found  to  the  atrocious 
nastiness  of  the  Chinese  quarter  of  San  Francisco.  I 
speak  of  this  from  abounding  testimony — largely  from 
those  who  have  had  personal  opportunity  to  study  the 
subject  in  its  revolting  details. 

In  the  entire  Chinese  population  of  the  Pacific  coast 
scarcely  one  family  is  to  be  found ; no  hearthstone  of 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


213 


comfort,  no  fireside  of  joy  ; no  father  nor  mother,  nor 
brother  nor  sister ; no  child  reared  by  parents  ; no 
domestic  and  ennobling  influences  ; no  ties  of  affec- 
tion. The  relation  of  wife  is  degraded  beyond  all 
description,  the  females  holding  and  dishonoring  that 
sacred  name  being  sold  and  transferred  from  one  man 
to  another,  without  shame  and  without  fear;  one 
woman  being-  at  the  same  time  the  wife  to  several 
men. 

NOT  FIT  TO  BE  ADMITTED. 

Many  of  these  women  came  to  San  Francisco  under 
written  contracts  for  prostitution,  openly  and  shame- 
lessly entered  into.  I have  myself  read  the  transla- 
tion of  some  of  these  abominable  documents.  If  as  a 
nation  we  have  the  right  to  keep  out  infectious  dis- 
eases, if  we  have  the  right  to  exclude  the  criminal 
classes  from  coming  to  us,  we  surely  possess  the  right 
to  exclude  that  immigration  which  reeks  with  impurity, 
and  which  cannot  come  to  us  without  plenteously  sow- 
ing the  seeds  of  moral  and  physical  disease,  destitu- 
tion and  death. 

The  Chinese  immigration  to  California  began  with 
the  American  immigration  in  1848.  The  two  races 
have  been  side  by  side  for  more  than  thirty  years, 
nearly  an  entire  generation,  and  not  one  step  toward 
assimilation  has  been  taken.  The  Chinese  occupy 
their  own  peculiar  quarter  in  the  city,  adhere  to  their 
own  dress,  speak  their  own  language,  worship  in  their 
own  heathen  temples,  and,  inside  the  municipal  law 
and  independent  of  it,  administer  a code  among  them- 


214 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


selves,  even  pronouncing  the  death  penalty,  and  ex- 
ecuting it  in  criminal  secrecy. 

ALWAYS  THE  SAME  CHINAMAN. 

If  this  were  for  a year  only,  or  for  two,  or  five,  or 
even  ten  years,  it  might  be  claimed  that  more  time 
was  needed  for  domestication  and  assimilation ; but 
this  has  been  going  on  for  an  entire  generation,  and 

the  Chinaman  to-day 
approaches  no  nearer 
to  our  civilization  than 
he  did  when  the  Golden 
Gate  first  received  him. 
In  sworn  testimony  be- 
fore an  investigating 
committee  of  Congress, 
Dr.  Mears,  the  health 
officer  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, described  as  “ a 
careful  and  learned 
man,”  testified  that  the 
condition  of  the  Chi- 
nese quarter  is  “horri- 
ble, inconceivably  hor- 
rible.” 

He  stated  that  the  Chinese  as  a rule  “ live  in  large 
tenement  houses,  large  numbers  crowded  into  individ- 
ual rooms,  without  proper  ventilation,  with  bad  drain- 
age, and  underground,  with  a great  deal  of  filth,  the 
odors  from  which  are  horrible.”  He  described  their 
“mode  of  taking  a room  ten  feet  high  and  putting  a 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


215 


flooring  half-way  to  the  ceiling,  both  floors  being 
crowded  at  night  with  sleepers.  In  these  crowded 
dens  cases  of  small-pox  were  concealed  from  the 
police.”  “They  live  underground  in  bunks.  The  to- 
pography of  that  portion  of  Chinadom  is  such  that 
you  enter  a house  sometimes  and  think  that  it  is  a 
one-story  house,  and  you  will  find  two  or  three  stories 
down  below  on  the  side  of  the  hill,  where  they  live  in 
great  filth.” 

Another  close  and  accurate  observer,  a resident  of 
California,  says : “ The  only  wonder  is  that  desolating 
pestilences  have  not  ensued.  Small-pox  has  often 
been  epidemic,  and  could  always  be  traced  to  Chinese 
origin.  The  Chinese  quarter  was  once  occupied  by 
shops,  churches,  and  dwellings  of  Americans.  Now 
these  are  as  thoroughly  Mongolian  as  any  part  of  Can- 
ton. All  other  races  flee  from  the  contact.” 

A HIDEOUS  RABBLE. 

Dr.  Mears  further  testified  and  gave  many  revolting 
details  in  proof  that  the  Chinese  “ are  cruel  and  indif- 
ferent to  their  sick.”  He  described  cases  of  Chinese 
lepers  at  the  city  hospital : “ Their  feet  dropped  off  by 
dry  gangrene  and  their  hands  were  wasted  and  atten- 
uated. Their  finger-nails  dropped  off.”  He  said  the 
Chinese  were  gradually  working  eastward,  and  would 
by-and-by  crowd  into  Eastern  cities,  where  the  con- 
ditions under  which  they  live  in  San  Francisco  would 
produce,  in  the  absence  of  its  climatic  advantages,  de- 
structive pestilence. 

Perhaps  a Chinese  quarter  in  Boston,  with  forty 


216 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


thousand  Mongolians  located  somewhere  between  the 
south  end  and  the  north  end  of  the  city  and  separating 
the  two  would  give  Mr.  Garrison  some  new  views  as 
to  the  power  and  right  of  a nation  to  exclude  moral 
and  physical  pestilence  from  its  bordersT  In  San 
Francisco  there  is  no  hot  weather,  the  thermometer 
rarely  rising  above  65°.  One  of  the  most  intelligent 
physicians  in  the  United  States  says  that  the  Chinese 
quarter  of  San  Francisco  transferred  to  Saint  Louis, 
Chicago,  Cincinnati,  or  any  Eastern  city,  would  in  a 
hot  summer  breed  a plague  equal  to  the  “ black  death” 
that  is  now  alarming  the  civilized  world. 

o 

A LIBEL  ON  WHITE  PEOPLE. 

When  Mr.  Garrison  says  that  the  immigration  of 
Englishmen,  Irishmen,  Scotchmen,  Frenchmen,  Ger- 
mans, and  Scandinavians,  must  be  put  on  the  same 
footing-  as  the  Chinese  Coolies,  he  confounds  all  dis- 
tinctions,  and,  of  course  without  intending  it,  libels 
almost  the  entire  white  population  whose  blood  is 
inherited  from  the  races  he  names.  All  the  immigra- 
tion from  Europe  to-day  assimilates  at  once  with  its 
own  blood  on  this  soil,  and  to  place  the  Chinese 
Coolies  on  the  same  footing  is  to  shut  one’s  eyes  to 
all  the  instincts  of  human  nature  and  all  the  teachings 
of  history. 

Is  it  not  inevitable  that  a class  of  men  living  in  this 
degraded  and  filthy  condition,  and  on  the  poorest  of 
food,  can  work  for  less  than  the  American  laborer  is 
entitled  to  receive  for  his  daily  toil?  Put  the  two 
classes  of  labor  side  by  side,  and  the  cheap  servile 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


217 


labor  pulls  down  the  more  manly  toil  to  its  level.  The 
free  white  laborer  never  could  compete  with  slave 
labor  of  the  South.  In  the  Chinaman  the  white  laborer 
finds  only  another  form  of  servile  competition — in 
some  aspects  more  revolting  and  corrupting  than 
African  slavery.  Whoever  contends  for  the  unre- 
stricted immigration  of  Chinese  Coolies  contends  for 
that  system  of  toil  which  blights  the  prospects  of  the 
white  laborer — dooming  him  to  starvation  wages, 
killing  his  ambition  by  rendering  his  struggle  hope- 
less, and  ending  in  a plodding  and  pitiless  poverty. 

IMMINENT  DANGER. 

Nor  is  it  a truthful  answer  to  say  that  this  danger 
is  remote.  Remote  it  may  be  for  Mr.  Garrison,  for 
Boston,  for  New  England,  but  it  is  instant  and  pressing 
on  the  Pacific  slope.  Already  the  Chinese  male  adults 
on  that  coast  are  well-nigh  as  numerous  as  the  white 
voters  of  California,  and  it  is  conceded  that  a Chinese 
emigrant  can  be  placed  in  San  Francisco  for  one-half 
the  amount  required  to  transport  a man  from  the 
Mississippi  valley  to  the  Pacific  coast,  and  for  one- 
third  what  it  requires  for  a New  Yorker  or  a New 
Englander  to  reach  California  or  Oregon. 

The  late  Caleb  Cushing,  who  had  carefully  studied 
the  Chinese  question,  ever  since  his  mission  to  Pekin 
in  1842,  maintained  that,  unless  resisted  by  the 
United  States,  the  first  general  famine  in  China  would 
be  followed  by  an  immigration  to  California  that  would 
swamp  the  white  race.  I observe  that  a New  England 
newspaper — I specially  regret  that  such  ignorance 


218 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


should  be  shown  in  New  England — says  it  is  only  “a 
strip”  on  the  Pacific  that  the  Chinaman  seeks  for  a 
home.  The  Chinese  are  already  scattered  in  three 
States  and  two  adjacent  Territories,  whose  area  is 
larger  than  the  original  thirteen  Colonies.  California 
alone  is  larger  than  New  England,  New  York,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Ohio,  and  is  capable  of  maintaining  a 
vast  population  of  Anglo-Saxon  freemen,  if  we  do  not 
surrender  it  to  Chinese  Coolies. 

LEGIONS  OF  THEM. 

Before  the  same  committee  of  investigation  from 
whose  report  I have  already  quoted,  Mr.T.  W.  Jackson, 
a man  of  high  character,  who  had  traveled  extensively 
in  the  East,  testified  that  his  strong  belief  was  “that  if 
the  Chinese  felt  that  they  were  safe  and  had  a firm 
footing  in  California,  they  would  come  in  enormous 
numbers,  because  the  population  of  China  is  practically 
inexhaustible.”  Such,  indeed,  is  the  unbroken  testi- 
mony of  all  who  are  entitled  to  express  an  opinion. 

The  decision  of  Congress  on  this  matter,  therefore, 
becomes  of  the  very  last  importance.  Pfad  it  been  in 
favor  of  Chinese  immigration,  with  the  encouragement 
and  protection  which  that  would  have  implied,  it  re- 
quires no  vivid  imagination  to  foresee  that  the  great 
slope  between  the  Sierras  and  the  Pacific  would  be- 
come thee  immigrating  ground  for  the  Chinese  empire. 
So  that  I do  not  at  all  exaggerate  when  I say  that  on 
the  adoption  or  rejection  of  the  policy  passed  upon  by 
Congress  hangs  the  fate  of  the  Pacific  slope — whether 
its  labor  shall  be  that  of  American  freemen  or  servile 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


219 


Mongolians.  If  Mr.  Garrison  thinks  the  interests  of 
his  own  countrymen,  his  own  government,  and,  in  a 
still  larger  sense,  the  interests  of  humanity  and  civili- 
zation, will  be  promoted  by  giving  up  the  Pacific  to 
Mongolian  labor,  I beg  respectfully  but  firmly  to  differ 
from  him. 

A LAW  HIGHER  THAN  CHARITY. 

There  is  no  ground  on  which  we  are  bound  to 
receive  them  to  our  own  detriment.  Charity  is  the 
first  of  Christian  graces.  But  Mr.  Garrison  would  not 
feel  obliged  to  receive  into  his  family  a person  that 
would  physically  contaminate  or  morally  corrupt  his 
children.  As  with  a family,  so  with  a nation ; the  same 
instinct  of  self-preservation  exists,  the  same  right  to 
prefer  the  interests  of  our  own  people,  the  same  duty 
to  exclude  that  which  is  corrupting  and  dangerous  to 
the  Republic. 

The  outcry  that  we  are  violating  our  treaty  obliga- 
tions is  without  any  foundation.  The  article  on  emi- 
gration in  the  treaty  has  not  been  observed  by  China 
for  a single  hour  since  it  was  made.  All  the  testi- 
mony taken  on  the  subject — and  it  has  been  full  and 
copious — shows  conclusively  that  the  entire  emigration 
was  “ under  contract  ” ; that  the  Coolies  had  been 
gathered  together  for  export,  and  gathered  as  agents 
in  our  Western  States  would  gather  live-stock  for 
shipment. 

THE  “HIGH-BINDERS.” 

A very  competent  witness  in  California,  speaking 
to  this  point,  says : 


220 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


“ On  the  arrival  of  the  Chinese  in  California  they 
are  consigned  like  hogs  to  the  different  Chinese  com- 
panies, their  contracts  are  vised,  and  the  Coolie  com- 
mences to  pay  to  the  companies  fees  to  insure  care  if 
he  is  taken  sick  and  his  return  home  dead  or  alive. 
His  return  is  prevented  until  after  his  contract  has 
been  entirely  fulfilled.  If  he  breaks  his  contract  the 
spies  of  the  six  companies  hunt  him  to  prevent  his  re- 
turning to  China,  by  arrangement  with  the  steamship 
company  or  their  agents  in  the  steamship  employ  to 
prevent  his  getting  a ticket.  The  agents  of  the  steam- 
ship companies  testified  to  this  same  fact.  If  a ticket 
is  obtained  for  him  by  others  he  is  forcibly  stopped  on 
the  day  of  sailing  by  employees  of  the  six  companies, 
called  ‘ high-binders,’  who  can  always  be  seen  guarding 
the  Coolies.” 

Mr.  Joseph  J.  Ray,  a Philadelphia  merchant,  long 
resident  in  China,  and  a close  observer  of  its  emigra- 
tion, says  “ that  of  the  Chinese  who  have  reached 
our  shores  were  not  free  agents  in  their  coming.  Files 
of  the  Hong-Kong  newspapers  from  1861  would  sup- 
ply information  regarding  the  ‘ barracoons  ’ at  that 
port,  and  when  the  system  had  become  too  great  a 
scandal,  their  removal  to  Macao  (a  Portuguese  colony, 
forty  miles  distant),  in  which  * barracoons  ’ the  Chinese, 
in  every  sense  prisoners,  were  retained  until  their 
shipment  to  San  Francisco,  Callao,  Havana,  etc. 
These,  called  by  courtesy  emigrants,  were  collected 
from  within  a radius  of  two  or  three  hundred  miles 
from  Canton,  and  consisted  of  the  abjectly  poor,  who, 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


221 


willing  or  not,  were  sold  to  obtain  food  for  their  fami- 
lies, or  for  gambling  debts  (the  Chinese,  as  you  are 
aware,  being  inveterate  gamblers),  or  the  scapegraces 
of  the  country,  fleeing  .to  avoid  punishment.” 

.A  BROKEN  TREATY. 

It  is,  of  course,  a mere  misuse  of  terms  to  call  this 
an  “ entirely  voluntary  emigration,”  and  yet  none 
other  was  permissible  under  the  Burlingame  treaty. 
Our  Government  would  be  clearly  justified  in  disre- 
garding the  treaty  on  the  single  ground  that  the 
Chinese  Government  had  never  respected  its  provis- 
ions. But  without  any  reference  to  that,  our  Govern- 
ment possesses  the  right  to  abrogate  the  treaty  if  it 
judges  that  its  continuance  is  “ pernicious  to  the 
State.”  Indeed,  the  two  pending  propositions  in  the 
Senate  differed  not  in  regard  to  our  own  right  to  abro- 
gate the  treaty,  but  simply  as  to  whether  we  should 
do  it  in  July,  1879,  by  the  exercise  of  our  power  with- 
out further  notice  to  China,  or  whether  we  should  do 
it  in  January,  1880,  after  notifying  China  that  we  had 
made  up  our  minds  to  do  it. 

Nearly  a year  ago  Congress  by  joint  resolution  ex- 
pressed its  discontent  with  the  existing  treaty,  and 
thus  clearly  gave  notice  to  the  civilized  world — if  notice 
were  needful — of  the  desire  and  intention  of  our  peo- 
ple. In  the  late  action  of  Congress  the  opposing 
proposition — moved  as  a substitute  for  the  bill  to  which 
I gave  my  support — requested  the  President  to  notify 
the  Emperor  of  China  that  Chinese  immigration  is 
“ unsatisfactory  and  pernicious,”  and  in  effect  if  he 


222 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


would  not  modify  the  treaty  as  we  desired,  then  the 
President  should  notify  the  Emperor  that  after  January 
i,  1880,  the  United  States  will  “ treat  the  obnoxious 
stipulations  as  at  an  end.” 

AMERICAN  RIGHTS. 

Both  propositions — the  bill  that  we  passed  and  the 
substitute  that  we  rejected — assumed  alike  the  full 
right  to  abrogate  the  treaty.  Whether  it  were  better 
to  abrogate  it  after  last  year’s  joint  resolution,  or  to 
inform  the  Emperor  of  China  directly  that  if  he  would 
not  consent  to  the  change  “ we  would  make  it  any- 
how,” must  be  relegated  for  decision  to  the  schools  of 
taste  and  etiquette.  The  first  proposition  resting  on 
our  clear  constitutional  power  seemed  to  me  a better 
mode  of  proceeding  than  to  ask  the  Emperor  of  China 
to  consent  to  a modification,  and  informing  him  at  the 
same  time  that,  whether  he  consented  or  not,  we  would 
on  next  New  Year’s  day  treat  “the  obnoxious  stipula- 
tions as  at  an  end.”  As  to  the  power  of  Congress  to 
do  just  what  has  been  done,  no  one  will  entertain  a 
doubt  who  examines  the  whole  question.  An  admir- 
able summary  of  the  right  and  power  is  found  in  an 
opinion  delivered  by  that  eminent  jurist,  Benjamin  R. 
Curtis,  when  he  was  a judge  of  the  United  States  Su- 
preme Court. 

OPINION  OF  JUDGE  CURTIS. 

Judge  Curtis  said : “ It  cannot  be  admitted  that  the 
only  method  of  escape  from  a treaty  is  by  the  consent 
of  the  other  party  to  it  or  a declaration  of  war.  To  re- 
fuse to  execute  a treaty  for  reasons  which  approve 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


223 


themselves  to  the  conscientious  judgment  of  a nation 
is  a matter  of  the  utmost  gravity  ; but  the  poiver  to  do  so 
is  a prerogative  of  which  no  nation  can  be  deprived  with- 
out deeply  affecting  its  independence.  That  the  people  of 
the  United  States  have  deprived  their  government  of 
this  power  I do  not  believe.  That  it  must  reside  some- 
where, and  be  applicable  to  all  cases,  I am  convinced, 
and  I feel  no  doubt  that  it  belongs  to  Congress .” 

A great  deal  has  been  said  about  the  danger  to  our 
trade  if  China  should  resort  to  some  form  of  retalia- 
tion. The  natural  and  pertinent  retaliation  is  to  re- 
strict American  immigration  to  China.  Against  that 
we  will  enter  no  protest,  and  should  have  no  right  to 
do  so.  The  talk  about  China  closing  her  ports  to  our 
trade  is  made  only  by  those  who  do  not  understand 
the  question.  Last  year  the  total  amount  of  our  ex- 
ports to  all  Chinese  ports  outside  of  Hong-Kong, 
was  about  $692,000.  I have  called  Hong-kong  a 
Chinese  port,  but  every  child  knows  it  is  under  British 
control,  and  if  we  were  at  war  with  China  to-day 
Hong-kong  would  be  as  open  to  us  as  Liverpool. 

AN  EMPTY  THREAT. 

To  speak  of  China  punishing  us  by  suspending  trade 
is  only  the  suggestion  of  dense  ignorance.  We  pay 
China  an  immense  balance  in  coin,  and  probably  we 
always  shall  do  it.  But  if  the  trade  question  had  the 
importance  which  some  have  erroneously  attributed  to 
it,  I would  not  seek  its  continuance  by  permitting  a 
vicious  immigration  of  Chinese  Coolies.  The  Bristol 
merchants  cried  out  that  commerce  would  be  ruined 


224 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


if  England  persisted  in  destroying  the  slave  trade. 
But  history  does  not  record  that  England  sacrificed 
her  honor  by  yielding  to  the  cry. 

The  enlightened  religious  sentiment  of  the  Pacific 
coast  views  with  profound  alarm  the  tendency  and  ef- 
fect of  unrestricted  Chinese  immigration.  The  “ pas- 
tors and  delegates 'of  the  Congregational  churches  of 
California”  a year  since  expressed  their  “conviction  ” 
that  “the  Burlingame  treaty  ought  to  be  so  modified 
by  the  General  Government  as  to  restrict  Chinese  im- 
migration.”- 

■ o 

PORTENTOUS  EVILS. 

Rev.  S.  V.  Blakeslee,  editor  of  the  oldest  religious 
paper  on  the  Pacific  coast,  spoke  thus  in  an  official 
address : 

“ Moreover,  wealthy  English  and  American  compa- 
nies have  organized  great  money-making,  plans  for 
bringing  millions — it  is  true — even  millions — of  these 
Chinese  into  our  State,  and  into  all  parts  of  the  Union  ; 
and  they  have  sent  out  emissaries  into  China  to  induce 
the  people,  by  every  true  and  false  story,  to  migrate 
here.  Already  two  himdred  and  fifty  thousand  have 
come,  of  whom  one  hundred  thousand  remain. 

“The  tendency  of  all  this  is  tremendously  toward 
evil  ; toward  vice  and  abomination  ; toward  all  op- 
posed to  the  true  spirit  of  Americanism,  and  is  very 
dangerous  to  our  morality,  to  our  stability,  and  to  our 
success  as  a people  and  a nation.  Millions  more  of 
these  Chinese  must  come  if  not  prevented  by  any  legal, 
or  moral,  or  mobocratic  restraint,  increasing  inealeu- 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


225 


lably  by  numbers  the  evils  already  existing,  while  a 
spirit  of  race  prejudices  and  clanship  jealousies  and  a 
conflict  of  interests  must  be  developed,  portending 
possible  evil  beyond  all  description.” 

CHINESE  HEATHENISM. 

In  regard  to  the  process  of  converting  and  Chris- 
tianizing this  people,  a missionary  who  has  been  in  the 
field  since  1849  testifies  that  not  one  in  a thousand  has 
even  nominally  professed  a change  from  heathenism, 
and  that  of  this  small  number  nearly  one-half  had  been 
taught  in  missionary  schools  in  China.  The  same  mis- 
sionary says : “As  they  come  in  still  larger  numbers 
they  will  more  effectually  support  each  other  in  their 
national  peculiarities  and  vices,  become  still  more  con- 
firmed in  heathen  immoralities,  with  an  influence  in 
every  respect  incalculably  bad.”  Under  what  possible 
sense  of  duty  any  American  can  feel  that  he  promotes 
Christianity  by  the  process  of  handing  California  over 
to  heathenism  is  more  than  I am  able  to  discover. 

I have  heard  a good  deal  about  their  cheap  labor. 

I do  not  myself  believe  in  cheap  labor.  I do  not  be-  4 
lieve  cheap  labor  should  be  an  object  of  legislation, 
and  it  will  not  be  in  a republic.  You  cannot  have  the 
wealthy  classes  in  a republic  where  suffrage  is  univer- 
sal legislate  for  cheap  labor.  I undertake  to  repeat 
that.  I say  that  you  cannot  have  the  wealthy  classes 
in  a republic  where  suffrage  is  universal  legislate  in 
what  is  called  the  interest  of  cheap  labor.  Labor 
should  not  be  cheap,  and  it  should  not  be  dear;  it 
should  have  its  share,  and  it  will  have  its  share. 

15 


226 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


There  is  not  a laborer  on  the  Pacific  coast  to-day,  I say 
that  to  my  honorable  colleague — whose  whole  life  has 
been  consistent  and  uniform  in  defense  and  advocacy 
of  the  interests  of  the  laboring  classes — there  is  not  a 
laboring  man  on  the  Pacific  coast  to-day  who  does  not 
, feel  wounded  and  grieved  and  crushed  by  the  competi- 
tion that  comes  from  this  source. 

CHEAP  LABOR. 

Then  the  answer  is:  “Well,  are  not  American 
laborers  equal  to  Chinese  laborers?”  I answer  that 
question  by  asking  another.  Were  not  free  white 
laborers  equal  to  African  slaves  in  the  South  ? When 
you  tell  me  that  the  Chinaman  driving  out  the  free 
American  labor  only  proves  the  superiority  of  the 
Chinaman,  I ask  you,  Did  the  African  slave  labor 
driving  out  the  free  white  labor  from  the  South  prove 
the  superiority  of  slave  labor?  The  conditions  are 
not  unlike  ; the  parallel  is  not  complete,  and  yet  it  is  a 
parallel. 

It  is  servile  labor  ; it  is  not  free  labor  such  as  we  in- 
tend to  develop  and  encourage  and  build  up  in  this 
country.  It  is  labor  that  comes  here  under  a mortgage. 
It  is  labor  that  comes  here  to  subsist  on  what  the 
American  laborer  cannot  subsist  on.  You  cannotwork 
a man  who  must  have  beef  and  bread,  and  would 
prefer  beer,  alongside  of  a man  who  can  live  on  rice. 
It  cannot  be  done.  In  all  such  conflicts  and  in  all  such 
struggles  the  result  is  not  to  bring  up  the  man  who 
lives  on  rice  to  the  beef-and-bread  standard,  but  it  is  to 
bringdown  the‘beef-and-bread  man  to  the  rice  standard. 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


227 


Slave  labor  degraded  free  labor ; it  took  out  its  re- 
spectability ; it  put  an  odious  cast  upon  it. 

THE  CAUSE  OF  HONEST  TOIL. 

It  throttled  the  prosperity  of  a fine  and  fair  portion 
of  the  United  States;  and  a worse  than  slave  labor 
will  throttle  and  impair  the  prosperity  of  a still  finer 
and  fairer  section  of  the  United  States.  We  can 
choose  here  to-day  whether  our  legislation  shall  be  in 
the  interest  of  the  American  free  laborer  or  for  the 
servile  laborer  from  China. 

I feel  and  know  that  I am  pleading  the  cause  of  the 
free  American  laborer  and  of  his  children  and  of  his 
children’s  children.  It  has  been  well  said  that  it  is  the 
cause  of  “ the  house  against  the  hovel ; of  the  com- 
forts of  the  freeman  against  the  squalor  of  the  slave.” 
It  has  been  charged  that  my  position  would  arraign 
labor-saving  machinery  and  condemn  it.  This  answer 
is  not  only  superficial ; it  is  also  absurd.  Labor- 
saving  machinery  has  multiplied  the  power  to  pay,  has 
developed  new  wants,  and  has  continually  enlarged  the 
area  of  labor  and  constantly  advanced  the  wages  of 
the  laborer.  But  servile  toil  has  always  dragged  free 
labor  to  its  lowest  level,  and  has  stripped  it  of  one 
muniment  after  another  until  it  was  helpless  and  hope- 
less. Whenever  that  condition  comes  to  the  free 
laborer  of  America,  the  Republic  of  equal  rights  is 
gone,  and  we  shall  live  under  the  worst  of  oligarchies 
— that  of  mere  wealth,  whose  profit  only  measures 
the  wretchedness  of  the  unpaid  toilsmen  that  produce 
it. 


228 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


HIS  VIEWS  ON  THE  SILVER  BILL. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  views  on  the  coinage  of  silver  were 
equally  pronounced,  and  were  expressed  with  similar 
force  and  clearness. 

When  the  Senate  considered  the  bill  authorizing 
the  free  coinage  of  the  standard  silver  dollar,  and  to 
restore  its  legal  tender  character,  he  offered  a substi- 
tute for  the  bill,  containing  three  propositions,  as  he 
states  in  these  words  : 

1.  That  the  dollar  shall  contain  four  hundred  and 
twenty-five  grains  of  standard  silver,  shall  have  unlim- 
ited coinage,  and  be  an  unlimited  legal  tender. 

2.  That  all  profits  of  coinage  shall  go  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  not  to  the  operator  in  silver  bullion. 

3.  That  silver  dollars  or  silver  bullion,  assayed  1 
mint-stamped,  may  be  deposited  with  the  assistant 
treasurer  of  New  York,  for  which  coin  certificates  may 
be  issued,  the  same  in  denomination  as  United  States 
notes,  not  below  ten  dollars,  and  that  these  shall  be 
redeemable  on  demand  in  coin  or  bullion,  thus  fur- 
nishing a paper  circulation  based  on  an  actual  deposit 
of  precious  metal,  giving  us  notes  as  valuable  as  those 
of  the  Bank  of  England,  and  doing  away  at  once  with 
the  dreaded  inconvenience  of  silver  on  account  of  bulk 
and  weight. 

EXCESSIVE  PAPER  MONEY. 

Mr.  Blaine  presented  his  views  on  the  Silver  Ques- 
tion in  a rather  lengthy  and  very  able  speech,  on  the 
day  he  offered  his  substitute,  which  was  February  7, 
1878.  The  concluding  portion  of  his  speech  read  thus; 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


229 


The  effect  of  paying  the  labor  of  this  country  in 
silver  coin  of  full  value,  as  compared  with  the  irre- 
deemable paper,  or  as  compared  even  with  silver  of 
inferior  value,  will  make  itself  felt  in  a single  genera- 
tion to  the  extent  of  tens  of  millions,  perhaps  hundreds 
of  millions,  in  the  aggregate  savings  which  represent 
consolidated  capital.  It  is  the  instinct  of  man,  from 
the  savage  to  the  scholar — developed  in  childhood  and 
remaining  with  ao-e — to  value  the  metals  which  in  all 
tongues  are  called  precious.  Excessive  paper  money 
leads  to  extravagance,  to  waste,  and  to  want,  as  we 
painfully  witness  on  all  sides  to-day.  And  in  the  midst 
of  the  proof  of  its  demoralizing  and  destructive  effect, 
we  hear  it  proclaimed  in  the  halls  of  Congress  that 
“the  people  demand  cheap  money.”  I deny  it.  I de- 
clare such  a phrase  to  be  a total  misapprehension — a 
total  misinterpretation  of  the  popular  wish. 

SILVER  ALWAYS  CURRENT. 

The  people  do  not  demand  cheap  money.  They 
demand  an  abundance  of  good  money,  which  is  an 
entirely  different  thing.  They  do  not  want  a single 
gold  standard,  that  will  exclude  silver  and  benefit 
those  already  rich.  They  do  not  want  an  inferior  silver 
standard,  that  will  drive  out  gold  and  not  help  those 
already  poor.  They  want  both  metals,  in  full  value, 
in  equal  honor,  in  whatever  abundance  the  bountiful 
earth  will  yield  them  to  the  searching  eye  of  science 
and  to  the  hard  hand  of  labor. 

The  two  metals  have  existed,  side  by  side,  in  har 
monious,  honorable  companionship  as  money,  ever 


230 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


since  intelligent  trade  was  known  among  men.  It  is 
well-nigh  forty  centuries  since  “Abraham  weighed  to 
Ephron  four  hundred  shekels  of  silver — current  money 
with  the  merchant.’’  Since  that  time  nations  have 
risen  and  fallen,  races  have  disappeared,  dialects  and 
languages  have  been  forgotten,  arts  have  been  lost, 
treasures  have  perished,  continents  have  been  discov- 
ered, islands  have  been  sunk  in  the  sea,  and  through 
all  these  ages  and  through  all  these  changes  silver 
and  gold  have  reigned  supreme  as  the  representation 
of  value,  as  the  media  of  exchange.  The  dethrone- 
ment of  each  has  been  attempted  in  turn,  and  some- 
times the  dethronement  of  both  ; but  always  in  vain  ! 
And  we  are  here  to-day,  deliberating  anew  over  the 
problem  which  comes  down  to  us  from  Abraham’s 
time — the  weight  of  the  silver  that  shall  be  “ current 
money  with  the  merchant.” 

STOOD  UP  FOR  AMERICA. 

It  was  a prominent  part  of  the  policy  of  Mr.  Blaine, 
in  public  life,  to  stand  armed  against  the  undue  domi- 
nation of  foreign  states  in  the  affairs  of  America.  He 
consistently  and  persistently  denied  the  right  of  any 
foreign  state  to  exercise  a control  over  questions 
purely  American.  Whenever  a measure  was  sprung, 
touching  the  strict  independence  of  the  country,  Blaine 
was  found  witli  drawn  sword  ready  to  repel  the  assault. 
This  policy  led  him,  not  infrequently,  to  take  the 
arena  in  opposition  to  measures  which  he  deemed 
likely  to  affect  unfairly  the  high  rank  of  the  American 
Republic. 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE.  231 

It  was  this  principle  of  action  which  brought  him 

into  prominence  during  the  debate  in  the  Senate  on 

the  Halifax  Fishery  Award,  in  1878.  He  was  one  of 

the  most  indignant  of  all  at  what  he  deemed  the 
<_> 

treachery  and  overreaching  of  Great  Britain  in  that 
matter.  Finally  consenting  to  accept  the  report  of 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  he  nevertheless 
left  on  record  a ringing  protest  against  some  of  the 
principles  and  facts  involved  in  the  controversy.  On 
the  first  of  June  he  delivered  an  address  in  the  Senate, 
the  spirit  of  which  may  be  inferred  from  the  following 
extract : 

A ONE-SIDED  TREATY. 

Mr.  President,  I shall  support  the  report  made  by 
the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  although  I wish 
that  some  amendments  could  be  made  to  it.  But  I do 
not  concur  in  what  was  implied  in  the  remarks  of  the 
Senator  from  Ohio,  on  this  subject,  that  Great  Britain 
had  discharged  her  duties  under  this  treaty  with 
exemplary  fidelity,  and  that  we  were  in  danger  of  not 
following  a good  example. 

I maintain  that  from  the  first,  throughout  the  whole 
of  the  treaty — and  I know  I am  taking  what  has  not 
been  heretofore  a popular  side,  or  the  generally  ac- 
cepted version — it  has  been  a treaty  of  a singularly 
one-sided  character,  in  which,  as  I shall  show,  the  en- 
tire advantage  was  gained  by  Great  Britain,  and  in 
the  parts  that  she  has  not  esteemed  it  to  be  her  inter- 
est to  fulfil  it,  she  has  declined  to  fulfil  it.  Up  to 
this  day  one  of  the  most  important  parts  of  the 


232 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


treaty  has  been  evaded,  and  its  fulfilment  refused  by 
Great  Britain. 

Let  me  explain.  When  the  Joint  High  Commis- 
sion came  to  consider  what  were  known  as  the  Ala- 
bama Claims,  they  agreed  upon  three  rules  which 
Great  Britain  diplomatically  disavowed  through  her 
commissioners  to  have  been  accepted  rules  of  inter- 
national law  at  the  time,  but  said  that  they  would 
agree  to  them  as  the  basis  of  a settlement,  and  they 
might  go  before  the  tribunal  as  if  they  had  been  in 
force  as  principles  of  international  law  at  the  time  of 
their  alleged  infraction.  Then  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  in  binding  themselves  to  the  observ- 
ance of  these  rules  in  future,  assumed  another  mutual 
obligation  in  this  clause  of  the  treaty  : 

“And  the  high  contracting  parties  agree  to  observe 
these  rules  between  themselves  in  future,  and  to  bring 
them  to  the  knowledge  of  thife  other  maritime  powers 
and  to  invite  them  to  accede  to  them.” 

Unless  I am  entirely  misinformed,  and  I think  I am 

A BRITISH  REFUSAL. 

correctly  informed,  Great  Britain  has  refused  up  to  this 
time,  and  it  has  been  seven  years  this  month  since  the 
treaty  was  perfected,  to  join  with  the  United  States  in 
asking  the  other  maritime  powers  to  agree  to  those 
rules. 

I have  ground  for  believing  this  statement  to  be 
substantially,  if  not  literally,  true,  and  if  the  Senate 
will  support  me  in  a resolution  which  I shall  offer, 
we  shall  find  out,  authentically,  that  Mr.  Fish,  lately 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


233 


Secretary  of  State,  advised  Great  Britain  that,  refus- 
ing to  join  with  the  United  States  in  proposing  these 
rules  for  other  maritime  powers,  the  United  States 
would  be  justified  in  treating  them  as  a nullity.  I do 
not  pretend  at  all  to  be  inside  of  the  secrets  and  aims 
and  purposes  of  British  diplomacy,  but  I do  know  that 
having  got  those  three  rules  which  bind  us  very  tightly 
which  make  us  keep  a very  sharp  police  on  fifteen 
thousand  miles  of  ocean  front  that  encirele  our  own 
dominions,  and  hold  us  accountable  for  any  priva- 
teers or  depredators  or  “Alabamas,”  or  any  sort  of 
cruisers  that  may  get  out  in  case  Great  Britain  goes 
to  war  with  Russia,  as  is  now  possible  if  not  prob- 
able (I  hope  not  even  probable),  and  makes  us  ac- 
countable in  damages  afterward  for  any  losses  thus 
resulting  to  her  subjects — that  while  she  holds  us 
thus  closely  under  the  three  rules,  she  has  not  asked 
another  nation  in  all  Europe  to  be  bound  by  those 
rules;  she  has  refused  to  join  the  United  States  in 
asking  the  maritime  powers  to  accept  them  and  be 
bound  by  them.  I do  not  believe  in  having  one  part 
of  the  treaty  quoted  on  us  to  the  letter  “ which  kill- 
eth,”  and  then  to  have  the  part  which  does  not  exactly 
comport  with  the  interest  of  Great  Britain,  absolutely 
slurred  over  and  denied. 

I repeat,  I do  not  pretend  to  see  any  further  through 
secret  and  hidden  motives  than  anybody  else,  and  I 
do  not  pretend  to  know,  much  less  do  I pretend  to 
state,  what  the  motive  of  Great  Britain  is,  although  I 
have  heard  it,  and  I have  heard  it  was  because  the 


234 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


government  of  the  German  Empire  objected  to  these 
rules  being  made  general  in  Europe. 

SOME  THINGS  WE  OUGHT  TO  KNOW. 

At  all  events  it  is  known,  and  we  ought  to  know 
here  authentically — and  it  would  be  some  advantage 
to  know  it  before  we  pass  on  the  measure — we  ought 
to  know  authentically  what  has  transpired  between 
this  government  and  the  government  of  Great  Britain 
with  regard  to  these  three  rules,  which  were  so  finely 
chiseled  and  so  closely  drawn  and  so  narrowly  con- 
structed that  when  we  got  into  the  tribunal,  at  Geneva, 
we  were  practically  powerless.  When  confessedly  the 
aid  and  support  of  Great  Britain  to  the  rebellion  had 
been  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  of  damage  to 
this  country;  when  they  swept  our  mercantile  marine, 
two-thirds  of  it,  out  of  existence ; when  their  aid  and 
countenance  to  the  Confederacy  had  destroyed  one  of 
the  great  leading  interests  of  the  United  States,  we 
consented  to  such  a narrow  construction  of  these  three 
rules  as  absolutely  cut  us  down  to  fifteen  and  a half 
million  dollars  for  damages,  and  Great  Britain  at  once 
gets  seven  and  a half  millions  of  that  back — two  mil- 
lions on  the  Washington  Claims  Commission,  of  1871- 
72,  and  now  five  and  a half  millions  more  on  this 
fishery  award. 

So,  when  the  Senator  from  Ohio  holds  up  the  ex- 
ample of  Great  Britain  to  us  to  imitate  in  this  matter,  I 
beg  him  to  observe  what  Great  Britain’s  course  has 
been  in  regard  to  this  part  of  the  treaty.  It  was  Great 
Britain’s  highest  interest  to  pay  the  Geneva  award. 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


235 


She  never  paid  fifteen  million  dollars  in  her  life  that 
was  so  good  an  investment  as  that  was  under  the 

o 

circumstances. 

ENGLAND  GETS  MORE  THAN  SHE  GIVES. 

Whether  we  can  find  anybody,  under  the  narrow 
rules  that  were  laid  down,  that  is  a lawful  claimant  for 
the  money  awarded  us  at  Geneva,  is  quite  another 
thing;  that  is  for  us  to  determine;  but  Great  Britain 
herself  gained  the  incalculable  advantage  of  making 
us  a practical  ally  to  her,  willing  or, unwilling,  in  all  her 
contests  with  European  powers.  The  Russians  are 
watched  by  every  form  of  observation  if  they  land  on 
the  coast  of  Maine,  or  if  they  buy  a vessel  in  New 
York  or  Philadelphia ; and  the  moment  there  is  a dec- 
laration of  war,  instead  of  Great  Britain  doing  the 
watching,  we  shall  be  compelled,  under  the  three  rules, 
to  do  it  ourselves. 

We  shall  be  forced  on  the  anxious-seat,  and  if  a 
Russian  vessel  should  escape  from  our  coast,  and 
Great  Britain  could  show  that  we  have  not  used  due 
diligence,  we  are  to  be  responsible  in  the  amounts  of 
money  that  may  result  from  her  depredations  on 
British  commerce.  Great  Britain  gets  all  these  vast 
advantages  out  of  us,  and  then  refuses,  as  I say,  for 
some  reason,  and  continues  to  refuse,  up  to  this  time, 
to  agree  that  other  maritime  nations,  in  whose  adop- 
tion of  these  three  rules  we  might  have  very  great  in- 
terests, shall  act  on  them — refuses  even  to  submit  them, 
as  the  treaty  bound  her  to  do — and  she  has  permitted 
seven  years  to  go  by  without  so  much  as  uniting  with 


236 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


us  in  asking  a single  European  power  to  accept 
them. 

A HISTORIC  REVIEW. 

Now,  let  us  go  back  a little,  inasmuch  as  we  are  dis- 
cussing this  subject  generally,  as  the  Senator  from 
Ohio  has  introduced  it.  When  the  war  broke  out,  in 
1 86 1 , Mr.  Seward,  through  our  minister  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James,  Mr.  Adams,  immediately  proposed  that 
the  United  States  should  become  a party  to  the  treaty 
of  Paris,  to  which  there  had  been  forty-six  or  forty- 
seven  nations  of  the  earth  already  parties,  to  suppress 
privateering.  Lord  John  Russell,  recently  deceased, 
apparently  received  the  proposition  with  the  utmost 
complaisance,  and  agreed  to  it;  and  after  the  agree- 
ment was  made,  and  we  thought  the  treaty  was  about 
to  become  a regular  convention  between  the  two 
governments,  he  put  in  a condition  that  it  should  not 
at  all  affect  the  existing  relations  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  Confederate  States,  or  that  the  ques- 
tion should  not  in  the  least  degree  be  affected  by  the 
relations  of  any  internal  dissensions  in  the  United 
States ; in  other  words,  that  if  we  lived  to  survive  the 
Rebellion  in  the  United  States,  the  very  time  when  we 
should  not  need  the  advantage  of  this  treaty,  we  might 
enjoy  it ; but  that,  pending  that,  we  should  not  have 
any  advantage  from  it  at  all. 

WHAT  SEWARD  SAID. 

And  the  British  Government  would  not  agree,  on 
the  other  hand,  that  if  any  disturbance  should  take 
place  in  any  part  of  the  British  Empire,  we  should  not 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


237 


be  similarly  bound  as  England  was  then.  Let  me 
read  just  what  Mr.  Seward  said  on  that  point : 

“The  proposed  declaration  is  inadmissible,  among 
other  reasons,  because  it  is  not  mutual.  It  proposes 
a special  rule  by  which  her  majesty’s  obligations  shall 
be  meliorated  in  their  bearing  upon  internal  difficulties 
now  prevailing  in  the  United  States,  while  the  obliga- 
tions to  be  assumed  by  the  United  States  shall  not  be 
similarly  meliorated,  or  at  all  affected  in  their  bearing 
on  internal  differences  that  may  now  be  prevailing  or 
may  hereafter  arise  and  prevail  in  Great  Britain.” 

The  whole  of  it  was  one-sided.  And  now  I will  give 
the  honorable  Senator  from  Ohio  a very  substantial 
reason  why  the  government  of  the  United  States  ought 
to  proceed  to  the  payment  of  the  fishery  award  in  a 
different  manner  from  that  which  the  government  of 
Great  Britain  adopted  with  reference  to  the  Geneva 
award. 

The  struggles  between  the  Dominion  of  Canada, 
or  that  which  now  constitutes  the  Dominion  of  Canada, 
the  British-American  provinces,  and  the  United  States, 
for  reciprocal  relations  of  trade  and  commerce,  have 
been  troublesome  questions  for  eighty  years,  and 
every  time  we  have  attempted  to  adjust  them,  the  fish- 
eries have  been  put  forward  as  the  stumbling-block  in 
the  way  of  a fair  agreement ; and  the  payment  of  the 
five  and  a half  millions  settles  the  question  for  only 
twelve  years,  and  then  it  is  all  open  again. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  fifteen  and  a half  mil- 
lions, paid  in  pursuance  of  the  Geneva  award,  closed 


238 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


that  account  for  all  time  ; or,  if  it  left  it  open  at  all,  it 
left  it  open  with  the  three  rules  operating  in  Great 
Britain’s  favor.  But  let  us  pay  this  five  and  a half 
millions,  as  the  honorable  Senator  from  Ohio  invites 
us  to  do  ; let  us  walk  up  without  saying  one  word,  and 
pay  this  five  and  a half  millions  of  dollars  to  Great 
Britain,  and  what  is  the  result?  It  is  inevitably  ac- 
cepted by  the  government  of  Great  Britain  as  a con- 
cession on  the  part  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  as  a just  measure  of  value  of  those  fishery  priv- 
ileges, and  any  subsequent  notice  that  we  might  give, 
six  or  eight  years  hence,  would  be  treated  as  an  after- 
thought. 

don’t  go  too  fast. 

If  we  do  not  make  that  point  at  this  time,  we  lose 
all  the  advantage  of  making  it  at  all  ; and  if  we  now 
pay  that  money  without  in  some  form  emphatically 
entering  our  dissent  from  it  as  a just  measure  of  the 
value  of  the  fisheries,  we  are  estopped  from  ever  plead- 
ing it  hereafter,  and  we  shall  have  committed  ourselves 
to  the  conclusion  that  those  fisheries,  in  reciprocal  ar- 
rangements for  trade  between  the  Dominion  of  Canada 
and  the  United  States,  are  to  be  reckoned  as  of  the 
value  of  a half  million  dollars  per  annum  bonus  from 
the  United  States,  in  addition  to  the  admission  of 
Canadian  fish  free  of  duty  to  our  markets. 

This  question,  Mr.  President,  has  some  sectional 
and  local  relation,  I know.  We  are  much  more  af- 
fected by  it  where  I come  from  than  are  the  people 
where  the  Senator  from  Ohio  comes  from.  It  is  a 


BLAINE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  SENATE. 


239 


matter  of  daily,  very  pressing  interest  with  us,  and  we 
know  very  well  that  if  we  sit  still  here  and  consent  to 
this  award  being  accepted  publicly  as  a just  measure 
of  value,  we  ean  never  have  the  trade  between  the  Do- 
minion of  Canada  and  the  United  States  regulated 
thereafter  upon  any  fair,  equitable,  amicable  basis. 


CHAPTER  XII. 


Blaine  as  Secretary  of  State. 

In  1880  Mr.  Blaine  was  a candidate  for  the  nomi- 
nation for  the  Presidency:-  The  movement  to  make 
him  the  nominee  of  his  party  was  not  manufactured, 
not  in  any  sense  “worked  up,”  but  was  spontaneous 
throughout  the  country.  The  general  voice  of  his 
party  named  him  for  the  high  honor.  He  did  not 
have  to  creep  and  crawl  to  obtain  supporters.  When 
the  public  eye  swept  around  the  horizon  in  search  of 
a great  leader  in  the  approaching  campaign,  his  com- 
manding figure  towered  up  in  stately  proportions  and 
caught  the  gaze  of  the  multitude. 

The  National  Convention  was  held  at  Chicago  on 
June  2d.  A strong  minority  of  the  delegates  favored 
General  Grant  for  a third  term  ; the  leaders  were 
Senators  Conkling,  Cameron  and  Logan.  These  as- 
tute chieftains  used  all  the  arts  of  persuasion  and 
diplomacy  in  favor  of  their  choice.  Like  a solid 
wall  the  Grant  men  stood,  without  break  or  waver- 
ing, until  the  final  vote  was  declared. 

John  Sherman,  of  Ohio,  was  another  candidate,  and 
a very  respectable  number  of  the  delegates  gave  him 
their  votes.  The  third  candidate  was  Mr.  Blaine, 
(240) 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


241 


whose  supporters  were  extremely  aggressive  and  en- 
thusiastic. These  three  names  were  borne  to  the 
front  amidst  a contest  seldom  equalled  for  courage 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 

and  generalship.  The  country  waited  with  intense 
interest  for  the  decision  to  be  declared. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  nominated  by  James  F.  Joy,  of 
Michigan,  and  the  nomination  was  seconded  by  Will- 
iam P.  Frye,  of  Maine,  in  a telling  speech,  which  moved 
the  convention  to  tumultuous  applause. 

16 


242 


LIFE  OF  IION.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


THE  HERO  AT  THE  HELM. 

Mr.  Frye  said : I once  saw  a storm  at  sea  in  the 
night-time ; an  old  ship  battling  for  its  life  with  the 


MRS.  LUCRETIA  R.  GARFIELD. 

fury  of  the  tempest ; darkness  everywhere ; the 
winds  raging  and  howling ; the  huge  waves  beating 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


243 


on  the  sides  of  the  ship,  and  making  her  shiver  from 
•stem  to  stern.  The  lightning  was  flashing,  the  thun- 
ders rolling ; there  was  danger  everywhere.  I saw  at 
the  helm  a bold,  courageous,  immovable,  commanding 
man.  In  the  tempest,  calm;  in  the  commotion,  quiet; 
in  the  danger,  hopeful.  I saw  him  take  the  old  ship 
and  bring  her  into  her  harbor,  into  still  waters,  into 
safety.  That  man  was  a hero. 

I saw  the  good  old  ship  of  State,  the  State  of 
Maine,  within  the  last  year,  fighting  her  way  through 
the  same  waves,  against  the  dangers.  She  was  freighted 
with  all  that  is  precious  in  the  principles  of  our  Re- 
public ; with  the  rights  of  the  American  citizenship, 
with  all  that  is  guaranteed  to  the  American  citizen 
by  our  Constitution.  The  eyes  of  the  whole  nation 
were  on  her,  and  intense  anxiety  filled  every  Amen- 
ican  heart  lest  the  grand  old  ship,  the  “ State  of 
Maine,”  might  go  down  beneath  the  waves  forever, 
carrying  her  precious  freight  with  her.  But  there 
was  a man  at  the  helm,  calm,  deliberate,  command- 
ing, sagacious ; he  made  even  the  foolish  man  wise ; 
courageous,  he  inspired  the  timid  with  courage;  hope- 
ful, he  gave  heart  to  the  dismayed,  and  he  brought 
that  good  old  ship  safely  into  harbor,  into  safety;  and 
she  floats  to-day  greater,  purer,  stronger  for  her  bap- 
tism of  danger.  That  man,  too,  was  heroic,  and  his 
name  was  James  G.  Blaine. 

GARFIELD  NOMINATED. 

As  none  of  the  leading  candidates  could  obtain  a 
majority,  a compromise  was  effected  and  James  A, 


244 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Garfield  received  the  nomination.  In  the  following 
November  he  was  elected.  Soon  after  the  election  he 
decided  upon  a visit  to  Washington. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  in  Bangor,  Maine,  where  he  received 
a note  from  General  Garfield  appointing  an  interview 
in  Washington  about  November  24.  He  reached  the 
capital  on  the  26th,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day 
called  upon  the  President-elect  at  the  latter’s  private 
residence.  For  two  hours  they  were  closeted  without 
interruption  from  a single  person.  At  this  conference, 
General  Garfield,  without  reservation,  tendered  the 
State  Department  to  Mr.  Blaine. 

When  Mr.  Blaine  had  recovered  from  his  surprise 
he  replied : “ General,  I was  hardly  prepared  for  this 
tender  on  your  part.  I do  not  know  how  to  make 
answer.  I would  like  some  time  for  reflection  and 
consultation,  and  in  the  meantime  I will  advise  you.” 
General  Garfield  then  and  there  urcmd  Mr.  Blaine  to 

o 

accept,  but  he  made  no  binding  answer  at  the  time. 
Subsequently  Mr.  Blaine  had  a conference  with  his 
closest  friends,  and  the  weight  of  their  testimony  was 
that  he  should  accept  the  place.  Said  he : “ Gentle- 
men, I am  inclined  to  accept  General  Garfield’s  offer; 
but  meanwhile,  I will  for  a very  short  period  still  fur- 
ther hold  it  under  advisement.” 

BECOMES  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

After  this  conference  with  his  friends  the  fact  that 
General  Garfield  had  offered  the  Senator  the  Secre- 
taryship of  State  was  communicated  to  one  or  two  of 
Blaine’s  confidential  friends,  and  he  said:  “If  the  sen- 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


245 


timent  of  the  country  endorses  the  selection  General 
Garfield  has  made,  I will  accept  the  office.  Otherwise 


WILLIAM  H.  HUNT. 


not.”  Early  in  December  the  announcement  was  made 
in  one  or  two  newspapers,  directly  and  absolutely,  that 
Senator  Blaine  had  been  invited  by  General  Garfield 
to  take  the  State  Department.  It  soon  became  ac- 


246  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

cepted  as  a fact.  The  universal  expression  of  news- 
paper opinion  was  that  the  selection  was  a good  one. 
Thereupon  Senator  Blaine  wrote  the  following  letter 
of  acceptance : 

Washington,  December  20,  1880. 

My  Dear  Garfield : — Your  generous  invitation  to 
enter  your  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State  has  been 
under  consideration  for  more  than  three  weeks.  The 
thought  had  really  never  occurred  to  my  mind  until  at 
our  late  conference  you  presented  it  with  such  cogent 
arguments  in  its  favor,  and  with  such  warmth  of  per- 
sonal friendship  in  aid  of  your  kind  offer, 

I know  that  an  early  answer  is  desirable,  and  I have 
waited  only  long  enough  to  consider  the  subject  in  all 
its  bearings,  and  to  make  up  my  mind  definitely  and 
conclusively.  I now  say  to  you,  in  the  same  cordial 
spirit  in  which  you  have  invited  me,  that  I accept  the 
position. 

It  is  no  affectation  for  me  to  add  that  I make  this 
decision,  not  for  the  honor  of  the  promotion  it  gives 
me  in  the  public  service,  but  because  I think  I can  be 
useful  to  the  country  and  to  the  party;  useful  to  you 
as  the  responsible  leader  of  the  party  and  the  great 
head  of  the  government. 

I am  influenced  somewhat,  perhaps,  by  the  shower 
of  letters  I have  received  urging  me  to  accept,  written 
to  me  in  consequence  of  the  mere  unauthorized  news- 
paper report  that  you  had  been  pleased  to  offer  me 
the  place.  While  I have  received  these  letters  from 
all  sections  of  the  Union  I have  been  especially  pleased 
and  even  surprised  at  the  cordial  and  widely  extended 
feeling  in  my  favor  throughout  New  England,  where 
I had  expected  to  encounter  local  jealousy  and  per- 
haps rival  aspiration. 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


247 


In  our  new  relation  I shall  give  all  that  I am  and 
all  that  I can  hope  to  be,  freely  and  loyally,  to  your 
service.  You  need  no  pledge  of  my  loyalty  in  heart 
and  act.  I should  be  false  to  myself  did  I not  prove 
true  both  to  the  great  trust  you  confide  to  me  and  to 
your  own  personal  and  political  fortunes  in  the  pres- 
ent and  in  the  future.  Your  administration  must  be 
made  brilliantly  successful  and  strong  in  the  confi- 
dence and  pride  of  the  people,  not  at  all  directing  its 
energies  for  re-election,  and  yet  compelling  that  result 
by  the  logic  of  events  and  by  the  imperious  necessi- 
ties of  the  situation. 

To  that  most  desirable  consummation  I feel  that, 
next  to  yourself,  I can  possibly  contribute  as  much 
influence  as  any  other  one  man.  I say  this  not  from 
egotism  or  vainglory,  but  merely  as  a deduction  from 
a plain  analysis  of  the  political  forces  which  have  been 
at  work  in  the  country  for  five  years  past,  and  which 
have  been  significantly  shown  in  two  great  National 
Conventions.  I accept  it  as  one  of  the  happiest  cir- 
cumstances connected  with  this  affair  that  in  allying 
my  political  fortunes  with  yours — or  rather  for  the 
time  merging  mine  in  yours — my  heart  goes  with  my 
head,  and  that  I carry  to  you  not  only  political  sup- 
port but  personal  and  devoted  friendship.  I can  but 
regard  it  as  somewhat  remarkable  that  two  men  of 
the  same  age,  entering  Congress  at  the  same  time, 
influenced  by  the  same  aims  and  cherishing  the  same 
ambitions,  should  never,  for  a single  moment  in 
eighteen  years  of  close  intimacy,  have  had  a misun- 
derstanding or  coolness,  and  that  our  friendship  has 
steadily  grown  with  our  growth  and  strengthened 
with  our  strength. 

It  is  this  fact  which  hassled  me  to  the  conclusion 
embodied  in  this  letter ; for  however  much,  my  dear 


248 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Garfield,  I might  admire  you  as  a statesman,  I would 
not  enter  your  cabinet  if  I did  not  believe  in  you  as  a 
man  and  love  you  as  a friend. 

Always  faithfully  yours, 

James  G.  Blaine. 

Mr.  Blaine  qualified  as  Secretary  of  State  March  5, 
1881,  two  days  following  the  inauguration  of  the  Presi- 
dent, and  immediately  assumed  the  duties  of  the  office. 

president  Garfield’s  cabinet. 

President  Garfield’s  Cabinet  was  as  follows 

Secretary  of  State,  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine; 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  Windom,  of  Min- 
nesota; Secretary  of  the  Navy,  William  H.  Hunt,  of 
Louisiana ; Secretary  of  War,  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois  ; Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Samuel  J.  Kirkwood, 
of  Iowa  ; Attorney-General,  Wayne  McVeagh,  of  Peftn- 
sylvania ; Postmaster-General,  Thomas  L.  James,  of 
New  York. 

The  foreign  policy  announced  by  President  Garfield 
was  : First,  to  bring  about  peace  and  prevent  future 
wars  in  North  and  South  America  ; and,  secondly,  to 
cultivate  such  friendly  commercial  relations  with  all 
American  countries  as  would  lead  to  a large  increase 
in  the  export  trade  of  the  United  States.  It  was  for 
the  purpose  of  promoting  peace  on  the  Western 
Hemisphere  that  it  was  determined  to  invite  all  the 
independent  governments  of  North  and  South  America 
to  meet  in  a peace  conference  at  Washington  on  March 
15,  1882. 

The  project  met  with  cordial  approval  in  South 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


249 


America,  and,  had  it  been  carried  out,  would  have 
raised  the  standard  of  civilization,  and  possibly,  by 
opening-  South  American  markets  to  our  manufac- 
tures, would  have  wiped  out  $i  2,000,000  balance  of 
trade  which  Spanish  America  brings  against  us  every 
year.  The  invitations  to  this  important  conference 
were  subsequently  sent  out  by  President  Arthur,  but 
in  a short  time  they  were  recalled,  after  some  of  the 
countries  had  actually  accepted  them.  It  was  a pacific 
policy  and  was  wholly  in  accord  with  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine and  the  characteristic  traditions  of  American  di- 
plomacy. 

THE  PANAMA  CANAL.  \/ 

President  Garfield  in  his  inaugural  address  had  re- 
peated the  declaration  of  his  predecessor  that  it  was 
“the  right  and  duty  of  the  United  States  to  assert  and 
maintain  such  supervision  and  authority  ctver  any  in- 
teroceanic  canal  across  the  isthmus  that  connects 
North  and  South  America  as  will  protect  our  Na- 
tional interests.”  This  policy,  which  had  received  the 
direct  approval  of  Congress,  was  vigorously  upheld 
by  Secretary  Blaine.  The  Colombian  Republic  had 
proposed  to  the  European  Powers  to  join  in  a guar- 
antee to  the  neutrality  of  the  proposed  Panama  Canal. 

One  of  President  Garfield’s  first  acts  under  the  ad- 
vice of  Secretary  Blaine  was  to  remind  the  European 
Government  of  the  exclusive  rights  which  the  United 
States  had  secured  with  the  country  to  be  traversed 
by  the  interoceanic  waterway.  These  exclusive  rights 
rendered  the  prior  guarantee  of  the  United  States 


250 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Government  indispensable,  and  the  Powers  were  in- 
formed that  any  foreign  guarantee  would  be  not  only 
an  unnecessary  but  unfriendly  act. 

PROPOSITION  TO  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

As  the  United  States  had  made  in  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  Treaty  of  1850  a special  agreement  with 
Great  Britain  on  this  subject,  Secretary  Blaine  sup- 
plemented his  memorandum  to  the  Powers  by  a formal 
proposal  for  the  abrogation  of  all  provisions  of  that 
convention  which  were  not  in  accord  with  the  guar- 
antees and  privileges  covenanted  for  in  the  compact 
with  the  Colombian  Republic. 

In  his  State  paper,  the  most  elaborate  of  the  series 
receiving  his  signature  as  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Blaine  contended  that  the  operation  of  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  Treaty  practically  conceded  to  Great  Britain 
the  control  of  any  canal  which  might  be  constructed 
in  the  isthmus,  as  that  Power  was  required  by  its  in- 
sular position  and  colonial  possessions  to  maintain  a 
naval  establishment  with  which  the  United  States 
could  not  compete.  As  the  American  Government 
had  bound  itself  by  its  engagements  in  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  Treaty  not  to  fight  in  the  isthmus,  nor  to  for- 
tify the  mouths  of  any  waterway  that  might  be  con- 
structed, the  Secretary  argued  that  if  any  struggle  for 
the  control  of  the  canal  were  to  arise  England  would 
have  an  advantage  at  the  outset  which  would  prove 
decisive. 

A BASE  SURRENDER. 

“The  treaty,”  he  remarked,  “commands  this  Gov- 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


251 


eminent  not  to  use  a single  regiment  of  troops  to 
protect  its  interests  in  connection  with  the  interoceanic 
canal,  but  to  surrender  the  transit  to  the  guardianship 
and  control  of  the  British  Navy.” 

The  logic  of  this  paper  was  unanswerable  from  an 
American  point  of  view.  If  the  Monroe  Doctrine  be 
anything  more  than  a tradition,  the  control  of  the 
Panama  Canal  must  not  be  allowed  to  pass  out  of 
American  hands;  and  since  the  country  having  the 
most  powerful  navy  is  the  real  guardian  of  the  free- 
dom of  an  interoceanic  canal  under  any  system  of  in- 
ternational guarantees,  or  in  the  absence  of  treaty  law, 
the  Panama  Canal,  as  Mr.  Blaine  said,  under  the  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  Treaty  would  be  surrendered,  if  not  in  form 
yet  in  effect,  to  the  control  of  Great  Britain. 

PROPOSED  CHANGES  IN  THE  TREATY. 

In  Secretary  Blaine’s  instructions  to  Mr.  James  Rus- 
sell Lowell,  Minister  to  England,  is  the  following  sum- 
mar)r  of  the  changes  in  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  of 
1850,  necessary  to  meet  the  views  of  the  United  States 
Government : 

“First.  Every  part  of  the  treaty  which  forbids  the 
United  States  fortifying  the  canal,  and  holding  the 
political  control  of  it  in  conjunction  with  the  country 
in  which  it  is  located,  to  be  cancelled. 

“ Second.  Every  part  of  the  treaty  in  which  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  agree  to  make  no  ac- 
quisition of  territory  in  Central  America  to  remain  in 
full  force.” 

The  admirable  and  forcible  chain  of  reasoning  by 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


2.72 


which  Mr.  Blaine  led  to  these  conclusions  forced  the 
English  newspapers  to  admit  that  he  had  made  out  a 
good  case  upon  British  precedents,  and  that  the  right 


SAMUEL  J.  KIRKWOOD. 


of  the  United  States  to  control  the  Panama  Canal  was 
stronger,  and  the  necessity  of  such  control  greater, 
than  the  right  and  necessity  of  England  to  control  the 
Suez  Canal. 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


253 


WHAT  THE  ADMINISTRATION  PROMISED. 

The  brief  administration  of  President  Garfield  was 
remarkable  for  its  promise  of  broad  statesmanship. 
For  many  years  Congress  and  the  entire  government 
had  been  busy  in  making  war,  in  restoring  peace  and 
in  paying  the  immense  war  debt.  It  was  all  the  United 
States  could  do  to  preserve  the  Union,  and  other  na- 
tions were  profiting  by  the  neglect  of  this  country  to 
properly  cultivate  its  foreign  relations.  England  had 
absorbed  our  commerce  and  directed  into  her  own 
coffers  the  trade  of  the  South  American  countries. 

And  now,  under  the  auspices  of  the  French  Repub- 
lic, under  the  direction  of  a citizen  of  France,  and 
backed  by  continental  capitalists,  active  preparations 
had  been  made  to  construct  an  interoceanic  canal 
across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  while,  under  the  Clay- 
ton-Bulwer  treaty  of  1850,  the  United  States  was 
practically  powerless  to  take  any  steps  for  the  pro- 
tection of  her  own  interests. 

HOME  POLICY. 

At  the  same  time  at  home  a more  sagacious  South- 
ern policy  was  demanded,  a policy  which  would  pro- 
mote the  material  reconstruction  of  the  South,  here- 
tofore neglected  for  the  sake  of  political  recon- 
struction. 

The  Southern  policy  of  the  Administration  would 
have  been  to  cultivate  cordial  relations  between  the 
different  sections  of  the  country,  and,  by  thus  promot- 
ing the  flow  Southward  of  Northern  capital,  to  assist 
the  development  of  the  Southern  States.  Mr.  Blaine 


254 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


had  great  faith  in  the  future  of  the  South.  On  one 
occasion  he  said  : 


In  reconstructing  the  South  we  made  the  same  mis- 


WAYNE  MACVEAGH. 

take  the  British  Government  is  making  with  the  Irish. 
If  we  had  made  a government  donation  of  $50,000,000 
for  the  purpose  of  constructing  a railway  from  Charles- 
ton to  the  southern  end  of  California,  and  spent  every 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


255 


dollar  of  it  between  Charleston  and  the  Mississippi 
river  in  the  first  three  years  following  the  war,  the 
problem  of  reconstruction  would  have  solved  itself ; 
the  people  would  have  had  business  interests,  instead 
of  politics,  to  occupy  their  attention.  I believe  that 
within  ten  years  the  material  increase  in  the  Southern 
States,  east  of  the  Mississippi,  will  equal,  if  it  does  not 
surpass,  that  of  the  Northwestern  States,  west  of  the 
Mississippi. 

FOREIGN^  POLICY. 

As  to  the  policy  of  the  Garfield  administration  and 
its  course  of  action  during  the  war  between  Chili  and 
Peru,  a short  and  succinct  presentation  of  the  facts 
should  be  given  here  inasmuch  as  Mr.  Blaine  was  con- 
sidered the  originator  of  the  projected  action  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States.  The  following  carefully 
prepared  article  gives  such  a clear  exhibit  of  the 
subject,  and  which  appeared  in  the  New  York  Tribune , 
will  inform  the  general  reader  of  the  facts  as  they  ex- 
ist, and  which  we  publish  along  with  Mr.  Blaine’s  state- 
ment : 

The  war  between  Chili  and  Peru  had  virtually  ended 
with  the  capture  of  Lima  on  January  17,  1881.  Pierola, 
the  president,  had  succeeded  in  rallying  a few  followers 
in  the  north,  and  Calderon,  assuming  the  provisional 
Presidency,  had  convoked  a Congress  in  the  vicinity 
of  Lima.  The  State  Department  made  strenuous  ex- 
ertions to  bring  about  the  conclusion  of  an  early  peace 
between  Chili  and  the  two  prostrate  States  which  have 
been  crushed  in  war.  The  influence  of  the  Govern- 


256  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

ment  was  brought  to  bear  upon  victorious  Chili  in 
the  interest  of  peace  and  magnanimity ; but  owing 
to  an  unfortunate  misapprehension  of  Mr.  Blaine’s 
instructions,  the  United  States  Ministers  did  not  pro- 
mote the  ends  of  peace.  - 

THE  PEACE  CONGRESS. 

Special  envoys  were  accordingly  sent  to  South 
America  accredited  to  the  three  Governments  with 
o-eneral  instructions  which  should  enable  them  to 

o 

bring  those  belligerent  Powers  into  friendly  relations. 
These  envoys  were  Mr.  Trescot  and  Mr.  Walker 
Blaine,  and  their  mission  was  to  perform  a most  deli- 
cate and  important  diplomatic  duty  in  the  interest  of 
peace.  After  they  had  set  out  from  New  York  Mr. 
Blaine  resigned,  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  reversed  the 
diplomatic  policy  with  such  precipitate  haste  that  the 
envoys  on  arriving  at  their  destination  were  informed 
by  the  Chilian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  that  their 
instructions  had  been  countermanded  and  that  their 
mission  was  an  idle  farce. 

By  this  extraordinary  reversal  of  diplomatic  meth- 
ods and  purposes  the  influence  of  the  United  States 
Government  on  the  South  American  coast  was  re- 
duced to  so  low  a point  as  to  become  insignificant. 
Mr.  Blaine’s  policy  had  been  at  once  strong  and  pacific. 
It  was  followed  by  a period  of  no-policy  which  enabled 
Chili  to  make  a conqueror’s  terms  with  the  conquered 
and  to  seize  as  much  territory  as  pleased  its  rapacious 
generals. 

The  most  conspicuous  act  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  adminis- 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  257 

tration  of  the  State  Department  was  his  invitation  to 
the  Peace  Congress.  This  plan  had  been  decided 
upon  before  the  assassination  of  President  Garfield. 
The  proposition  was  to  invite  all  the  independent 
Governments  of  North  and  South  America  to  meet 
the  Peace  Congress  at  Washington  on  March  15, 
1882.  The  representatives  of  all  the  minor  Govern- 
ments on  this  continent  were  to  agree,  if  possible,  upon 
some  comprehensive  plan  for  averting  war  by  means 
of  arbitration  and  for  resisting  the  intrigues  of  Euro- 
pean  diplomacy.  Invitations  were  sent  on  November 
22,  with  the  limitations  and  restrictions  originally  de- 
signed. Mr.  Frelinghuysen  lost  no  time  in  under- 
mining this  Diplomatic  Congress  and  the  meeting 
never  took  place.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  pro- 
posed Congress  would  have  had  a most  important 
effect,  not  only  in  promoting  the  ends  of  peace,  but  in 
stimulating  American  trade  with  the  Spanish-American 
States.  It  was  a brilliant  conception — a most  useful 
project. 

THE  PRESERVATION  OF  PEACE. 

Mr.  Blaine  has  described  the  Congress  as  an  im- 
portant and  impressive  step  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States  toward  closer  relationship  with  our  continental 
neighbors.  In  no  event  could  harm  have  resulted  in 
the  assembling  of  the  Peace  Congress.  Failure  was 
next  to  impossible.  Success  might  be  regarded  as 
certain. 

The  subject  to  be  discussed  was  peace,  and  how  it 
can  be  permanently  preserved  in  North  and  South 
17 


258 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


America.  The  labors  of  the  Congress  would  have 
probably  ended  in  a well-digested  system  qf  arbitration, 
under  which  all  troubles  between  American  States 
could  be  quickly,  effectually  and  satisfactorily  adjusted. 
Such  a consummation  would  have  been  worth  a great 
struggle  and  a great  sacrifice.  It  could  have  been 
reached  without  any  struggle  and  would  have  involved 
no  sacrifice.  It  was  within  our  grasp.  It  was  ours 
for  the  asking.  It  would  have  been  a signal  victory 
of  philanthropy  over  the  selfishness  of  human  ambi- 
tion ; a complete  triumph  of  Christian  principles  as 
applied  to  the  affairs  of  Nations.  It  would  have 
reflected  enduring  honor  on  our  new  country,  and 
would  have  imparted  a new  spirit  and  a new  brother- 
hood to  all  America. 

Nor  would  its  influence  beyond  the  sea  have  been 
small.  The  example  of  seventeen  independent  Na- 
tions solemnly  agreeing  to  abolish  the  arbitrament  of 
the  sword,  and  to  settle  every  dispute  by  peaceful 
methods  of  adjudication,  would  have  exerted  an  influ- 
ence to  the  utmost  confines  of  civilization,  and  upon 
the  generations  of  men  yet  to  come. 

mr.  blaine’s  statement. 

Shortly  after  Mr.  Blaine  retired  from  the  Cabinet, 
and  after  President  Arthur  had  modified  the  foreign 
policy  laid  down  by  his  predecessor,  he  wrote  the  fol- 
lowing letter  to  a paper  in  Chicago,  in  explanation  of 

his  position. 

«rAs  there  is  a desire  to  re-read  it,  the  entire  letter 
is  given : 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


259 


Augusta,  Maine,  Sept,  ist,  1882. 

The  foreign  policy  of  President  Garfield’s  adminis- 
tration had  two  principal  objects  in  view : First,  to 
bring  about  peace,  and  prevent  future  wars  in  North 
and  South  America  ; second,  to  cultivate  such  friendly 
commercial  relations  with  all  American  countries  as 
would  lead  to  a large  increase  in  the  export  trade  of 
the  United  States,  by  supplying  those  fabrics  in  which 
we  are  abundantly  able  to  compete  with  the  manufac- 
turing nations  of  Europe. 

To  attain  the  second  object  the  first  must  be  ac- 
complished. It  would  be  idle  to  attempt  the  develop- 
ment and  enlargement  of  our  trade  with  the  countries 

o 

of  North  and  South  America  if  that  trade  were  liable 
at  any  unforeseen  moment  to  be  violently  interrupted 
by  such  wars  as  that  which  for  three  years  has  en- 
grossed and  almost  engulfed  Chili,  Peru,  and  Bolivia  ; 
as  that  which  was  barely  averted  by  the  friendly  of- 
fices of  the  United  States  between  Chili  and  the  Ar- 
gentine Republic ; as  that  which  has  been  postponed 
by  the  same  good  offices,  but  not  decisively  aban- 
doned, between  Mexico  and  Guatemala  ; as  that  which 
is  threatened  between  Brazil  and  Uruguay;  as  that 
which  is  even  now  foreshadowed  between  Brazil  and 
the  Argentine  States. 

THE  WAR  SPIRIT. 

Peace  is  essential  to  commerce,  is  the  very  life  of 
honest  trade,  is  the  solid  basis  of  international  pros- 
perity ; and  yet  there  is  no  part  of  the  world  where  a 
resort  to  arms  is  so  prompt  as  in  the  Spanish-American 


260 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Republics.  Those  Republics  have  grown  out  of  the 
old  Colonial  divisions,  formed  from  capricious  grants 
to  favorites  by  Royal  charter,  and  their  boundaries  are 
in  many  cases  not  clearly  defined,  and  consequently 
afford  the  basis  of  continual  disputes,  breaking  forth 
too  often  in  open  war.  To  induce  the  Spanish-Ameri- 
can  States  to  adopt  some  peaceful  mode  of  adjusting 
their  frequently  recurring  contentions  was  regarded 
by  the  late  President  as  one  of  the  most  honorable 
and  useful  ends  to  which  the  diplomacy  of  the  United 
States  could  contribute — useful  especially  to  those 
States  by  securing  permanent  peace  within  all  their 
borders,  and  useful  to  our  own  country  by  affording 
a coveted  opportunity  for  extending  its  commerce  and 
securing  enlarged  fields  for  our  products  and  manu- 
factures. 

THE  MOTIVE  FOR  CALLING  A PEACE  CONGRESS. 

Instead  of  friendly  intervention  here  and  there, 
patching  up  a treaty  between  two  countries  to-day, 
securing  a truce  betweefl  two  others  to-morrow,  it  was 
apparent  to  the  President  that  a more  comprehensive 
plan  should  be  adopted  if  war  was  to  cease  in  the 
Western  Hemisphere.  It  was  evident  that  certain 
European  Powers  had  in  the  past  been  interested  in 
promoting  strife  between  the  Spanish  American  coun. 
tries,  and  might  be  so  interested  in  the  future,  while  the 
interest  of  the  United  States  was  wholly  and  always 
on  the  side  of  peace  with  all  our  American  neighbors, 
and  peace  between  them  all. 

It  was  therefore  the  President’s  belief  that  mere  in- 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


261 


cidental  and  partial  adjustments  failed  to  attain  the 
desired  end,  and  that  a common  agreement  of  peace, 
permanent  in  its  character  and  continental  in  its  extent, 


THOMAS  L.  JAMES. 

should,  if  possible,  be  secured.  To  effect  this  end  it 
had  been  resolved,  before  the  fatal  shot  of  July  2,  to 
invite  all  the  independent  governments  of  North  and 
South  America  to  meet  in  a Peace  Congress  at  Wash- 


262 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


ington.  The  date  to  be  assigned  was  the  15th  of 
March,  1882,  and  the  invitations  would  have  been  is- 
sued directly  after  the  New  England  tour,  which  the 
President  was  not  permitted  to  make.  Nearly  six 
months  later,  on  November  22,  President  Garfield’s 
successor  issued  the  invitations  for  the  Peace  Congress 

o 

in  the  same  spirit  and  scope  and  with  the  same  limita- 
tions and  restrictions  that  had  been  originally  de- 
signed. 

o 

SOUTH  AMERICA  APPROVES. 

As  soon  as  the  project  was  understood  in  South 
America  it  received  a most  cordial  approval,  and  some 
of  the  countries,  not  following  the  leisurely  routine  of 
diplomatic  correspondence,  made  haste  to  accept  the 
invitation.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  within  a brief 
period  all  the  nations  invited  would  have  formally  sig- 
nified their  readiness  to  attend  the  Congress ; but  in 
six  weeks  after  the  invitations  had  gone  to  the  several 
countries,  President  Arthur  caused  them  to  be  recalled, 
or  at  least  suspended. 

The  subject  was  afterward  referred  to  Congress  in  a 
special  message,  in  which  the  President  ably  vin- 
dicated his  constitutional  right  to  assemble  the  Peace 
Congress,  but  expressed  a desire  that  the  legislative 
department  of  the  Government  should  give  an  opinion 
upon  the  expediency  of  the  step  before  the  Congress 
should  be  allowed  to  convene. 

Meanwhile  the  nations  that  received  the  invitations 
were  in  an  embarrassing  situation  ; for  after  they  were 
asked  by  the  President  to  come,  they  found  that  the 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


263 


matter  had  been  reconsidered  and  referred  to  another 
department  of  the  Government.  This  change  was 
universally  accepted  as  a practical  though  indirect 
abandonment  of  the  project,  for  it  was  not  from  the 
first  probable  that  Congress  would  take  any  action 
whatever  upon  the  subject. 

THE  PROJECT  DEFEATED. 

The  good  will  and  welcome  of  the  invitation  would 
be  destroyed  by  a long  debate  in  the  Senate  and 
House,  in  which  the  question  would  necessarily  become 
intermixed  with  personal  and  party  politics,  and  the 
project  would  be  ultimately  wrecked  from  the  same 
cause  and  by  the  same  process  that  destroyed  the  use- 
fulness of  the  Panama  Congress  more  than  fifty  years 
ago,  when  Mr.  Clay  was  Secretary  of  State.  The  time 
for  Congressional  action  would  have  been  after  the 

o 

Peace  Conference  had  closed  its  labors. 

The  conference  could  not  agree  upon  anything  that 
would  be  binding  upon  the  United  States,  unless  as- 
sented to  as  a treaty  by  the  Senate,  or  enacted  into  a 
law  by  both  branches.  The  assembling  of  the  Peace 
Conference,  as  President  Arthur  so  well  demonstrated 
was  not  in  derogation  of  any  right  or  prerogative  of 
the  Senate  or  House.  The  money  necessary  for  the 
expenses  of  the  conference — which  would  not  have  ex- 
ceeded $10,000 — could  not,  with  reason  or  propriety, 
have  been  refused  by  Congress.  If  it  had  been  re- 
fused, patriotism  andphilanthropy  would  have  promptly 
supplied  it. 


264 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


THE  NECESSITY  OF  FRIENDLY  INTERVENTION. 

The  Spanish  American  States  are  in  special  need  of 
the  help  which  the  Peace  Congress  would  afford  them. 
They  require  external  pressure  to  keep  them  from 
war.  When  at  war  they  require  external  pressure  to 
bring  them  to  peace.  Their  outbreaks  are  not  only 
frequent,  but  are  sanguinary  and  sometimes  cruel. 
The  inhabitants  of  those  countries  are  a brave  people, 
belonging  to  a race  that  have  always  been  brave, 
descended  of  men  that  have  always  been  proud.  They 
are  of  hot  temper,  quick  to  take  affront,,  ready  to 
avenge  a wrong,  whether  real  or  fancied.  They  are 
at  the  same  time  generous  and  chivalrous,  and  though 
tending  for  years  to  past  estrangement  and  alienation 
from  us,  they  would  promptly  respond  to  any  advance 
made  by  the  Great  Republic  of  the  North,  as  they 
have  for  two  generations  termed  our  Government. 

The  moral  influence  upon  the  Spanish  American 
people  of  such  an  international  assembly  as  the  Peace 
Congress,  called  by  thejnvitation  and  meeting  under 
the  auspices  of  the  United  States,  would  have  proved 
beneficent  and  far-reaching.  It  would  have  raised  the 
standard  of  their  civilization.  It  would  have  turned 
their  attention  to  the  things  of  peace ; and  the  con- 
tinent, whose  undeveloped  wealth  amazed  Humboldt, 
might  have  had  a new  life  given  to  it,  a new  and 
splendid  career  opened  to  its  inhabitants. 

Such  friendly  interventions  as  the  proposed  Peace 
Congress,  and  as  the  attempt  to  restore  peace  between 
Chili  and  Peru,  fell  within  the  line  of  both  duty  and 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


265 


interest  on  the  part  of  the  United  States.  Nations 
like  individuals  often  require  the  aid  of  a common 
friend  to  restore  relations  of  amity.  Peru  and  Chili 
are  in  deplorable  need  of  a wise  and  powerful  media- 
tor. Though  exhausted  by  war,  they  are  unable  to 
make  peace,  and,  unless  they  shall  be  aided  by  the  in- 
tervention of  a friend,  political  anarchy  and  social  dis- 
order will  come  to  the  conquered,  and  evil  scarcely  less 
serious  to  the  conqueror.  Our  own  Government  can- 
not take  the  ground  that  it  will  not  offer  friendly  in- 
tervention to  settle  troubles  between  American  coun- 
tries, unless  at  the  same  time  it  freely  concedes  to 
European  governments  the  right  of  such  intervention, 
and  thus  consents  to  a practical  destruction  of  the 
Monroe  doctrine  and  an  unlimited  increase  of  Euro- 
pean and  monarchical  influence  on  this  continent. 

MEDIATION  DEMANDED. 

The  late  special  envoy  to  Peru  and  Chili,  Mr.  Trescot, 
gives  it  as  his  deliberate  and  published  conclusion  that 
if  the  instructions  under  which  he  set  out  upon  his 
mission  had  not  been  revoked,  peace  between  those 
angry  belligerents  would  have  been  established  as  the 
result  of  his  labors — necessarily  to  the  great  benefit 
of  the  United  States.  If  our  Government  does  not 
resume  its  efforts  to  secure  peace  in  South  America, 
some  European  government  will  be  forced  to  perform 
that  friendly  office. 

The  United  States  cannot  play  between  nations  the 
part  of  the  dog  in  the  manger.  We  must  perform  the 
duty  of  humane  intervention  ourselves,  or  give  way 


266 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


to  foreign  governments  that  are  willing  to  accept  the 
responsibility  of  the  great  trust  and  secure  the 
enhanced  influence  and  numberless  advantages  result- 
ing  from  such  a philanthropic  and  beneficent  course. 

ITS  COMMERCIAL  VALUE. 

A most  significant  and  important  result  would  have 
followed  the  assembling  of  the  Peace  Congress.  A 
friendship  and  an  intimacy  would  have  been  estab- 
lished between  the  States  of  North  and  South  Amer- 
ica, which  would  have  demanded  and  enforced  a closer 
commercial  connection.  A movement  in  the  near 
future,  as  the  legitimate  outgrowth  of  assured  peace, 
would  in  all  probability  have  been  a great  commercial 
cortference  at  the  city  of  Mexico  or  Rio  Janeiro,  whose 
deliberations  would  be  directed  to  a better  system  of 
trade  on  the  two  continents. 

To  such  a conference  the  Dominion  of  Canada 
could  properly  be  asked  to  send  representatives,  as 
that  government  is  allowed  by  Great  Britain  a very 
large  liberty  in  regulating  its  commercial  relations.  In 
the  Peace  Congress,  to  be  composed  of  independent 
governments,  the  Dominion  could  not  have  taken  any 
part,  and  was  consequently  not  invited.  From  this 
trade  conference  of  the  two  continents  the  United 
States  could  hardly  have  failed  to  gain  great  advan- 
tages. At  present  the  commercial  relations  of  this 
country  with  the  Spanish  American  countries,  both 
continental  and  insular,  are  unsatisfactory  and  unprof- 
itable— indeed,  those  relations  are  absolutely  oppres- 
sive to  the  financial  interests  of  the  Government  and 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


267 


people  of  the  United  States.  In  our  current  ex- 
changes it  requires  about  $120,000,000  to  pay  the 
balances  which  Spanish  America  brings  against  us 
every  year. 

This  amount  is  50  per  cent,  more  than  the  average 
annual  product  of  the  gold  and  silver  mines  of  the 
United  States  during  the  past  five  years.  This  vast 
sum  does  not  of  course  go  to  Spanish  America  in 
coin,  but  it  goes  across  the  ocean  in  coin  or  its  equiv- 
alent, to  pay  European  countries  for  manufactured 
articles  which  they  furnish  to  Spanish  America — a 
large  proportion  of  which  should  be  furnished  by  the 
manufacturers  of  the  United  States. 

THE  TARIFF  AND  SOUTH  AMERICAN  TRADE. 

At  this  point  of  the  argument  the  free  trader  ap- 
pears and  declares  that  our  protective  tariff  destroys 
our  power  of  competition  with  European  countries, 
and  that  if  we  will  abolish  protection,  we  shall  soon 
have  South  American  trade.  The  answer  is  not  suffi- 
cient, for  to-day  there  are  many  articles  which  we  can 
send  to  South  America,  and  sell  as  cheaply  as  Euro- 
pean manufacturers  can  furnish  them.  It  is  idle,  of 
course,  to  make  this  statement  to  the  genuine  apostle 
of  free  trade  and  the  implacable  enemy  of  protection, 
for  the  great  postulate  of  his  argument,  the  foundation 
of  his  creed,  is  that  nothing  can  be  made  as  cheaply  in 
America  as  in  Europe. 

Nevertheless  facts  are  stubborn,  and  the  hard  figures 
of  arithmetic  cannot  be  satisfactorily  answered  by  airy 
figures  of  speech.  The  truth  remains  that  the  coarser 


268 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


descriptions  of  cottons  and  cotton  prints,  boots  and 
shoes,  ordinary  household  furniture,  harness  for  draft 
animals,  agricultural  implements  of  all  kinds,  doors, 
sashes  and  blinds,  locks,  bolts  and  hinges, -silverware, 
plated  ware,  wooden  ware,  ordinary  paper  and  paper- 
hangings,  common  vehicles,  ordinary  window-glass  and 
glassware,  rubber  goods,  coal  oils,  lard  oils,  kerosenes, 
white  lead,  lead  pipe,  and  articles  in  which  lead  is  a 
chief  component,  can  be,  and  are  produced  as  cheaply 
in  the  United  States  as  in  any  other  part  of  the 
world. 

The  list  of  such  articles  might  be  lengthened  by  the 
addition  of  those  classed  as  “ notions ; ” but  enough 
only  are  given  to  show  that  this  country  would,  with 
proper  commercial  arrangements,  export  much  more 
largely  than  it  now  does  to  Spanish  America. 

BRITISH  MONOPOLY. 

In  the  trade  relations  of  the  world,  it  does  not  follow 
that  mere  ability  to  produce  as  cheaply  as  another 
nation  insures  a division  of  an  established  market,  or, 
indeed,  any  participation  in  it.  France  manufactures 
many  articles  as  cheaply  as  England — some  articles  at 
even  less  cost.  Portugal  lies  nearer  to  France  than  to 
England,  and  the  expense  of  transporting  the  French 
fabric  to  the  Portuguese  market  is  therefore  less  than 
the  transportation  of  English  fabric. 

And  yet  Great  Britain  has  almost  a monopoly  in 
the  trade  of  Portugal.  The  same  condition  applies, 
though  in  a less  degree,  in  the  trade  of  Turkey,  Syria 
and  Egypt,  which  England  holds  to  a much  greater 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


269 


extent  than  any  of  the  other  European  nations  that 
are  able  to  produce  the  same  fabric  as  cheaply. 

If  it  be  said  in  answer,  that  England  has  special 
trade-relations  by  treaty  with  Portugal  and  special 
obligations  binding  the  other  countries,  the  ready 
answer  is,  that  she  has  no  more  favorable  position 
with  regard  to  those  countries  than  can  be  readily 
and  easily  acquired  by  the  United  States  with  respect 
to  all  the  countries  of  America.  That  end  will  be 
reached  whenever  the  United  States  desires  it,  and 
wills  it,  and  is  ready  to  take  the  steps  necessary  to 
secure  it. 

THE  OMINOUS  ADVERSE  BALANCE. 

At  present  the  trade  with  Spanish  America  runs  so 
strongly  in  channels  adverse  to  us,  that,  besides  our 
inability  to  furnish  manufactured  articles,  we  do  not 
get  the  profit  on  our  own  raw  products  that  are 
shipped  there.  Our  petroleum  reaches  most  of  the 
Spanish-American  ports  after  twice  crossing  the  At- 
lantic, paying  often  a better  profit  to  the  European 
middle  man,  who  handles  it,  than  it  does  to  the  pro- 
ducer of  the  oil  in  the  northwestern  counties  of  Penn- 
sylvania. Flour  and  pork  from  the  West  reach  Cuba 
by  way  of  Spain,  and  though  we  buy  and  consume 
ninety  per  cent,  of  the  total  products  of  Cuba,  almost 
that  proportion  of  her  purchases  are  made  in  Europe 
— made,  of  course,  with  money  furnished  directly  from 
our  pockets. 

As  our  exports  to  Spanish  America  grow  less,  as 
European  imports  constantly  grow  large,  the  balance 


270 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


against  us  will  show  an  annual  increase,  and  will  con- 
tinue to  exhaust  our  supply  of  the  precious  metals. 
We  are  increasing  our  imports  from  South  America, 
and  the  millions  we  annually  pay  for  coffee,  wool,  hides, 
guano,  cinchona,  caoutchouc,  cabinet  woods,  dye  woods 
and  other  articles,  go  for  the  ultimate  benefit  of  Euro- 
pean manufacturers  who  take  the  gold  from  us  and 
send  their  fabrics  to  Spanish  America. 

If  we  could  send  our  fabrics,  our  gold  would  stay  at 
home  and  our  general  prosperity  would  be  sensibly 
increased.  But  so  long  as  we  repel  Spanish  America, 
so  long  as  we  leave  her  to  cultivate  intimate  relations 
with  Europe,  alone,  so  long  our  trade  relations  will 
remain  unsatisfactory  and  even  embarrassing.  Those 
countries  sell  to  us  very  heavy.  They  buy  from  us 
lightly. 

OUR  EXPORTS. 

And  the  amount  they  bring  us  in  debt  each  year  is 
larger  than  the  heaviest  aggregate  balance  of  trade 
we  ever  have  against  us  in  the  worst  of  times.  The 
average  balance  against  us  in  the  whole  world  in  the 
five  most  adverse  years  we  ever  experienced,  was 
about  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  This  plainly 
shows  that  in  our  European  exchanges  there  is  always 
a balance  in  our  favor  and  that  our  chief  deficiency 
arises  from  our  mal-adjusted  commercial  relations 
with  Spanish  America. 

It  follows  that  if  our  Spanish  America  trade  were 
placed  on  a better  and  more  equitable  foundation,  it 


Si  Him 

(271) 


DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE— SECRETARY  BLAINE’S  APARTMENTS. 


272 


LIFE  OF  IION.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


would  be  almost  impossible  even  in  years  most  unfa- 
vorable to' us,  to  bring  us  in  debt  to  the  world. 

With  such  heavy  purchases  as  we  are  compelled  to 
make  from  Spanish  America,  it  could  hardly  be  ex- 
pected that  we  should  be  able  to  adjust  the  entire 
account  by  exports.  But  the  balance  against  us  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  millions  in  gold  coin  is  far 
too  large,  and  in  time  of  stringency  is  a standing 
menace  of  final  disaster.  It  should  not  be  forgotten 
that  every  million  dollars  of  products  or  fabrics  that 
we  sell  in  Spanish  America  is  a million  dollars  in  gold 
saved  to  our  own  country.  The  immediate  profit  is 
to  the  producer  and  exporter,  but  the  entire  country 
realizes  a gain  in  the  ease  and  affluence  of  the  money 
market  which  is  insured  by  keeping  our  gold  at  home 
The  question  involved  is  so  large,  the  object  to  be  ' 
achieved  is  so  great,  that  no  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  to  accomplish  it  could  be  too  earnest  or 
too  long  continued. 

o 

COMPACT  OF  NATIONS. 

It  is  only  claimed  for  the  Peace  Congress,  designed 
under  the  administration  of  Garfield,  that  it  was  an 
important  and  impressive  step  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  toward  closer  relationship  with  our  con- 
tinental neighbors.  The  present  tendency  in  those 
countries  is  toward  Europe,  and  it  is  a lamentable  fact 
that  their  people  are  not  so  near  to  us  in  feeling  as 
they  were  sixty  years  ago  when  they  threw  off  the  yoke 
of  Spanish  tyranny. 

We  were  then  a weak  republic  of  ten  millions,  but 


BLAINE  AS  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


273 


we  did  not  hesitate  to  recognize  the  independence  of 
the  new  governments,  even  at  the  risk  of  war  with 
Spain.  Our  foreign  policy  at  that  time  was  specially 
designed  to  extend  our  influence  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere,  and  the  statesmen  of  that  era — the  era 
of  DeWitt  Clinton  and  the  younger  Adams,  of  Clay 
and  of  Crawford,  of  Webster  and  Calhoun,  of  Van 
Buren  and  Benton,  of  Jackson  and  of  Edward  Living- 
ston— were  always  courageous  in  the  inspiring  meas- 
ures which  they  advocated  for  the  expansion  of  our 
commercial  dominion. 

THE  PERIL  TO  BE  AVOIDED  BY  THE  UNION. 

Three-score  years  have  passed.  The  power  of  the 
Republic  in  many  directions  has  grown  beyond  all 
anticipation,  but  we  have  relatively  lost  ground  in 
some  great  fields  of  enterprise.  We  have  added 
thousands  of  miles  to  our  ocean  front,  but  our  com- 
merce has  fallen  off,  and  from  ardent  friendship  with 
Spanish  America  we  have  drifted  into  indifference  if 
not  into  coldness.  It  is  but  one  step  further  to  reach 
a condition  of  positive  unfriendliness,  which  may  end 
in  what  would  be  equivalent  to  a commercial  alliance 
against  us.  Already  one  of  the  most  dangerous  of 
movements — that  of  a European  guarantee  and  guar- 
dianship of  the  Interoceanic  Canal — is  suggested  and 
urged  upon  the  Great  Foreign  Powers  by  representa- 
tives of  a South  American  country.  If  these  tenden- 
cies are  to  be  averted,  if  Spanish-American  friendship 
is  to  be  regained,  if  the  commercial  empire  that  legiti- 
mately belongs  to  us  is  to  be  ours,  we  must  not  be 
18 


274 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


idle  and  witness  its  transfer  to  others.  If  we  would 
reconquer  it,  a great  first  step  is  to  be  taken.  It  is 
the  first  step  that  costs.  It  is  also  the  first  step  that 
counts.  Can  there  be  suggested  a wiser  step  than 
the  Peace  Congress  of  the  two  Americas,  that  was 
devised  under  Garfield,  and  had  the  weight  of  his 
great  name  ? 

A SPECTACLE  MORALLY  SUBLIME. 

In  no  event  could  harm  have  resulted  in  the  assem- 
bling of  the  Peace  Congress;  failure  was  next  to  im- 
possible. Success  might  be  regarded  as  certain.  The 
subject  to  be  discussed  was  peace,  and  how  it  can  be 
permanently  preserved  in  North  and  South  America. 
The  labors  of  the  Congress  would  have  probably 
ended  in  a well-digested  system  of  arbitration,  under 
which  all  troubles  between  American  States  could  be 
quickly,  effectually  and  satisfactorily  adjusted.  Such 
a consummation  would  have  been  worth  a great 

<r> 

struggle  and  a great  sacrifice.  It  could  have  been 
reached  without  any  struggle  and  would  have  in- 
volved no  sacrifice.  It  was  within  our  grasp.  It  was 
ours  for  the  asking. 

It  would  have  been  a signal  victory  of  philanthropy 
over  the'  selfishness  of  human  ambition  ; a complete 
triumph  of  Christian  principles  as  applied  to  the  af- 
fairs of  Nations.  It  would  have  reflected  enduring 
honor  on  our  new  country,  and  would  have  imparted 
a new  spirit  and  a new  brotherhood  to  all  America. 
Nor  would  its  influence  beyond  the  sea  have  been 
small.  The  example  of  seventeen  independent  Na- 


(275) 


SECRETARY  BLAINE  AT  THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  GARFIELD. 


276 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


tions  solemnly  agreeing  to  abolish  the  arbitrament  of 
the  sword,  and  to  settle  every  dispute  by  peaceful 
methods  of  abjudication,  would  have  exerted  an  in- 
fluence to  the  utmost  confines  of  civilization,  and 
upon  generations  of  men  yet  to  come. 

James  G.  Blaine. 

But  whatever  might  have  been  the  ultimate  result 
of  his  foreign  policy,  and  whatever  he  might  have  ac- 
complished to  render  the  administration  to  which  he 
was  attached  popular  and  prosperous,  was  prevented 
by  the  assassination  of  the  President,  just  four  months 
from  the  day  of  his  inauguration.  His  policy  had 
been  formulated  and  its  details  duly  specified,  and  no 
doubt  the  President  and  his  first  officer  were  antici- 
pating additional  prosperity  for  the  people. 

THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  PRESIDENT  GARFIELD. 

On  the  bright  Saturday  morning  of  July  2d,  the 
President  prepared  to  leave  the  National  Capital  for 
New  York,  and  thence  to  New  England  to  join  in  the 
reunion  of  his  classmates  at  the  Commencement  of 
Williams  College.  Secretary  Blaine  accompanied  him 
to  the  station  and  observed  the  almost  boyish  delight 
with  which  he  anticipated  this  meeting  with  his  fellow- 
students  of  former  days.  Passing  into  the  station 
through  the  ladies’  waiting-room,  they  were  about  to 
pass  to  the  train,  when  that  fiend  in  human  form, 
Guiteau,  fired  the  fatal  shot  which  finally  after  weeks 
and  months  of  suffering,  and  during  which  not  only 
our  nation  but  the  world,  watched  in  spirit,  by  his  bed- 


(277) 


BLAINE  ASSISTING  GARFIELD’S  NURSES. 


278 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


side,  ended  in  his  death.  The  people  of  the  country 
will  not  forget  the  noble  devotion  shown  by  Mr.  Blaine 
to  his  dying  superior  officer — how  he  watched  at  his 
bedside,  and  amidst  his  and  his  Nation’s  sorrows  dis- 
charged all  the  responsible  duties  of  his  position. 

Garfield’s  death. 

On  September  6 the  President  was  removed  from 
Washington  to  Elberon,  whither  he  was  followed  the 
same  day  by  Mr.  Blaine  and  the  rest  of  the  Cabinet. 
The  apparent  improvement  in  the  President’s  condition 
warranted  the  belief  that  he  would  continue  to  gain, 
and  Mr.  Blaine  went  for  a short  rest  to  his  home  in 
Augusta.  He  was  on  his  way  back  to  Elberon  on 
the  nineteenth  day  of  September  when  the  fatal  mo- 
ment came  and  reached  there  the  next  morning.  It 
is  the  universal  testimony  of  press  and  people  that, 
during  the  weary  weeks  which  intervened  between 
the  Pjesident’s  injury  and  death,  Mr.  Blaine’s  every 
action  and  constant  demeanor  were  absolutely  fault- 
less. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


Eulogy  of  James  A.  Garfield. 


On  the  twenty-seventh  day  of  February,  1882,  an 
eulogy  was  delivered  before  both  Houses  of  Congress, 
by  the  Hon.  Janies  G.  Blaine,  Secretary  of  State 
during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Garfield,  on  the 
murdered  President.  The  scene  at  the  Capitol  was 
a very  impressive  one,  and  will  linger  long  in  the 
memory  of  those  who  witnessed  it.  The  bright  morn- 
ing sunshine  brought  forth  thousands,  who  flocked 
Capitolward  long  before  the  hour  announced  for  the 
opening  of  the  doors.  There  were  a number  of  Com 
gressmen  early  on  the  ground,  actively  engaged  in  plao 
ing  their  ladies  and  other  friends.  At  half-past  10  the 
galleries  were  literally  packed,  and  those  who  came 
afterwards  had  to  be  content  with  occasional  unsatis' 
factory  glimpses  through  the  open  doors.  It  appeared 
that  the  seating  capacity  had  been  greatly  over-esti- 
mated. Notwithstanding  the  reiterated  announcements 
of  the  press  that  none  without  tickets  would  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  Capitol  buildings,  there  were  hundreds 
there  merely  to  be  turned  away. 

The  scene  within  was  inspiriting,  yet  of  a sombre 
tinge.  Four-fifths  of  the  immense  audience  were  ladies 
and  these  were  mostly  dressed  in  black  or  sober  colors. 
Only  here  and  there  a flower  on  a bonnet,  a single 
ribbon  or  bow  at  a feminine  throat  made  an  obtrusive 
show  of  color.  This  universal  black  made  the  thou- 
sands of  white  faces  stand  out  in  bold  relief  with  an 
effect  which  was  startling.  The  array  of  fur-lined 
circulars  and  other  wraps  that  were  hung  over  the 
cornice  and  dangled  in  front,  contrary  to  the  rules  of 

279 


280 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


the  House,  made  a ludicrous  picture.  In  the  Diplo. 
matic  gallery,  clad  in  purple  and  black  velvets  and 
other  rich  but  sober  fabrios,  was  a distinguished  assem- 
blage of  ladies.  The  Countess  Lewenhaupt,  wife  of 
the  Swedish  Minister;  Mrs.  and  Miss  Preston,  wife 
and  daughter  of  the  Haytian  Minister;  Viscountess 
Das  Nogueiros,  wife  of  the  Minister  from  Portugal; 
Senora  Don  Francisco  Barca,  Spain;  Senor  Dom  Simon 
Camacho,  Venezuela,  and  others,  were  specially  notable. 
In  the  President’s  gallery  sat  Mrs.  Blaine,  the  wife  of 
the  distinguished  orator  of  the  day  and  the  cynosure 
of  all  eyes.  She  had  scarcely  got  seated  when  a page 
entered  and  presented  her  with  a bouquet  of  beautiful 
flowers.  Mrs.  Blaine  was  attired  in  rich  black  velvet 
and  circular  lined  with  leopard  skin,  which  was  allowed 
to  fall  over  the  gallery  rail.  She  was  accompanied  by 
Mrs.  Matthews  and  Miss  Dodge  and  Mrs.  Justice  Field. 
Mrs.  David  Dudley  Field,  Mrs.  Bradley,  Mrs.  Brewster, 
Mrs.  Frelinghuysen  and  Mrs.  G.  W.  Curtis  were  near 
her.  While  these  galleries  were  being  filled  the  Marine 
Band,  stationed  in  the  lobby  back  of  the  Speaker’s 
desk,  poured  forth  the  sweetest  airs,  the  partial  con- 
cealment giving  the  music  the  charm  of  coming  from 
some  vast  music  box. 

On  the  floor  about  half  the  members  of  the  House 
had  gathered  by  eleven  o’clock.  Most  of  them  ap- 
peared to  be  contemplating  the  great  painting  of  Gar- 
field that  hung  above  the  Speaker’s  chair,  while  the 
rest  ogled  the  ladies  in  the  galleries  and  joined  in  con- 
versation. A loud  buzz  of  subdued  voices  from  two  or 
three  thousand  persons  filled  the  chamber.  Three 
figures  occupied  conspicuous  places  on  the  front  seats 
and  these  were  the  venerable  figure  of  Washington’s 
great  man,  W.  W.  Corcoran,  the  lean  figure  of  Cyrus 
W.  Field  and  the  shrivelled-up  figure  of  the  historian, 
George  Bancroft.  They  came  in  early  and  sat  there 


281 


282  blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 

alone.  Immediately  back  of  them,  on  both  sides  the 
main  aisle,  the  desks  had  been  removed  and  the  vacant 
chairs  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  Senators  and  other 
dignitaries.  The  General  of  the  Army  came  in  first 
by  the  main  door  and  he  and  stubby  Phil  Sheridan 
made  a funny  pair  to  come  down  the  aisle  together. 
They  were  followed  by  the  princely  General  Hancock, 
“The  Superb,”  and  Generals  Howard  and  Meigs.  All 
were  in  full  uniform.  They  attracted  a storm  of  eyes 
and  were  made  the  immediate  focus  of  a thousand 
opera-glasses.  Not  very  long,  however:,  for  that  body 
which  always  claims  priority  in  attractiveness  very  soon 
entered  from  the  Speaker’s  lobby.  The  full  diplomatic 
corps,  in  all  its  royal  splendor  of  gold  lace  and  its 
courtly  decorations,  filed  in  and  took  the  second  row 
of  seats  in  the  semicircle.  The  foreign  gentlemen 
always  form  a picturesque  group,  but  never  so  much  as 
when  clustered  together  among  thousands  of  people  in 
solemn  conventional  black.  The  red  fez  and  gold  em- 
broidery of  the  Turks  were  in  curious  contrast  with 
the  loose,  plain  purple  robes  of  the  Chinese.  The 
representatives  of  the  Japanese  Government  appeared 
in  American  full  dress,  swallow-tails,  white  ties  and 
gloves,  like  the  ordinary  American  gentleman  and 
ordinary  American  waiter.  The  members  of  the  Diplo- 
matic Corps  wore  the  regulation  costumes  of  their 
respective  countries  and  were  marshaled  by  Mr.  Allen, 
the  Hawaiian  Minister,  who  is  now  known  as  the  dean 
since  the  departure  of  Sir  Edward  Thornton.  While 
everybody  was  picking  out  the  prettiest  uniform  in 
came  Doctor  Bliss,  walking  down  the  main  aisle  alone, 
his  presence  recalling  the  painful  cause  of  this  august 
gathering.  The  doctor  seemed  conscious  of  the  general 
curiosity  and  hastily  passed  down  and  slipped  into  a 
side  seat  just  back  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps.  Shortly 
afterward  Judge  Cox,  Judge  Hagner,  Judge  Wiley  and 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  Garfield. 


2&3 


Marshal  Henry  came  in  and  sat  near  him.  Before  in- 
terest had  ceased  in  these  reminders  of  Garfield  and 
his  assassin  Admiral  Porter  and  Rear  Admirals  Rogers 
and  Worden  were  escorted  to  corresponding  seats  on 
the  opposite  side,  sitting  immediately  behind  the  great 
generals.  They  were  also  resplendent  in  the  showy 
uniform  of  the  American  navy  that  is  to  be. 

When  the  House  was  called  to  order  at  noon  the 
seats  set  aside  for  the  Senate,  Cabinet  and  others  were 
still  vacant,  though  every  other  seat  was  occupied,  and 
the  space  outside  the  rail  was  crowded  with  ex-Con- 
gressmen  and  the  lesser  dignitaries.  The  House  Clerk, 
however,  had  scarcely  read  the  resolutions  which  ap- 
pointed the  occasion  before  the  Senate  was  announced. 
President  Davis  waddled  upon  the  stand  and  reached 
out  for  the  gavel  in  his  business-like  way,  the  House 
remaining  standing  until  the  Senators  were  seated. 
The  Supreme  Court,  in  full  black  robes,  quickly  fol- 
lowed the  Senate,  and  then  the  President  and  his 
Cabinet  were  announced.  The  President  came  in 
leaning  on  the  arm  of  Senator  Sherman,  who  was, 
with  McKinley,  of  the  House,  acting  for  the  joint 
committee.  The  announcement  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States  was  greeted  by  general  applause. 
He  was  seated  at  the  corner  of  the  aisle  on  the  first 
row  of  seats  to  the  Speaker’s  right  and  next  to  Cyrus 
W.  Field.  Arthur  didn’t  seem  to  know  just  what  to 
do  with  his  hat  for  half  a second.  Field  offered  to 
take  it,  but  the  President  finally  found  relief  in  placing 
it  under  his  seat.  Frelinghuysen  sat  opposite  the 
President  across  the  aisle,  next  him  Secretary  Folger, 
who  sat  bolt  upright  in  his  straight-backed  chair,  and 
next  sat  Secretary  Robert  Lincoln,  who  rested  on  the 
small  of  his  back  in  a very  ungraceful  but  comfortable 
way,  while  beyond  Lincoln  were  Attorney-General 
Brewster,  Hunt,  Postmaster-General  Howe  and  Secre- 


284  blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 

tary  Kirkwood.  The  President  wore  a Prince  Albert 
coat,  with  a low-cut  rolling  collar,  a high  vest,  showing 
only  his  black  scarf,  surmounted  by  a black  pin.  His 
gloves  were  black,  undressed  kid  and  his  shoes  were 
topped  by  black  cloth  gaiters.  Attorney-General 
Brewster  wore  a bright  blue  scarf  and  carried  a crush 
hat.  Secretary  Kirkwood  also  carried  a crush  hat, 
known  in  Iowa  asta  slouch,  the  only  slouch  visible  in 
the  Cabinet. 

Soon  after  the  President  was  seated  and  last  of  all 
came  James  G.  Blaine,  the  orator  of  the  day.  The 
announcement  of  his  name  was  followed  by  a storm  of 
applause  which,  by  the  side  of  that  which  greeted  the 
President,  seemed  like  a whirlwind  of  enthusiasm. 
Blaine  came  down  the  aisle  escorted  on  either  side  by 
Senator  Sherman  and  Representative  McKinley.  He 
was  followed  by  William  E.  Chandler,  Emmons  Blaine 
and  the  ex-Premier’s  private  secretary,  who  bore  in  his 
right  hand  a huge  white  envelope  containing  the  great 
address.  Mr.  Blaine  advanced  to  the  rostrum,  where 
he  was  warmly  greeted  by  Vice-President  Davis,  and 
then  took  his  seat  at  the  middle  of  the  Clerk's  desk. 
On  the  left  of  the  orator  sat  Representative  McKinley 
and  Clerk  McPherson,  representing  the  authority  and 
dignity  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  On  the  right 
sat  Senator  Sherman  and  Secretary  Shober,  represent- 
ing the  authority  and  dignity  of  the  Senate.  On  the 
desk  in  front  of  the  orator  was  a glass  of  water,  on  his 
left  a silver  pitcher  and  a brace  of  gold-lined  goblets 
The  address  was  preceded  by  a brief  prayer  from 
Chaplain  Power,  nearly  everybody  on  the  floor  rising 
to  their  feet  and  this  example  being  followed  to  some 
extent  in  the  galleries.  When  Mr.  Blaine  began,  the 
vast  assemblage  was  almost  deathly  quiet,  for  the 
speaker’s  voice  was  low  and  not  very  clear.  As  he  got 
warmed  up,  however,  in  reciting  the  military  and  civic 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield.  285 

honors  of  his  late  beloved  chief  his  voice  came  out, 
round  and  full,  with  its  old  power.  The  attention  of 
the  audience  was  captured  at  the  start.  Nobody  got 
up,  nobody  wearied,  nobody  did  aught  but  listen  to 
catch  the  orator’s  every  word. 

When  Mr.  Blaine  reached  that  portion  of  his  speech 
in  which  he  alluded  to  the  causes  which  led  to  the 
shooting  of  Garfield  there  was  a visible  straining  to 
catch  the  full  import  of  his  words.  It  was  a very 
delicate  subject  and  the  orator,  with  rare  tact  and 
judgment,  trod  daintily  on  the  ground.  It  was  notice- 
able that  at  this  point  the  President  leaned  slightly 
forward,  shifted  his  feet  about  and  fumbled  his  watch- 
chain  and  his  glasses  in  an  abstracted  way,  fully  bound 
up  in  his  intentness  on  the  language  of  the  orator. 
The  intensity  of  feeling  in  the  entire  audience  was  un- 
consciously illustrated  in  the  long  breath  of  relief  that 
swept  over  the  human  sea  when  Mr.  Blaine  turned 
from  the  subject  to  treat  of  the  religious  character  of 
the  illustrious  deceased.  Every  one  straightened  up 
and  looked  at  his  neighbor,  as  much  as  to  say:  “Well, 
I’m  glad  that  is  over.” 

At  the  close,  instead  of  the  brilliant  rhetoric  of  the 
plumed  knight,  as  nearly  everybody  had  anticipated, 
there  was  the  simplest  and  most  touching  appeal  for 
human  sympathy  for  the  poor  sufferer  by  the  sea. 
The  speaker’s  eyes  were  suffused  with  tears  as  he 
recited  the  simple  story.  In  fact  he  almost  broke 
down.  The  sympathetic  eyes  of  President  Arthur 
filled,  his  mouth  twitched,  and  he  thought  it  not  un- 
manly to  dash  away  a tear  with  a sweep  of  his  hand. 
There  were  a good  many  other  eyes  wet  in  that  vast 
audience  and  many  women  in  the  galleries  sobbed 
outright.  When  the  final  sentence  was  spoken  and 
the  orator  sat  down,  round  after  round  of  applause 
burst  forth. 


286  blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 

THE  EULOGY  IN  FULL. 

Ex-Secretary  Blaine’s  Eloquent  and  Dignified  Tribute  to  the  Memory  of  his 
• Dead  Chief. 

Mr.  President:  For  the  second  time  in  this  genera- 
tion the  great  departments  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  are  assembled  in  the  Hall  of  Represent- 
atives to  do  honor  to  the  memory  of  a murdered 
President.  Lincoln  fell  at  the  close  of  a mighty  strug- 
gle in  which  the  passions  of  men  had  been  deeply 
stirred.  The  tragical  termination  of  his  great  life 
added  but  another  to  the  lengthened  succession  of 
horrors  which  had  marked  so  many  lintels  with  the 
blood  of  the  first  born.  Garfield  was  slain  in  a day  of 
peace,  when  brother  had  been  reconciled  to  brother 
and  when  anger  and  hate  had  been  banished  from  the 
land.  “ Whoever  shall  hereafter  draw  the  portrait  of 
murder,  if  he  will  show  it  as  it  has  been  exhibited 
where  such  example  was  last  to  have  been  looked  for, 
let  him  not  give  it  the  grim  visage  of  Moloch,  the 
brow  knitted  by  revenge,  the  face  black  with  settled 
hate.  Let  him  draw,  rather,  a decorous,  smooth-faced, 
bloodless  demon;  not  so  much  an  example  of  human 
nature  in  its  depravity  and  in  its  paroxysms  of  crime 
as  an  infernal  being,  a fiend  in  the  ordinary  display 
and  development  of  his  character.” 

From  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  till 
the  uprising  against  Charles  First  about  twenty  thou- 
sand emigrants  came  from  old  England  to  New  Eng- 
land. As  they  came  in  pursuit  of  intellectual  freedom 
and  ecclesiastical  independence  rather  than  for  worldly 
honor  and  profit,  the  emigration  naturally  ceased  when 
the  contest  for  religious  liberty  began  in  earnest  at 
home.  The  man  who  struck  his  most  effective  blow 
for  freedom  of  conscience  by  sailing  for  the  Colonies  in 
1620  would  have  been  accounted  a deserter  to  leave 


i 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield.  287 

after  1640.  The  opportunity  had  then  come  on  the 
soil  of  England  for  that  great  contest  which  established 
the  authority  of  Parliament,  gave  religious  freedom  to 
the  people,  sent  Charles  to  the  block  and  committed 
to  the  hands  of  Oliver  Cromwell  the  supreme  executive 
authority  of  England.  The  English  emigration  was 
never  renewed,  and  from  these  twenty  thousand  men, 
with  a small  emigration  from  Scotland  and  from 
France,  are  descended  the  vast  numbers  who  have 
New  England  blood  in  their  veins. 

In  1685  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes  by 
Louis  XIV.  scattered  to  other  countries  four  hundred 
thousand  Protestants,  who  were  among  the  most  in- 
telligent and  enterprising  of  French  subjects — mer- 
chants of  capital,  skilled  manufacturers  and  handi- 
craftsmen, superior  at  the  time  to  all  others  in 
Europe.  A considerable  number  of  these  Huguenot 
French  came  to  America;  a few  landed  in  New  Eng- 
land and  became  honorably  prominent  in  its  history. 
Their  names  have  in  large  part  become  anglicized  or 
have  disappeared,  but  their  blood  is  traceable  in  many 
of  the  most  reputable  families,  and  their  fame  is 
perpetuated  in  honorable  memorials  and  useful 
institutions. 

From  these  two  sources,  the  English  Puritan  and 
the  French  Huguenot,  came  the  late  President — his 
father,  Abram  Garfield,  being  descended  from  the  one, 
and  his  mother,  Eliza  Ballou,  from  the  other. 

It  was  good  stock  on  both  sides — none  better,  none 
braver,  none  truer.  There  was  in  it  an  inheritance  of 
courage,  of  manliness,  of  imperishable  love  of  liberty, 
of  undying  adherence  to  principle.  Garfield  was 
proud  of  his  blood ; and,  with  as  much  satisfaction  as 
if  he  were  a British  nobleman  reading  his  stately 
ancestral  record  in  Burke’s  Peerage,  he  spoke  of  him- 
self as  ninth  in  descent  from  those  who  would  not 


288  elaine’s  eulogy  op  garfield. 

endure  the  oppression  of  the  Stuarts  and  seventh  in 
descent  from  the  brave  French  Protestants  who  refused 
to  submit  to  tyranny  even  from  the  Grand  Monarque. 

General  Garfield  delighted  to  dwell  on  these  traits, 
and  during  his  only  visit  to  England  he  busied  him- 
self in  discovering  every  trace  of  his  forefathers  in 
parish  registries  and  on  ancient  army  rolls.  Sitting 
with  a friend  in  the  gallery  of  the  House  of  Commons 
one  night  after  a long  day’s  labor  in  this  field  of 
research,  he  said,  with  evident  elation,  that  in  every 
war  in  which  for  three  centuries  patriots  of  English 
blood  had  struck  sturdy  blows  for  constitutional 
government  and  human  liberty  his  family  had  been 
represented.  They  were  at  Marston  Moor,  at  Naseby 
and  at  Preston ; they  were  at  Bunker  Hill,  at  Saratoga 
and  at  Monmouth,  and  in  his  own  person  had  battled 
for  the  same  great  cause  in  the  war  which  preserved 
the  Union  of  the  States. 

Losing  his  father  before  he  was  two  years  old,  the 
early  life  of  Garfield  was  one  of  privation,  but  its 
poverty  has  been  made  indelicately  and  unjustly  prom- 
inent. Thousands  of  readers  have  imagined  him  as 
the  ragged,  starving  child  whose  reality  too  often  greets 
the  eye  in  the  squalid  sections  of  our  large  cities. 
General  Garfield’s  infancy  and  youth  had  none  of 
their  destitution,  none  of  their  pitiful  features  appeal- 
ing to  the  tender  heart  and  to  the  open  hand  of 
charity.  He  was  a poor  boy  in  the  same  sense  in 
which  Henry  Clay  was  a poor  boy ; in  which  Andrew 
J[ackson  was  a poor  boy ; in  which  Daniel  Webster 
was  a poor  boy ; in  the  sense  in  which  a large  majority 
of  the  eminent  men  of  America  in  all  generations  have 
been  poor  boys.  Before  a great  multitude  of  men,  in  a 
public  speech,  Mr.  Webster  bore  this  testimony  : 

“ It  did  not  happen  to  me  to  be  born  in  a log  cabin, 
but  my  elder  brothers  and  sisters  were  born  in  a log 


19 


289 


HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE  DELIVERING  THE  GARFIELD  MEMORIAL  ADDRESS. 


990  blaine’s  eulogy  of  gakfield. 

cabin  raised  amid  the  snow  drifts  of  New  Hampshire, 
at  a period  so  early  that  when  the  smoke  rose  first 
from  its  rude  chimney  and  curled  over  the  frozen 
hills  there  was  no  similar  evidence  of  a white  man’s 
habitation  between  it  and  the  settlements  on  the 
rivers  of  Canada.  Its  remains  still  exist.  I make  to 
it  an  annual  visit.  I carry  my  children  to  it  to  teach 
them  the  hardships  endured  by  the  generations  which 
have  gone  before  them.  I love  to  dwell  on  the  tender 
recollections,  the  kindred  ties,  the  early  affections  and 
the  touching  narratives  and  incidents  which  mingle 
with  all  I know  of  this  primitive  family  abode.” 

With  the  requisite  change  of  scene  the  same  words 
would  aptly  portray  the  early  days  of  Garfield.  The 
poverty  of  the  frontier,  where  all  are  engaged  in  a 
common  struggle  and  where  a common  sympathy  and 
hearty  co-operation  lighten  the  burdens  of  each,  is  a 
very  different  poverty — different  in  kind,  different  in 
influence  and  effect — from  that  conscious  and  humili- 
ating indigence  which  is  every  day  forced  to  contrast 
itself  with  neighboring  wealth,  on  which  it  feels  a 
sense  of  grinding  dependence.  The  poverty  of  the 
frontier  is  indeed  no  poverty.  It  is  but  the  beginning 
of  wealth,  and  has  the  boundless  possibilities  of  the 
future  always  opening  before  it.  No  man  ever  grew 
up  in  the  agricultural  regions  of  the  West,  where  a 
house-raising,  or  even  a corn-husking,  is  a matter  of 
common  interest  and  helpfulness,  with  any  other  feel- 
ing than  that  of  broad-minded,  generous  independence. 
This  honorable  independence  marked  the  youth  of 
Garfield  as  it  marks  the  youth  of  millions  of  the  best 
blood  and  brain  now  training  for  the  future  citizenship 
and  future  government  of  the  Republic.  Garfield  was 
born  heir  to  land,  to  the  title  of  freeholder  which  has 
been  the  patent  and  passport  of  self-respect  with  the 
Anglo-Saxon  race  ever  since  Hengist  and  Horsa  landed 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  gakfield.  291 

on  the  shores  of  England.  His  adventure  on  the 
canal — an  alternative  between  that  and  the  deck  of  a 
Lake  Erie  schooner — was  a farmer  boy’s  device  for 
earning  money,  just  as  the  New  England  lad  begins  a 
possibly  great  career  by  sailing  befose  the  mast  on  a 
coasting  vessel  or  on  a merchantman  bound  to  the 
farther  India  or  to  the  China  Seas. 

No  manly  man  feels  anything  of  shame  in  looking 
back  to  early  struggles  with  adverse  circumstances, 
and  no  man  feels  a worthier  pride  than  when  he  has 
conquered  the  obstacles  to  his  progress.  But  no  one 
of  noble  mould  desires  to  be  looked  upon  as  having 
occupied  a menial  position,  as  having  been  repressed 
by  a feeling  of  inferiority,  or  as  having  suffered  the 
evils  of  poverty  until  relief  was  found  at  the  hand  of 
charity.  General  Garfield’s  youth  presented  no  hard- 
ships which  family  love  and  family  energy  did  not 
overcome,  subjected  him  to  no  privations  which  he 
did  not  cheerfully  accept,  and  left  no  memories  save 
those  which  were  recalled  with  delight  and  transmitted 
with  profit  and  with  pride. 

Garfield's  early  opportunities  for  securing  aA.  educa- 
tion  were  extremely  limited,  and  yet  were  sufficient  to 
develop  in  him  an  intense  desire  to  learn.  He  could 
read  at  three  years  of  age,  and  each  winter  he  had  the 
advantage  of  the  district  school.  He  read  all  the 
books  to  be  found  within  the  circle  of  his  acquaintance: 
some  of  them  he  got  by  heart.  While  yet  in  child- 
hood he  was  a constant  student  of  the  Bible  and  be- 
came familiar  with  its  literature.  The  dignity  and 
earnestness  of  his  speech  in  his  maturer  life  gave  evi- 
dence of  this  early  training.  At  eighteen  years  of  age 
he  was  able  to  teach  school,  and  thenceforward  his 
ambition  was  to  obtain  a college  education.  To  this 
end  he  bent  all  his  efforts,  working  in  the  harvest  field, 
at  the  carpenter’s  bonch,  and,  in  the  winter  season. 


292 


BLAINES  EULO#T  ®F  GARPMLE), 


teaching  the  common  schools  of  the  neighborhood. 
While  thus  laboriously  occupied  he  found  time  to 
ptosecute  his  studies,  and  was  so  successful  that  at 
twenty-two  years  of  age  he  was  able  to  enter  the  junior 
class  at  Williams  College,  then  under  the  presidency 
of  the  venerable  and  honored  Mark  Hopkins,  who,  in 
the  fullness  of  his  powers,  survives  the  eminent  pupil 
to  whom  he  was  of  inestimable  service. 

'’The  history  of  Garfield’s  life  to  this  period  presents 
no  novel  features.  He  had  undoubtedly  shown  perse- 
verance, self-reliance,  self-sacrifice  and  ambition — 
qualities  which,  be  it  said  for  the  honor  of  our  country, 
are  everywhere  to  be  found  among  the  young  men  of 
America.  But  from  his  graduation  at  Williams  onward 
to  the  hour  of  his  tragical  death  Garfield’s  career  was 
eminent  and  exceptional.  Slowly  working  through 
his  educational  period,  receiving  his  diploma  when 
twenty-four  years  of  age,  he  seemed  at  one  bound  to 
spring  into  conspicuous  and  brilliant  success.  Within 
six  years  he  was  successively  president  of  a college, 
State  Senator  of  Ohio,  Major  General  in  the  Army  of 
the  United  States  and  Representative-elect  to  the 
National  Congress.  A combination  of  honors  so  varied, 
so  elevated,  within  a period  so  brief  and  to  . a man  so 
young,  is  without  precedent  or  parallel  in  the  history 
of  the  country. 

Garfield’s  army  life  was  begun  with  no  other  military 
knowledge  than  such  as  he  had  hastily  gained  from 
books  in  the  few  months  preceding  his  march  to  the 
field.  Stepping  from  civil  life  to  the  head  of  a regi- 
ment, the  first  order  he  received  when  ready  to  cross 
the  Ohio  was  to  assume  command  of  a brigade  and  to 
operate  as  an  independent  force  in  Eastern  Kentucky. 
His  immediate  duty  was  to  check  the  advance  of 
Humphrey  Marshall,  who  was  marching  down  the  Big 
Sandy  with  the  intention  of  occupying  in  connection 


BLAINE'S  EULOGY  OF  GARFIELD. 


293 


with  other  Confederate  forces  the  entire  territory  of 
Kentucky  and  of  precipitating  the  State  into  secession. 
This  was  at  the  close  of  the  year  1861.  Seldom,  if 
ever,  has  a young  college  professor  been  thrown  into  a 
more  embarrassing  and  discouraging  position.  He 
knew  just  enough  of  military  science,  as  he  expressed 
it  himself,  to  measure  the  extent  of  his  ignorance,  and 
with  a handful  of  men  he  was  marching  in  rough  win- 
ter weather  into  a strange  country  among  a hostile 
population  to  confront  a largely  superior  force  under 
the  command  of  a distinguished  graduate  of  West 
Point,  who  had  seen  active  and  important  service  in 
two  preceding  wars. 

The  result  of  the  campaign  is  matter  of  history. 
The  skill,  the  endurance,  the  extraordinary  energy 
shown  by  Garfield,  the  courage  he  imparted  to  his 
men,  raw  and  untried  as  himself,  the  measures  he 
adopted  to  increase  his  force  and  to  create  in  the 
enemy’s  mind  exaggerated  estimates  of  his  numbers, 
bore  perfect  fruit  in  the  routing  of  Marshall,  the  capture 
of  his  camp,  the  dispersion  of  his  force  and  the  eman- 
cipation of  an  important  territory  from  the  control  of 
the  rebellion.  Coming  at  the  close  of  a long  series  of 
disasters  to  the  Union  arms,  Garfield’s  victory  had  an 
unusual  and  extraneous  importance  and  in  the  popular 
judgment  elevated  the  young  commander  to  the  rank 
of  a military  hero.  With  less  than  two  thousand  men 
in  his  entire  command,  with  a mobilized  force  of  only 
eleven  hundred,  without  cannon,  he  had  met  an  army 
of  five  thousand  and  defeated  them — driving  Marshall’s 
forces  successively  from  two  strongholds  of  their  own 
selection,  fortified  with  abundant  artillery.  Major 
General  Buell,  commanding  the  Department  of  the 
Ohio,  an  experienced  and  able  soldier  of  the  regular 
army,  published  an  order  of  thanks  and  congratulation 
on  the  brilliant  result  of  the  Big  Sandy  campaign, 


294  blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 

which  would  have  turned  the  head  of  a less  cool  and 
sensible  man  than  Garfield.  Buell  declared  that  his 
services  had  called  into  action  the  highest  qualities  of 
a soldier,  and  President  Lincoln  supplemented  these 
words  of  praise  by  the  more  substantial  reward  of  a 
brigadier  general’s  commission,  to  bear  date  from  the 
day  of  his  decisive  victory  over  Marshall. 

The  subsequent  military  career  of  Garfield  fully  sus- 
tained its  brilliant  beginning.  With  his  new  commis- 
sion he  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  a brigade  in 
the  Army  of  the  Ohio,  and  took  part  in  the  second  and 
decisive  day’s  fight  in  the  great  battle  of  Shiloh.  The 
remainder  of  the  year  1862  was  not  especially  eventful 
to  Garfield,  as  it  was  not  to  the  armies  with  which  he 
was  serving.  His  practical  sense  was  called  into  exer- 
cise in  completing  the  task,  assigned  him  by  General 
Buell,  of  reconstructing  bridges  and  re-establishing 
lines  of  railway  communication  for  the  army.  His 
occupation  in  this  useful  but  not  brilliant  field  was 
varied  by  service  on  courts-martial  of  importance,  in 
which  department  of  duty  he  won  a valuable  reputa- 
tion, attracting  the  notice  and  securing  the  approval 
of  the  able  and  eminent  Judge  Advocate  General  of 
the  Army.  That  of  itself  was  warrant  to  honorable 
fame;  for  among  the  great  men  who  in  those  trying 
days  gave  themselves,  with  entire  devotion,  to  the  ser- 
vice of  their  country,  one  who  brought  to  that  service 
the  ripest  learning,  the  most  fervid  eloquence,  the  most 
varied  attainments,  who  labored  with  modesty  and 
shunned  applause,  who  in  the  day  of  triumph  sat  re- 
served and  silent  and  grateful — as  Francis  Deak  in  the 
hour  of  Hungary’s  deliverance — was  Joseph  Holt,  of 
Kentucky,  who  in  his  honorable  retirement  enjoys  the 
respect  and  veneration  of  all  who  love  the  Union  of 
the  States. 

Early  in  1863  Garfield  was  assigned  to  the  highly 


Blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


295 


important  and  responsible  post  of  chief  of  staff  to 
General  Rosecrans,  then  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of 
the  Cumberland.  Perhaps  in  a great  military  cam- 
paign no  subordinate  officer  requires  sounder  judgment 
and  quicker  knowledge  of  men  than  the  chief  of  staff 
to  the  commanding  general.  An  indiscreet  man  in 
such  a position  can  sow  more  discord,  breed  more 
jealousy  and  disseminate  more  strife  than  any  other 
officer  in  the  entire  organization.  When  General  Gar- 
field assumed,  his  new  duties  he  found  various  troubles 
already  well  developed  and  seriously  affecting  the  value 
and  efficiency  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland.  The 
energy,  the  impartiality  and  the  tact  with  which  he 
sought  to  allay  these  dissensions  and  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  his  new  and  trying  position  will  always  re- 
main one  of  the  most  striking  proofs  of  his  great  ver- 
satility. His  military  duties  closed  on  the  memorable 
field  of  Chickamauga,  a field  which,  however  disastrous 
to  the  Union  arms,  gave  to  him  the  occasion  of  winning 
imperishable  laurels.  The  very  rare  distinction  was 
accorded  him  of  a great  promotion  for  his  bravery  on 
a field  that  was  lost.  President  Lincoln  appointed  him 
a major-general  in  the  army  of  the  United  States  for 
gallant  and  meritorious  conduct  in  the  battle  of  Chicka- 
mauga. 

The  Army  of  the  Cumberland  was  reorganized  under 
the  command  of  General  Thomas,  who  promptly  of- 
fered Garfield  one  of  its  divisions.  He  was  extremely 
desirous  to  accept  the  position,  but  was  embarrassed  by 
the  fact  that  he  had  a year  before  been  elected  to  Con- 
gress and  the  time  when  he  must  take  his  seat  was 
drawing  near.  He  preferred  to  remain  in  the  military 
service  and  had  within  his  own  breast  the  largest  con- 
fidence of  success  in  the  wider  field  which  his  new 
rank  opened  to  him.  Balancing  the  arguments  on  tho 
one  side  and  the  other,  anxious  to  determine  what  was 


296 


Blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


for  the  best,  desirous  above  all  things  to  do  his  patriotic 
duty,  he  was  decisively  influenced  by  the  advice  of 
President  Lincoln  and  Secretary  Stanton,  both  of  whom 
assured  him  that  he  could  at  that  time  be  of  especial 
value  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  He  resigned 
his  commission  of  major-general  on  the  5th  day  of 
December,  1863,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  on  the  7th.  He  had  served  two  years 
and  four  months  in  the  army  and  had  just  completed 
his  thirty-second  year. 

The  Thirty-eighth  Congress  is  pre-eminently  entitled 
in  history  to  the  designation  of  the  War  Congress.  It 
was  elected  while  the  war  was  flagrant  and  every 
member  was  chosen  upon  the  issues  involved  in  the 
continuance  of  the  struggle.  The  Thirty-seventh  Con- 
gress had,  indeed,  legislated  to  a large  extent  on  war 
measures,  but  it  was  chosen  before  any  one  believed 
that  secession  of  the  States  would  be  actually  at- 
tempted. The  magnitude  of  the  work  which  fell  upon 
its  successor  was  unprecedented,  both  in  respect  to  the 
vast  sums  of  money  raised  for  the  support  of  the  army 
and  navy,  and  of  the  new  and  extraordinary  powers  of 
legislation  which  it  was  forced  to  exercise.  Only 
twenty-four  States  were  represented,  and  one  hundred 
and  eighty-two  members  were  upon  its  roll.  Among 
these  were  many  distinguished  party  leaders  on  both 
sides,  veterans  in  the  public  service,  with  established 
reputations  for  ability  and  with  that  skill  which  comes 
only  from  parliamentary  experience.  Into  this  as- 
semblage of  men  Garfield  entered  without  special  prep, 
aration,  and  it  might  almost  be  said  unexpectedly.  The 
question  of  taking  command  of  a division  of  troops  un- 
der General  Thomas  or  taking  his  seat  in  Congress  was 
kept  open  till  the  last  moment — so  late,  indeed,  that  the 
resignation  of  his  military  commission  and  his  appear- 
ance in  the  House  were  almost  contemporaneous.  He 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  gaefield. 


297 


wore  the  uniform  of  a major-general  of  the  United 
States  Army  on  Saturday,  and  on  Monday,  in  civilian’s 
dress,  he  answered  to  the  roll-call  as  a Representative 
in  Congress  from  the  State  of  Ohio. 

He  was  especially  fortunate  in  the  constituency  which 
elected  him.  Descended  almost  entirely  from  New 
England  stock,  the  men  of  the  Ashtabula  district  were 
intensely  radical  on  all  questions  relating  to  human 
rights.  Well  educated,  thrifty,  thoroughly  intelligent 
in  affairs,  acutely  discerning  of  character,  not  quick  to 
bestow  confidence  and  slow  to  withdraw  it,  they  were 
at  once  the  most  helpful  and  most  exacting  of  sup- 
porters. Their  tenacious  trust  in  men  in  whom  they 
have  once  confided  is  illustrated  by  the  unparalleled 
fact  that  Elisha  Whittlesey,  Joshua  R.  Giddings  and 
James  A.  Garfield  represented  the  district  for  fifty-four 
years. 

There  is  no  test  of  a man’s  ability  in  any  depart- 
ment of  public  life  more  severe  than  service  in  the 
House  of  Representatives ; there  is  no  place  where  so 
little  deference  is  paid  to  reputation  previously  ac- 
quired, or  to  eminence  won  outside ; no  place  where  so 
little  consideration  is  shown  to  the  feelings  or  the  fail- 
ures of  beginners.  What  a man  gains  in  the  House  he 
gains  by  sheer  force  of  his  own  character,  and  if  he 
loses  and  falls  back,  he  must  expect  no  mercy  and  will 
receive  no  sympathy.  It  is  a field  in  which  the  sur- 
vival of  the  strongest  is  the  recognized  rule,  and  where 
no  pretence  can  deceive  and  no  glamour  can  mislead. 
The  real  man  is  discovered,  his  worth  is  impartially 
weighed,  his  rank  is  irreversibly  decreed. 

With  possibly  a single  exception,  Garfield  was  the 
youngest  member  in  the  House  when  he  entered  and 
was  but  seven  years  from  his  college  graduation.  But 
he  had  not  been  in  his  seat  sixty  days  before  his  abil- 
ity was  recognized  and  his  place  conceded.  He  stepped 


298 


BLAINE’S  EULOGY  OF  GARFIELD., 


to  the  front  with  the  confidence  of  one  who  belonged 
there.  The  House  was  crowded  with  strong  men  of 
both  parties ; nineteen  of  them  have  since  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  Senate  and  many  of  them  have  served 
with  distinction  in  the  Gubernatorial  chairs  of  their  re- 
spective States  and  on  foreign  missions  of  great  conse- 
quence ; but  among  them  all  none  grew  so  rapidly, 
none  so  firmly,  as  Garfield.  As  is  said  by  Trevelyan 
of  his  parliamentary  hero,  Garfield  succeeded  “ because 
all  the  world  in  concert  could  not  have  kept  him  in  tin. 
background,  and  because  when  once  in  the  front  he 
played  his  part  with  a prompt  intrepidity  and  a com- 
manding ease  that  were  but  the  outward  symptoms  of 
the  immense  reserves  of  energy  on  which  it  was  in  his 
power  to  draw.”  Indeed,  the  apparently  reserved  force 
which  Garfield  possessed  was  one  of  his  great  charac- 
teristics. He  never  did  so  well  but  that  it  seemed  he 
could  easily  have  done  better.  He  never  expended  so 
much  strength  but  that  he  seemed  to  be*  holding  addi- 
tional power  at  call.  This  is  one  of  the  happiest  and 
rarest  distinctions  of  an  effective  debater,  and  often 
counts  for  as  much  in  persuading  an  assembly  as  the 
eloquent  and  elaborate  argument. 

The  great  measure  of  Garfield’s  fame  was  filled  by 
his  service  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  His  mil- 
itary life,  illustrated  by  honorable  performance  and 
rich  in  promise,  was,  as  he  himself  felt,  prematurely 
terminated  and  necessarily  incomplete.  Speculation  as 
to  what  he  might  have  done  in  a field  where  the  great 
prizes  are  so  few  cannot  be  profitable.  It  is  sufficient 
to  say  that  as  a soldier  he  did  his  duty  bravely ; he  did 
it  intelligently ; he  won  an  enviable  fame,  and  he  re- 
tired from  the  service  without  blot  or  breath  against 
him.  As  a lawyer,  though  admirably  equipped  for  the 
profession,  he  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  entered  on 
its  practice  The  few  efforts  he  made  at  the  bar 


BLAINES  EULOGY  OF  GARFIELD. 


299 


were  distinguished  by  the  same  high  order  of  talent 
which  he  exhibited  on  every  field  where  he  was  put  to 
the  test,  and  if  a man  may  be  accepted  as  a competent 
judge  of  his  own  capacities  and  adaptations,  the  law 
was  the  profession  to  which  Garfield  should  have  de- 
voted himself.  But  fate  ordained  otherwise,  and  his 
reputation  in  history  will  rest  largely  upon  his  service 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  That  service  'was 
exceptionally  long.  He  was  nine  times  consecutively 
chosen  to  the  House,  an  honor  enjoyed  by  not  more 
than  six  other  Representatives  of  the  more  than  five 
thousand  who  have  been  elected  from  the  organization 
of  the  government  to  this  hour. 

As  a parliamentary  orator,  as  a debater  on  an  issue 
squarely  joined,  where  the  position  had  been  chosen 
and  the  ground  laid  out,  Garfield  must  be  assigned  a 
very  high  rank.  . More,  perhaps,  than  any  man  with 
whom  he  was  associated  in  public  life,  he  gave  careful 
and  systematic  study  to  public  questions,  and  he  came 
to  every  discussion  in  which  he  took  part  with  elabor- 
ate and  complete  preparation.  He  -was  a steady  and 
indefatigable  worker.  Those  who  imagine  that  talent 
or  genius  can  supply  the  place  or  achieve  the  results 
of  labor  will  find  no  encouragement  in  Garfield’s  life. 
In  preliminary  work  he  was  apt,  rapid  and  skilful.  He 
possessed  in  a high  degree  the  power  of  readily  absorb- 
ing ideas  and  facts,  and,  like  Dr.  Johnson,  had  the  art 
of  getting  from  a book  all  that  was  of  value  in  it  by  a 
reading  apparently  so  quick  and  cursory  that  it  seemed 
like  a mere  glance  at  the  table  of  contents.  He  was  a pre- 
eminently fair  and  candid  man  in  debate,  took  no  petty 
advantage,  stooped  to  no  unworthy  methods,  avoided 
personal  allusions,  rarely  appealed  to  prejudice,  did  not 
seek  to  inflame  passion.  He  had  a quicker  eye  for  the 
strong  point  of  his  adversary  than  for  his  weak  point, 
and  on  his  own  side  he  so  marshaled  his  weighty  argu- 


300  blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 

merits  as  to  make  his  hearers  forget  any  possible  lack 
in  the  complete  strength  of  his  position.  He  had  a 
habit  of  stating  his  opponent’s  side  with  such  amplitude 
of  fairness  and  such  liberality  of  concession  that  his 
followers  often  complained  that  he  was  giving  his  case 
away.  But  never  in  his  prolonged  participation  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  House  did  he  give  his  case  away  or 
fail  in  the  judgment  of  competent  and  impartial  listen- 
ers to  gain  the  mastery. 

These  characteristics,  which  marked  Garfield  as  a 
great  debater,  did  not,  however,  make  him  a great  par- 
liamentary leader.  A parliamentary  leader,  as  that 
term  is  understood  wherever  free  representative  gov- 
ernment exists,  is  necessarily  and  very  strictly  the  or- 
gan of  his  party.  An  ardent  American  defined  the 
instinctive  warmth  of  patriotism  when  he  offered  the 
toast : “ Our  country,  always  right,  but  right  or  wrong, 
our  country.”  The  parliamentary  leader  who  has  a 
body  of  followers  that  will  do  and  dare  and  die  for  the 
cause  is  one  who  believes  his  party  always  right,  but 
right  or  wrong,  is  for  his  party.  No  more  important 
or  exacting  duty  devolves  upon  him  than  the  selection 
of  the  field  and  the  time  for  contest.  He  must  know 
not  merely  how  to  strike,  but  where  to  strike  and  when 
to  strike.  He  often  skilfully  avoids  the  strength  of  his 
opponent’s  position,  and  scatters  confusion  in  his  ranks 
by  attacking  an  exposed  point  when  really  the  right- 
eousness of  the  cause  and  the  strength  of  logical  in- 
trenchment  are  against  him.  He  conquers  often  both 
against  the  right  and  the  heavy  battalions ; as  when 
young  Charles  Fox,  in  the  days  of  his  toryism,  carried 
the  House  of  Commons  against  justice,  against  its  im- 
memorial rights,  against  his  own  convictions,  if  indeed 
at  that  period  Fox  had  convictions,  and,  in  the  interest 
of  a corrupt  administration,  in  obedience  to  a tyrannical 
sovereign,  drove  . Wilkes  from  the  seat  to  which  the 


Blaine’s  eulogy  op  Garfield* 


301 


electors  of  Middlesex  had  chosen  him,  and  installed 
Luttrell  in  defiance,  not  merely  of  law,  but  of  public 
decency.  For  an  achievement  of  that  kind  Garfield 
was  disqualified — disqualified  by  the  texture  of  his 
mind,  by  the  honesty  of  his  heart,  by  his  conscience, 
and  by  every  instinct  and  aspiration  of  his  nature. 

The  three  most  distinguished  parliamentary  leaders 
hitherto  developed  in  this  country  are  Mr.  Clay,  Mr. 
Dousdas  and  Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens.  Each  was  a man 

O 

of  consummate  ability,  of  great  earnestness,  of  intense 
personality,  differing  widely  each  from  the  others,  and 
yet  with  a single  trait  in  common — the  power  to  com- 
mand. ' In  the  give  and  take  of  daily  discussion;  in 
the  art  of  controlling  and  consolidating  reluctant  and 
refractory  followers;  in  the  skill  to  overcome  all  forms 
of  opposition  and  to  meet  with  competency  and  courage 
the  varying  phases  of  unlooked-for  assault  or  unsus- 
pected defection,  it  would  be  difficult  to  rank  with  these 
a fourth  name  in  all  our  Congressional  history.  But 
of  these  Mr.  Clay  was  the  greatest.  It  would,  perhaps, 
be  impossible  to  find  in  the  parliamentary  annals  of  the 
world  a parallel  to  Mr.  Cla}-  in  1841,  when  at  sixty- 
four  years  of  age  he  took  the  control  of  the  Whig  party 
from  the  President  who  had  received  their  suffrages, 
against  the  power  of  Webster  in  the  Cabinet,  against 
the  eloquence  of  Choate  in  the  Senate,  against  the 
herculean  efforts  of  Caleb  Cushing  and  Henry  A.  Wise 
in  the  House.  In  unshared  leadership,  in  the  pride 
and  plenitude  of  power,  he  hurled  against  John  Tyler 
with  deepest  scorn  the  mass  of  that  conquering  column 
which  had  swept  over  the  land  in  1840  and  drove  his 
administration  to  seek  shelter  behind  the  lines  of  his 
political  foes.  Mr.  Douglas  achieved  a victory  scarcely 
less  wonderful  when,  in  1854,  against  the  secret  desires 
of  a strong  administration,  against  the  wise  counsel  of 
the  older  chiefs,  against  the  conservative  instincts  and 


302  blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 

even  the  moral  sense  of  the  country,  he  forced  a reluc- 
tant Congress  into  a repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise. 
Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  in  Kis  contests  from  1865  to 
1868,  actually  advanced  his  parliamentary  leadership 
until  Congress  tied  the  hands  of  the  President  and 
governed  the  country  by  its  own  will,  leaving  only 
perfunctory  duties  to  be  discharged  b}^  the  Executive. 
With  two  hundred  millions  of  patronage  in  his  hands 
at  the  opening  of  the  contest,  aided  by  the  active  force 
of  Seward  in  the  Cabinet  and  the  moral  power  of 
Chase  on  the  bench,  Andrew  Johnson  could  not  com- 
mand the  support  of  one-third  in  either  house  against 
the  Parliamentary  uprising  of  which  Thaddeus  Stevens 
was  the  animating  spirit  and  the  unquestioned  leader. 

From  these  three  great  men  Garfield  differed  radi- 
cally, differed  in  the  quality  of  his  mind,  in  tempera- 
ment, in  the  form  and  phase  of  ambition.  He  could 
not  do  what  they  did,  but  he  could  do  what  they  could 
not,  and  in  the  breadth  of  his  Congressional  work  he 
left  that  which  will  longer  exert  a potential  influence 
among  men,  and  which,  measured  by  the  severe  test  of 
posthumous  criticism,  will  secure  a more  enduring  and 
more  enviable  fame. 

Those  unfamiliar  with  Garfield’s  industry  and  igno- 
rant of  the  details  of  his  work  may  in  some  degree 
measure  them  by  the  annals  of  Congress.  No  one  of 
the  generation  of  public  men  to  which  he  belonged  has 
contributed  so  much  that  will  be  valuable  for  future 
reference.  His  speeches  are  numerous,  many  of  them 
brilliant,  all  of  them  well  studied,  carefully  phrased 
and  exhaustive  of  the  subject  under  consideration. 
Collected  from  the  scattered  pages  of  ninety  royal 
octavo  volumes  of  the  Congressional  Record  they  would 
present  an  invaluable  compendium  of  the  political 
history  of  the  most  important  era  through  which  the 
national  government  has  ever  passed.  When  the  his- 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield.  303 

tory  of  this  period  shall  be  impartially  written,  when 
war  legislation,  measures  of  reconstruction,  protection 
of  human  rights,  amendments  to  the  Constitution, 
maintenance  of  public  credit,  steps  toward  specie  re- 
sumption, true  theories  of  revenue  may  be  reviewed, 
unsurrounded  by  prejudice  and  disconnected  from  par- 
tisanism,  the  speeches  of  Garfield  will  be  estimated  at 
their  true  value,  and  will  be  found  to  comprise  a vast 
magazine  of  fact  and  argument,  of  clear  analysis  and 
sound  conclusion.  Indeed,  if  no  other  authority  were 
accessible,  his  speeches  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  December,  1863,  to  June,  1880,  would  give  a 
well-connected  history  and  complete  defense  of  the  im- 
portant legislation  of  the  seventeen  eventful  years  that 
constitute  his  parliamentary  life.  Far  beyond  that, 
his  speeches  would  be  found  to  forecast  many  great 
measures,  yet  to  be  completed — measures  which’  he 
knew  were  beyond  the  public  opinion  of  the  hour,  but 
which  he  confidently  believed  would  secure  popular 
approval  within  the  period  of  his  own  lifetime  and  by 
the  aid  of-  his  own  efforts. 

Differing,  as  Garfield  does,  from  the  brilliant  parlia- 
mentary leaders,  it  is  not  easy  to  find  his  counterpart 
anywhere  in  the  record  of  American  public  life.  He 
perhaps  more  clearly  resembles  Mr.  Seward  in  his 
supreme  faith  in  the  all-conquering  power  of  a principle. 
He  had  the  love  of  learning  and  the  patient  industry 
of  investigation  to  which  J ohn  Quincy  Adams  owes  his 
prominence  and  his  Presidency.  He  had  some  of  those 
ponderous  elements  of  mind  which  distinguished  Mr. 
Webster  and  which,  indeed,  in  all  our  public  life  have 
left  the  great  Massachusetts  Senator  without  an  intel- 
lectual peer. 

In  English  parliamentary  history,  as  in  our  own,  the 
leaders  in  the  House  of  Commons  present  points  of 
essential  difference  from  Garfield.  But  some  of  his 


304 


BLAINE  S EULOGY  OP-  GARFIELD. 


methods  recall  the  best  features  in  the  strong,  inde- 
pendent course  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  and  striking  re- 
semblances are  discernible  in  that  most  promising  of 
modern  Conservatives,  who  died  too  early  for  his  coun- 
try and  his  fame,  the  Lord  George  Bentinck.  He  had 
all  of  Burke’s  love  for  the  sublime  and  the  beautiful, 
with  possibly  something  of  his  superabundance,  and 
in  his  faith  and  his  magnanimity,  in  his  power  of  state- 
ment, in  his  subtle  analysis,  in  his  faultless  logic,  in  his 
love  of  literature,  in  his  wealth  and  world  of  illustra- 
tion, one  is  reminded  of  that  great  English  statesman 
of  to-day,  who,  confronted  with  obstacles  that  would 
daunt  any  but  the  dauntless,  reviled  by  those  whom  he 
would  relieve  as  bitterly  as  by  those  whose  supposed 
rights  he  is  forced  to  invade,  still  labors  with  serene 
courage  for  the  amelioration  of  Ireland  and  for  the 
honor  of  the  English  name. 

Garfield’s  nomination  to  the  Presidency,  while  not 
predicted  or  anticipated,  was  not  a surprise  to  the 
country.  His  prominence  in  Congress,  his  solid  quali- 
ties, his  wide  reputation,  strengthened  by  his  then 
recent  election  as  Senator  from  Ohio,  kept  him  in  the 
public  eye  as  a man  occupying  the  very  highest  rank 
among  those  entitled  to  be  called  statesmen.  It  was 
not  mere  chance  that  brought  him  this  high  honor. 
“We  must,”  says  Mr.  Emerson,  “reckon  success  a con- 
stitutional trait.  If  Eric  is  in  robust  health  and  has 
slept  well  and  is  at  the  top  of  his  condition  and  thirty 
years  old  at  his  departure  from  Greenland  he  will  steer 
west  and  his  ships  will  reach  New  Foundland.  But 
take  Eric  out  and  put  in  a stronger  and  bolder  man  and 
the  ships  will  sail  six  hundred,  one  thousand,  fifteen 
hundred  miles  farther  and  reach  Labrador  and  New 
England.  There  is  no  chance  in  results.” 

As  a candidate  Garfield  steadily  grew  in  popular 
favor.  He  was  met  with  a storm  of  detraction  at  the 


Blaine’s  eulogy  of  Garfield. 


305 


very  hour  of  his  nomination,  and  it  continued  with  in- 
creasing volume  and  momentum  until  the  close  of  his 
victorious  campaign: 

No  might  nor  greatness  in  mortality 
Can  censure  ’scape ; back-wounding  calumny 
The  whitest  virtue  strikes.  What  kings  so  strong 
Can  tie  the  gall  «p  in  the  slanderous  tongue. 

Under  it  all  he  was  calm  and  strong  and  confident; 
never  lost  his  self-possession,  did  no  unwise  act,  spoke 
no  hasty  or  ill-considered  word.  Indeed  nothing  in  his 
whole  life  is  more  remarkable  or  more  creditable  than 
his  bearing  through  those  five  full  months  of  vitupera- 
tion— a prolonged  agony  of  trial  to  a sensitive  man,  a 
constant  and  cruel  draft  upon  the  powers  of  moral  en- 
durance. The  great  mass  of  these  unjust  imputations 
passed  unnoticed  and,  with  the  general  debris  of  the 
campaign,  fell  into  oblivion.  But  in  a few  instances 
the  iron  entered  his  soul  and  he  died  with  the  injury 
unforgotten  if  not  unforgiven. 

One  aspect  of  Garfield’s  candidacy  was  unprecedented. 
Never  before,  in  the  history  of  partisan  contests  in  this 
country,  had  a successful  Presidential  candidate  spoken 
freely  on  passing  events  and  current  issues.  To  at- 
tempt anything  of  the  kind  seemed  novel,  rash  and 
even  desperate.  The  older  class  of  voters  recalled  the 
unfortunate  Alabama  letter,  in  which  Mr.  Clay  was 
supposed  to  have  signed  his  political  death  warrant. 
They  remembered  also  the  hot-tempered  effusion  by 
which  General  Scott  lost-a  large  share  of  his  popularity 
before  his  nomination,  and  the  unfortunate  speeches 
which  rapidly  consumed  the  remainder.  The  younger 
voters  had  seen  Mr.  Greeley  in  a series  of  vigorous  and 
original  addresses,  preparing  the  pathway  for  his  own 
defeat.  Unmindful  of  these  warnings,  unheeding  the 
advice  of  friends,  Garfield  spoke  to  large  crowds  as  he 
20 


306 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


journeyed  to  and  from  New  York  in  August,  to  a great 
multitude  in  that  city,  to  delegations  and  deputations 
of  every  kind  that  called  at  Mentor  during  the  sum- 
mer and  autumn.  With  innumerable  critics,  watch- 
ful and  eager  to  catch  a phrase  that  might  be  turned 
into  odium  or  ridicule,  or  a sentence  that  might  be 
distorted  to  his  own  or  his  party’s  injury,  Garfield  did 
not  trip  or  halt  in  any  one  of  his  seventy  speeches. 
This  seems  all  the  more  remarkable  when  it  is  re- 
membered that  he  did  not  write  what  he  said,  and 
yet  spoke  with  such  logical  consecutiveness  of  thought 
and  such  admirable  precision  of  phrase  as  to  defy  the 
accident  of  misreport  and  the  malignity  of  misrepre- 
sentation. 

In  the  beginning  of  his  Presidential  life,  Garfield’s 
experience  did  not  yield  him  pleasure  or  satisfaction. 
The  duties  that  engross  so  large  a portion  of  the  Presi- 
dent’s time  were  distasteful  to  him,  and  were  unfavor- 
ably contrasted  with  his  legislative  work.  “ I have 
been  dealing  all  these  years  with  ideas,”  he  impatiently 
exclaimed  one  day,  “ and  here  I am  dealing  only  with 
persons.  I have  been  heretofore  treating  of  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  government,  and  here  I am  con- 
sidering all  day  whether  A or  B shall  be  appointed  to 
this  or  that  office.”  He  was  earnestly  seeking  some 
practical  way  of  correcting  the  evils  arising  from  the 
distribution  of  overgrown  and  unwieldy  patronage — 
evils  always  appreciated  and  often  discussed  by  him, 
but  whose  magnitude  had  been  more  deeply  impressed 
upon  his  mind  since  his  accession  to  the  Presidency. 
Had  he  lived,  a comprehensive  improvement  in  the 
mode  of  appointment  and  in  the  tenure  of  office  would 
have  been  proposed  by  him,  and  with  the  aid  of  Con- 
gress no  doubt  perfected. 

But  while  many  of  the  Executive  duties  were  not 
grateful  to  him,  he  was  assiduous  and  conscientious  in 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


207 


their  discharge.  From  the  very  outset  he  exhibited 
administrative  talent  of  a high  order.  He  grasped  the 
helm  of  office  with  the  hand  of  a master.  In  this  re- 
spect, indeed,  he  constantly  surprised  many  who  were 
most  intimately  associated  with  him  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  especially  those  who  had  feared  that  he 
might  be  lacking  in  the  executive  faculty.  His  dispo- 
sition of  business  was  orderly  and  rapid.  His  power 
of  analysis  and  his  skill  in  classification  enabled  him 
to  dispatch  a vast  mass  of  detail  with  singular 
promptness  and  ease.  His  Cabinet  meetings  were  ad- 
mirably conducted.  His  clear  presentation  of  official 
subjects,  his  well-considered  suggestion  of  topics  on 
which  discussion  was  invited,  his  quick  decision  when 
all  had  been  heard,  combined  to  show  a thoroughness 
of  mental  training  as  rare  as  his  natural  ability  and  his 
facile  adaptation  to  a new  and  enlarged  field  of  labor. 

With  perfect  comprehension  of  all  the  inheritances 
of  the  war,  with  a cool  calculation  of  the  obstacles  in 
his  way,  impelled  always  by  a generous  enthusiasm, 
Garfield  conceived  that  much  might  be  done  by  his 
administration  towards  restoring  harmony  between  the 
different  sections  of  the  Union.  He  was  anxious  to  go 
South  and  speak  to  the  people.  As  early  as  April  he 
had  ineffectually  endeavored  to  arrange  for  a trip  to 
Nashville,  whither  he  had  been  cordially  invited,  and 
he  was  again  disappointed  a few  weeks  later  to  find 
that  he  could  not  go  to  South  Carolina  to  attend  the 
centennial  celebration  of  the  victory  of  the  Cowpens. 
But  for  the  autumn  he  definitely  counted  on  being 
present  at  three  memorable  assemblies  in  the  South — 
the  celebration  at  Yorktown,  the  opening  of  the  Cotton 
Exposition  at  Atlanta,  and  the  meeting  of  the  Army 
of  the  Cumberland  at  Chattanooga.  He  was  already 
turning  over  in  his  mind  his  address  for  each  occasion, 
and  the  three  taken  together,  he  said  to  a friend,  gave 


308 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


him  the  exact  scope  and  verge  which  he  needed.  At 
Yorktown  he  would  have  before  him  the  associations 
of  a hundred  years  that  bound  the  South  and  the 
North  in  the  sacred  memory  of  a common  danger  and 
a common  victory.  At  Atlanta  he  would  present  the 
material  interests  and  the  industrial  development 
which  appealed  to  the  thrift  and  independence  of  every 
household,  and  which  should  unite  the  two  sections  by 
the  instinct  of  self-interest  and  self-defense.  At  Chat- 
tanooga he  would  revive  memories  of  the  war  only  to 
show  that  after  all  its  disaster  and  all  its  suffering  the 
country  was  stronger  and  greater,  the  Union  rendered 
indissoluble,  and  the  future,  through  the  agony  and 
blood  of  one  generation,  made  brighter  and  better  for 
all. 

Garfield’s  ambition  for  the  success  of  his  administra- 
tion was  high.  With  strong  caution  and  conservatism 
in  his  nature,  he  was  in  no  danger  of  attempting  rash 
experiments  or  of  resorting  to  the  empiricism  of  states- 
manship. But  he  believed  that  renewed  and  closer  at- 
tention should  be  given  to  questions  affecting  the  ma- 
terial interests  and  commercial  prospects  of  fifty 
millions  of  people.  He  believed  that  our  continental 
relations,  extensive  and  undeveloped  as  they  are,  in- 
volved responsibility,  and  could  be  cultivated  into 
profitable  friendship  or  be  abandoned  to  harmful  indif- 
ference or  lasting  enmity.  He  believed  with  equal 
confidence  that  an  essential  forerunner  to  a new  era  of 
national  progress  must  be  a feeling  of  contentment  in 
every  section  of  the  Union,  and  a generous  belief  that 
the  benefits  and  burdens  of  government  would  be  com- 
mon to  all.  Himself  a conspicuous  illustration  of  what 
ability  and  ambition  may  do  under  republican  institu- 
tions, he  loved  his  country  with  a passion  of  patriotic 
devotion,  and  every  waking  thought  was  given  to  her 
advancement.  He  was  an  American  in  all  his  aspira- 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  gaefield.  309 

tions,  and  he  looked  to  the  destiny  and  influence  of  the 
United  States  with  the  philosophic  composure  of  Jeffer- 
son and  the  demonstrative  confidence  of  John  Adams. 

The  political  events  which  disturbed  the  President’s 
serenity  for  many  weeks  before  that  fateful  day  in  July 
form  an  important  chapter  in  his  career,  and,  in  his 
own  judgment,  involved  questions  of  principle  and  of 
right  which  are  vitally  essential  to  the  constitutional 
administration  of  the  Federal' Government.  It  would 
be  out  of  place  here  and  now  to  speak  the  language  of 
controversy ; but  the  events  referred  to,  however  they 
mav  continue  to  be  source  of  contention  with  others, 
have  become,  so  far  as  Garfield  is  concerned,  as  much 
a matter  of  history  as  his  heroism  at  Chickamauga  or  * 
his  illustrious  service'  in  the  House.  Detail  is  not 
needful,  and  personal  antagonism  shall  not  be  rekindled 
by  any  word  uttered  to-day.  The  motives  of  those  op- 
posing him  are  not  to  be  here  adversely  interpreted  nor 
their  course  harshly  characterized.  But  of  the  dead 
President  this  is  to  be  said,  and  said  because  his  own 
speech  is  forever  silenced,  and  he  can  be  no  more 
heard  except  through  the  fidelity  and  the  love  of  survi- 
ving friends  : From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  con- 
troversy he  so  much  deplored,  the  President  was  never 
for  one  moment  actuated  by  any  motive  of  gain  to  him- 
self or  of  loss  to  others.  Least  of  all  men  did  he  har- 
bor revenge,  rarely  did  he  even  show  resentment,  and 
malice  was  not  in  his  nature.  He  was  congenially 
employed  only  in  the  exchange  of  good  offices  and  the 
doing  of  kindly  deeds. 

There  was  not  an  hour,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
trouble  till  the  fatal  shot  entered  his  body,  when  the 
President  would  not  gladly,  for  the  sake  of  restoring 
harmony,  have  retraced  any  step  he  had  taken  if  such 
retracing  had  merely  involved  consequences  personal  to 
himself.  The  pride  of  consistency  or  any  supposed 


310 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  gaefield. 


sense  of  humiliation  that  might  result  from  surrender- 
ing his  position  had  not  a feather’s  weight  with  him. 
No  man  was  ever  less  subject  to  such  influences  from 
within  or  from  without.  But  after  most  anxious  de- 
liberation and  the  coolest  survey  of  all  the  circum- 
stances, he  solemnly  believed  that  the  true  preroga- 
tives of  the  Executive  were  involved  in  the  issue  which 
had  been  raised,  and  that  he  would  be  unfaithful  to  his 
supreme  obligation  if  he  failed  to  maintain,  in  all  their 
vigor,  the  constitutional  rights  and  dignities  of  his 
great  office.  He  believed  this  in  all  the  convictions  of 
conscience  when  in  sound  and  vigorous  health,  and  he 
believed  it  in  his  suffering  and  prostration  in  the  last 
conscious  thought  which  his  wearied  mind  bestowed  on 
the  transitory  struggles  of  life. 

More  than  this  need  not  be  said.  Less  than  this 
could  not  be  said.  Justice  to  the  dead,  the  highest  ob- 
ligation that  devolves  upon  the  living,  demands  the 
declaration  that  in  all  the  bearings  of  the  subject, 
actual  or  possible,  the  President  was  content  in  his 
mind,  justified  in  his  conscience,  immovable  in  his  con- 
clusions. 

The  religious  element  in  Garfield’s  character  was 
deep  and  earnest.  In  his  early  youth  he  espoused  the 
faith  of  the  Disciples,  a sect  of  that  great  Baptist  Com- 
munion which  in  different  ecclesiastical  establishments 
is  so  numerous  and  so  influential  throughout  all  parts 
of  the  United  States.  But  the  broadening  tendency 
of  his  mind  and  his  active  spirit  of  inquiry  were  early 
apparent  and  carried  him  beyond  the  dogmas  of  sect 
and  the  restraints  of  association.  In  selecting  a college 
in  which  to  continue  his  education,  he  rejected  Beth- 
any, though  presided  over  by  Alexander  Campbell,  the 
greatest  preacher  of  his  church.  His  reasons  were 
characteristic : first,  that  Bethany  leaned  too  heavily 
toward  slavery ; and,  second,  that  being  himself  a Dis- 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield.  31  j 

ciple  and  the  son  of  Disciple  parents,  he  had  little  ac- 
quaintance with  people  of  other  beliefs,  and  he  thought 
it  would  make  him  more  liberal,  quoting  his  own 
words,  both  in  his  religious  and  general  views,  to  go 
into  a new  circle  and  be  under  new  influences. 

The  liberal  tendency  which  he  anticipated  as  the 
result  of  wider  culture  was  fully  realized.  He  was 
emancipated  from  mere  sectarian  belief,  and  with  eager 
interest  pushed  his  investigations  in  the  direction  of 
modern  progressive  thought.  He  followed  with  quick- 
ening step  in  the  paths  of  exploration  and  speculation 
so  fearlessly  trodden  by  Darwin,  by  Huxley,  by 
Tyndall  and  by  other  living  scientists  of  the  radical 
and  advanced  type.  His  own  church,  binding  its  dis- 
ciples by  no  formulated  creed,  but  accepting  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  as  the  word  of  God  with  unbiased 
liberality  of  private  interpretation,  favored,  if  it  did 
not  stimulate,  the  spirit  of  investigation.  Its  mem- 
bers profess  with  sincerity,  and  profess  only  to  be  of 
one  mind  and  one  faith  with  those  who  immediately 
followed  the  Master,  and  who  were  first  called  Chris- 
tians at  Antioch. 

But  however  high  Garfield  reasoned  of  “ fixed  fate, 
free-will,  foreknowledge  absolute,”  he  was  never  separ- 
ated from  the  Church  of  the  Disciples  in  his  affections 
and  in  his  associations.  For  him  it  held  the  ark  of  the 
covenant.  To  him  it  was  the  gate  of  heaven.  The 
world  of  religious  belief  is  full  of  solecisms  and  contra- 
dictions. A philosophic  observer  declares  that  men  by 
the  thousand  will  die  in  defence  of  a creed  whose  doc- 
trines they  do  not  comprehend,  and  whose  tenets  they 
habitually  violate.  It  is  equally  true  that  men  by  the 
thousand  will  cling  to  church  organizations  with  in- 
stinctive and  undying  fidelity  when  their  belief  in  ma- 
turer  years  is  radically  different  from  that  which  in- 
spired them  as  neophytes. 


312 


blaine's  eulogy  of  garfield. 


But  after  this  range  of  speculation  and  this  latitude 
of  doubt,  Garfield  came  back  always  with  freshness  and 
delight  to  the  simpler  instincts  of  religious  faith,  which, 
earliest  implanted,  longest  survive.  Not  many  weeks 
before  his  assassination,  walking  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac  with  a friend,  and  conversing  on  those  topics 
of  personal  religion  concerning  which  noble  natures 
have  an  unconquerable  reserve,  he  said  that  he  found 
the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  simple  petitions  learned  in 
infancy  infinitely  restful  to  him,  not  merely  in  their 
stated  repetition,  but  in  their  casual  and  frequent  re- 
call as  he  went  about  the  daily  duties  of  life.  Certain 
texts  of  Scripture  had  a very  strong  hold  on  his  mem- 
ory and  his  heart.  He  heard,  while  in  Edinburgh 
some  years  ago,  an  eminent  Scotch  preacher  who  pre- 
faced his  sermon  with  reading  the  eighth  chapter  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans,  which  book  had  been  the  sub- 
ject of  careful  study  with  Garfield  during  all  his  re- 
ligious life.  He  was  greatly  impressed  by  the  elocution 
of  the  preacher,  and  declared  that  it  had  imparted  a 
new  and  deeper  meaning  to  the  majestic  utterances  of 
St.  Paul.  He  referred  often  in  after  years  to  that 
memorable  service,  and  dwelt  with  exaltation  of  feel- 
ing upon  the  radiant  promise  and  the  assured  hope 
with  which  the  great  Apostle  of  the  Gentiles  was 
“ persuaded  that  neither  death,  nor  life,  nor  angels,  nor 
principalities,  nor  powers,  nor  things  present,  nor 
things  to  come,  nor  height,  nor  depth,  nor  any  other 
creature,  shall  be  able  to  separate  us  from  the  love  of 
God,  which  is  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord.” 

The  crowning  characteristic  of  General  Garfield’s  re- 
ligious opinions,  as,  indeed,  of  all  his  opinions,  was  his 
liberality.  In  all  things  he  had  charity.  Tolerance 
was  of  his  nature.  He  respected  in  others  the  qualities 
which  he  possessed  himself — sincerity  of  conviction  and 
frankness  of  expression.  With  him  the  inquiry  was 


blainb’s  eulogy  of  garfield.  313 

not  so  much  what  a man  believes,  but  does  he  believe 
it?  The  lines  of  his  friendship  and  his  confidence  en- 
circled men  of  every  creed  and  men  of  no  creed,  and  to 
the  end  of  his  life  on  his  ever-lengthening  list  of  friends 
were  to  be  found  the  names  of  a pious  Catholic  priest 
and  of  an  honest-minded  and  generous-hearted  free- 
thinker. 

On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  July  second,  the  Pres- 
ident was  a contented  and  happy  man — not  in  an  ordi- 
nary degree,  but  joyfully,  almost  boyishly  happy.  On 
his  way  to  the  railroad  station,  to  which  he  drove 
slowly,  in  conscious  enjoyment  of  the  beautiful  morn- 
ing, with  an  unwonted  sense  of  leisure  and  a keen  an- 
ticipation of  pleasure,  his  talk  was  all  in  the  grateful 
and  gratulatory  vein.  He  felt  that  after  four  months 
of  trial  his  administration  was  strong  in  its  grasp  of  af- 
fairs, strong  in  popular  favor  and  destined  to  grow 
stronger;  that  grave  difficulties  confronting  him  at  his 
inauguration  had  been  safely  passed ; that  trouble  lay 
behind  him,  and  not  before  him ; that  he  was  soon  to 
meet  the  wife  whom  he  loved,  now  recovering  from  an 
illness  which  had  but  lately  disquieted  and  at  times 
almost  unnerved  him ; that  he  was  going  to  his  alma 
mater  to  renew  the  most  cherished  associations  of  his 
young  manhood, ■■  and  to  exchange  greetings  with  those 
whose  deepening  interest  had  followed  every  step  of  his 
upward  progress  from  the  day  he  entered  upon  his  col- 
iege course  until  he  had  attained  the  loftiest  elevation 
in  the  gift  of  his  countrymen. 

Surely,  if  happiness  can  ever  come  from  the  honors 
or  triumphs  of  this  world,  on  that  quiet  July  morning 
James  A.  Garfield  may  well  have  been  a happy  man. 
No  foreboding  of  evil  haunted  him ; no  slightest  pre- 
monition of  danger  clouded  his  sky.  His  terrible  fate 
was  upon  him  in  an  instant.  One  moment  he  stood 
erect,  strong,  confident  in  the  years  stretching  peace- 


314 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


fully  out  before  him.  The  next  he  lay  wounded, 
bleeding,  helpless,  doomed  to  weary  weeks  of  torture, 
to  silence  and  the  grave. 

Great  in  life,  he  was  surpassingly  great  in  death. 
For  no  cause,  in  the  very  frenzy  of  wantonness  and 
wickedness,  by  the  red  hand  of  murder,  he  was  thrust 
from  the  full  tide  of  this  world’s  interest,  from  its 
hopes,  its  aspirations,  its  victories,  into  the  visible 
presence  of  death — and  he  did  not  quail.  Not  alone 
for  the  one  short  moment  in  which,  stunned  and  dazed, 
he  could  give  up  life,  hardly  aware  of  its  relinquish- 
ment, but  through  days  of  deadly  languor,  through 
weeks  of  agony,  that  was  not  less  agony  because  si- 
lently borne,  with  clear  sight  and  calm  courage  he 
looked  into  his  open  grave.  What  blight  and  ruin 
met  his  anguished  eyes  whose  lips  may  tell — what 
brilliant,  broken  plans,  what  bathed,  high  ambitions, 
what  sundering  of  strong,  warm  manhood’s  friendships, 
what  bitter  rending  of  sweet  household  ties ! Behind 
him  a proud,  expectant  nation,  a great  host  of  sustain- 
ing friends,  a cherished  and  happy  mother,  wearing  the 
full,  rich  honors  of  her  early  toil  and  tears ; the  wife  of 
his  youth,  whose  whole  life  lay  in  his;  the  little  boys 
not  yet  emerged  from  childhood’s  day  of  frolic;  the 
fair,  young  daughter;  the  sturdy  sons  just  springing 
into  closest  companionship,  claiming  every  day  and 
every  day  rewarding  a father’s  love  and  care ; and  in 
his  heart  the  eager,  rejoicing  power  to  meet  all  de- 
mands. Before  him,  desolation  and  great  darkness ! 
And  his  soul  was  not  shaken.  His  countrymen  were 
thrilled  with  instant,  profound  and  universal  sympathy. 
Masterful  in  his  mortal  weakness,  he  became  the  centre 
of  a nation’s  love,  enshrined  in  the  prayers  of  a world. 
But  all  the  love  and  all  the  sympathy  could  not  share 
with  him  his  suffering.  He  trod  the  wine-press  alone. 
With  unfaltering  front  he  faced  death.  With  unfail- 


blaine’s  eulogy  of  garfield. 


315 


ing  tenderness  he  took  leave  of  life.  Above  the  de- 
moniac hiss  of  the  assassin’s  bullet  he  heard  the  voice 
of  God.  With  simple  resignation  he  bowed  to  the 
Divine  decree. 

As  the  end  drew  near,  his  early  craving  for  the  sea 
returned.  The  stately  mansion  of  power  had  been  to 
him  the  wearisome  hospital  of  pain,  and  he  begged  to 
be  taken  from  its  prison  walls,  from  its  oppressive, 
stifling  air,  from  its  homelessness  and  its  hopelessness. 
Gently,  silently,  the  love  of  a great  people  bore  the 
pale  sufferer  to  the  longed-for  healing  of  the  sea,  to  live 
or  to  die,  as  God  should  will,  within  sight  of  its 
heaving  billows,  within  sound  of  its  manifold  voices. 
With  wan,  fevered  face  tenderly  lifted  to  the  cooling 
breeze,  he  looked  out  wistfully  upon  the  ocean’s 
changing  wonders ; on  its  far  sails,  whitening  in  the 
morning  light ; on  its  restless  waves,  rolling  shoreward 
to  break  and  die  beneath  the  noonday  sun ; on  the  red 
clouds  of  evening,  arching  low  to  the  horizon ; on  the 
serene  and  shining  pathway  of  the  stars.  Let  us  think 
that  his  dying  eyes  read  a mystic  meaning  which  only 
the  rapt  and  parting  soul  may  know.  Let  us  believe 
that  in  the  silence  of  the  receding  world  he  heard  the 
great  waves  breaking  on  a further  shore,  and  felt  al- 
ready upon  his  wasted  brow  the  breath  of  the  eternal 
morning. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

National  Convention  of  1884  at  Chicago, 

A cloudless  sky,  bright  sunlight,  and  a breeze 
from  the  lake,  welcomed  the  delegates  to  the  first 
day’s  session  of  the  national  convention.  Before 
eight  o’clock  the  hotel  lobbies  were  crowded  to 
suffocation,  and  guests  had  to  wait  for  places  at  the 
breakfast  tables.  An  hour  before  noon,  the  time 
set  for  the  meeting  of  the  convention,  the  sidewalks 
leading  to  the  Exposition  Building  were  crowded, 
bands  of  music  played,  peddlers  of  Blaine,  Arthur, 
and  Logan  badges  hawked  their  wares,  and  occa- 
sionally an  enthusiastic  friend  of  one  of  the  can- 
didates addressed  on  the  street  corners  a throng  of 
curious  idlers. 

The  Exposition  Building,  in  which  the  conven- 
tion was  held,  fronts  on  Michigan  avenue.  In  its 
rear  are  the  tracks  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  built  upon  the  shores  of  the  lake.  The 
building  itself  resembles  more  than  anything  else 
a huge  machine-shop  without  smokepipes.  There 
is  a central  building,  two  long  glass-roofed  exten- 
sions running  North  and  South,  and  two  huge 
wings,  each  fronting  on  the  avenue.  The  building 
is  of  brick,  painted  a sombre,  green  color,  which 
the  storms  of  five  years  have  turned  mouldy. 

316 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


317 


Over  the  main  entrance  was  hung  a long  linen 
banner,  upon  which,  painted  in  blue  letters,  edged 
with  red,  were  the  words,  “ Republican  National 
Convention.”  A profusion  of  big  flags  decorated 
the  gabled  archway  of  the  main  hall,  streamers 
and  small  banners  floated  from  the  poles  along  the 
roof,  and  heavy  silk  flags  crackled  in  the  wind 
from  the  main  staff  on  the  central  dome  of  the 
building  and  its  projecting  wings. 

At  half-past  eleven  o'clock,  the  pedestrians  on 
Adams  street  were  halted  by  a procession  marching 
down  to  the  Exposition  Building.  An  excellent 
band  played  a lively  march  and  it  was  followed  by 
the  Young  Men’s  Republican  Club.  Every  mem- 
ber was  attired  in  a light  spring  suit  of  clothes,  a 
high  white  hat  and  a fancy  cane.  The  club  marched 
with  the  regularity  and  precision  of  veterans.  The 
ladies  smiled  as  the  handsome  fellows  passed  by, 
and  they  passed  into  the  building  with  an  evident 
determination  to  howl  the  loudest  for  their  favorite 
candidate. 

The  different  delegations  straggled  into  the  hall 
between  eleven  and  twelve  o’clock.  Some  marched 
in  together;  others  straggled  along  by  twos  and. 
threes,  keeping  the  ushers  busy  to  find  them 
places.  An  enterprising  manufacturer  of  patent 
medicine  had  chartered  a brass  band  and  a huge 
stage,  on  the  sides  of  which  were  posters  calling  at- 
tention to  the  stuff  and  had  stationed  the  dodger 
at  the  main  approach  to  the  building,  where  it  at- 


318 


NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  CONVENTION  BUILDING,  CHICAGO,  1884. 


THE  CONVENTION'  OF  1884. 


319 


tractecl  the  attention  of  every  passer.  The  ap- 
proaches to  the  main  floor  and  the  different  galler- 
ies were  indicated  by  signs,  so  that  there  was  no 
delay  in  seating  the  holders  of  tickets  Hehneted 
policemen  and  doorkeepers  decorated  with  blue 
badges  guarded  the  approaches  and  rigidly  excluded 
every  intruder. 

The  huge,  unwieldy  machine  for  grinding  out 
presidential  candidates  settled  to  its  work  with  a 
buzz  of  talk  and  handshaking. 

The  distant  band  hummed  rather  than  played 
airs  from  “Patience,”  and  at  last  Chairman  Sabin, 
with  his  broad,  sallow  face  and  curving  moustache, 
stepped  forward  and  put  his  hand  on  the  starting 
bar,  picking  up  a little  mallet,  sadly  out  of  place  in 
a situation  which  needed  a beetle  to  deal  a con- 
trolling blow.  A slim  clergyman,  with  a white 
hand  and  a small  moustache,  made  an  eloquent 
prayer,  which  drew  subdued  applause  from  people 
who  mistook  the  peroration  not  unnaturally  for  a 
speech,  and  the  big,  broad-shouldered  Kansan  Mar- 
tin, who  acts  as  Secretary  of  the  National  Commit- 
tee, read  an  inaudible  call. 

A little  stir,  a sort  of  dressing  of  ranks  and  Sa- 
bin’s speech  ended  with  the  nomination  for  tempo- 
rary chairman  of  Powell  Clayton,  a tall,  sallow, 
round-headed,  crop-haired  Arkansan,  with  an 
empty  sleeve  and  the  expression  of  a Southwest- 
erner.  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts,  a crisp-haired, 
brown-bearded  young  fellow,  climbs  a chair  in  the 


320 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


Massachusetts  delegation  and  puts  up  John  R. 
Lynch.  One  great  yell  goes  up — the  shrill  cry  of 
Southern  delegates — as  a dozen  negroes  jumped  in 
their  seats,  camp-meeting  fashion.  A sturdy,  stocky 
side-whiskered  drover-like  looking  man,  Dutcher, 
of  New  York,  seconds  the  nomination,  meeting  the 
Edmunds  move  half  way  with  an  Arthur  welcome. 
Gravity  follows  in  every  Blaine  State,  while  the 
Arthur  States  bubble  and  boil  over  into  the  aisle. 
Frank  Hatton,  slim  and  earnest,  watches  the  bat- 
tle on  one  side,  and  Sharpe,  with  his  bulldog  face, 
fairly  looks  pleasant.  Chris  Magee,  a tall,  fine- 
looking  man,  seeks  a side  aisle,  while  his  alternate 
slips  into  his  seat,  and  Tom  Cooper  looks  anxiously 
from  a high  stage  seat. 

Speech-making  begins;  George  William  Curtis 
on  one  side,  suave,  courtly,  with  a voice  of  wonder- 
fully sympathetic  quality  and  face  all  soft  serenity, 
speaks,  his  voice  rising  and  falling  from  one  tremb- 
ling cadence  to  another,  and  Stewart  on  the  other 
side,  with  sharp,  strident  voice  and  clear,  dark  face, 
and  features  with  a straight,  strong  profile,  puts 
the  Blaine  side  in  a great  stir  and  swing  and 
rustle. 

There  are  other  speeches.  Carr,  of  Illinois,  a 
big,  round  fellow,  with  a crackling,  explosive  voice, 
rides  the  buzz  triumphantly.  Roosevelt’s  boyish 
effort  is  drowned  in  it.  Hoar,  a big,  broad-chested 
swimmer  in  this  sea  of  manifold  sound,  breasts  its 
current  for  a few  moments  and,  after  a running 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


321 


wrangle  over  the  method  of  voting,  the  slow  roll  is 
called.  It  takes  two  hours,  man  after  man,  lean- 
ing against  the  reading  desk  and  shouting  his  share 
of  820  names  into  space,  wearies  of  the  work. 

By  relays  it  goes  on.  A name  is  called ; up  rises 
a distant  man,  and  shouts  the  syllabic  reply, 
Powell  Clayton  or  John  R.  Lynch.  The  tally  goes 
on.  The  cheering  is  short  and  small.  The  inter- 
est lies  below  the  names.  Illinois  starts  off  for 
Clayton  and  when  the  votes  change  to  Lynch  a 
shout  goes  up.  Connecticut  shrewdly  divides.  Mc- 
Kinley leads  off  in  Ohio,  with  a big  purple  badge 
on  his  breast.  New  Jersey  runs  by  commentless, 
but  in  New  York  every  vote  is  wTatched  until  the 
full  Blaine  strength  is  registered  of  twenty-nine. 

In  Pennsylvania  McManes  leads  off  for  Lynch. 
Grow  raises  his  gray  head  to  vote,  and  Stewart 
steps  forward  with  hat  and  note-book  tally  in  his 
hand,  as  the  roll  runs  through  Republican  districts 
which  vote  for  Clayton.  Once  there  is  a cheer  over 
Tom  Platt,  and  when  Yirginia  is  reached  and  a 
thin,  weazened,  long-haired  figure,  Mahone,  rises, 
the  cheering  rises  and  falls  like  the  pulse  of  a 
storm.  The  vote  is  known  before  it  is  announced, 
and  a tall  Mississippian^  jumps  in  a chair  and 
waves  the  square  yard  of  blue  silk  on  which  the 
State  is  marked. 

Yell,  cheer  and  shout,  hand-clapping  and  stamp- 
ing, and  at  last  John  R.  Lynch,  a mulatto  of  the 
agile,  facile  type  of  ability  in  many  directions, 

21 


322 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


takes  the  gavel  of  a National  Convention  in  his 
hand.  The  rest  is  routine,  and  after  an  empty 
stump-speech,  the  great  barrel  of  a hall  empties, 
and  surmise  and  speculation  over  the  vote  of  431 
for  Lynch  and  387  for  Clayton  spreads  over  the 
town. 

PROCEEDINGS  IN  DETAIL. 

The  full  proceedings  of  this  most  important  con- 
vention in  detail  will  be  found  below.  On  the 
first  day  of  the  session,  Tuesday,  June  3d,  the  con- 
vention was  called  to  order  at  12.25  by  United 
States  Senator  Sabin,  of  Minnesota,  as  follows : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Eighth  Republican  National 
Convention : The  hour  having  arrived  appointed 
for  the  meeting  of  this  convention,  it  will  now  be 
opened  with  prayer  by  Rev.  Frank  Bristol,  of 
Chicago. 

The  prayer  was  then  offered  by  Mr.  Bristol  as 
follows : 

“ God  of  our  fathers,  we  adore  and  worship  Thee, 
and  to  Thee,  by  whose  grace  and  providence  we 
are  what  we  are,  as  a nation,  we  would  lift  our 
hearts  in  rendering  thanksgiving  and  everlasting 
prayer. 

“We  thank  Thee  for  our  glorious  national  heri- 
tage, for  this  magnificent  land  of  wealthy  hills  and 
fertile  plains,  and  for  the  laws  and  institutions 
which  make  it  a land  of  progress  and  liberty. 

“ We  thank  Thee  for  our  Christian  sires,  lovers 
of  freedom  and  of  God,  men  of  conscience  and  in- 
tegrity, whose  names  have  jewelled  history,  and 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


323 


the  memory  of  whose  deeds  is  an  inspiration  to 
heroism  and  patriotic  pride. 

“We  thank  Thee  for  Plymouth  Rock,  for  York- 
town,  for  Appomattox,  footsteps  to  mark  the  pro- 
gress of  righteousness  and  the  higher  law. 

“We  thank  Thee  for  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  our  blood-bought 
charter  of  freedom. 

“We  thank  Thee  for  the  Republican  party  and 
for  its  splendid  history,  and  its  still  more  splendid 
possibilities.  And  now,  as  this  great  convention 
enters  on  a work  which  will  involve  the  most  pre- 
cious interests  of  millions  of  people,  and,  in  a large 
sense,  the  interests  of  free  institutions,  we  devoutly 
and  most  earnestly  supplicate  the  blessing  of  Al- 
mighty God.  Bless  the  members  of  this  body,  the 
homes,  the  States,^  the  parts  of  the  nation  which 
they  represent.  May  the  ambition  of  patriotism, 
the  wisdom  of  statesmanship  and  the  righteousness 
of  Christian  consciousness  possess  every  breast  and 
control  every  action.  And  may  the  result  of  this 
convention  be  in  harmony  with  the  will  of  God 
concerning  us,  and  be  received  with  joy  by  the 
people  of  the  whole  land.  And  grant,  Almighty 
God,  that  the  coming  political  campaign  may  be 
conducted  with  that  intelligence,  patriotism  and 
dignity  of  temper  that  becomes  a great  and  intelli- 
gent people.  Continue  Thy  mercies  to  us.  Bless 
our  country  with  peace,  prosperity  and  universal 
enlightenment.  May  we  never  deny  the  faith  of 
our  fathers.  May  we  never  cease  to  be  a temper- 
ate, a free,  an  industrious,  a Sabbath-keeping,  a 
God-fearing  and  a Christian  people,  blessed  with 
the  righteousness  which  exalteth  a nation.  Amen.” 


324 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


The  Chair — The  Secretary  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee will  now  read  the  call  for  the  convention. 

The  secretary  then  read  the  call. 

When  he  had  finished  Mr.  Sabin  addressed  the 
convention  as  follows : 

“Gentlemen  of  the  Convention : — On  behalf  of  the 
National  Republican  Committee,  permit  me  to 
welcome  you  to  Chicago.  As  chairman  of  that 
committee  it  is  both  my  duty  and  pleasure  to  call 
you  to  order  as  a National  Republican  Convention. 
This  city,  already  known  as  the  1 City  of  Conven- 
tions,’ is  among  the  most  cherished  of  all  the  spots 
of  our  country  sacred  to  the  memories  of  a Re- 
publican. It  is  the  birth-place  of  Republican  vic- 
tory, On  these  fields  of  labor  gathered  the  early 
fathers  of  our  political  faith  and  planned  the  great 
battle  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  [Ap- 
plause.] 

“ Here  they  chose  that  immortal  chief  that  led 
us  on  to  victory — Abraham  Lincoln.  [Applause.] 
Here  were  gathered  in  counsel  those  men  who 
secured  the  fruits  of  that  long  trouble  by  elevating 
to  the  first  place  in  the  nation  the  foremost  chief- 
tain of  that  great  contest — General  Grant.  [Loud 
applause.]  Here  was  afterwards  witnessed  that 
signal  triumph,  which  anticipated  the  wish  of  the 
nation,  by  nominating,  as  color-bearer  of  the  party, 
that  honored  soldier,  that  shining  citizen,  that 
representative  American  — J ames  A.  Garfield. 
[Loud  applause.]  Every  deliberation  of  Republi- 
can forces  on  this  historic  ground  has  been  followed 
by  signal  victory,  and  every  convention  on  this 
spot  has  carried  forward  our  line  of  battle  until  to- 


THE  CONTENTION  OF  1884. 


325 


day  our  forces  overlook  every  position  of  the 
enemy. 

“ Indeed,  so  secure  now  is  the  integrity  of  the 
Union,  so  firmly  imbedded  in  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  land  are  the  safeguards  of  individual 
liberty,  so  fairly  and  fully  achieved,  that,  by  gen- 
eral  consent,  the  time  has  now  arrived  for  the  new 
disposition  of  party  forces  in  contemplation  of  new 
lines  of  operation.  Having  compassed  the  defeat 
of  our  opponents  on  all  former  occasions,  the  party 
is  about  to  set  its  house  in  order,  and  take  counsel 
as  to  the  direction  and  the  management  of  its 
future  course. 

“ In  the  comparative  lull  of  party  strife,  which 
distinguishes  the  present  condition  of  national 
politics,  there  is  discernible  an  increasing  disposi- 
tion to  look  after  the  men  who  are  to  execute,  and 
the  methods  that  are  to  guide  them  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  powers  committed  to  them  for  the  man- 
agement of  the  affairs  of  the  Republic.  As  a result 
of  the  rule  adopted  in  the  last  National  Republican 
Convention,  this  convention  finds  itself  constituted 
of  a large  majority  of  gentlemen  who  have  been 
clothed  with  the  delegated  powers  of  the  conven- 
tion in  their  several  congressional  districts.  On 
this  consideration  may  be  grounded  a hope  that 
the  voice  of  the  people  [applause]  will,  beyond 
recent  precedent,  be  felt  in  moulding  the  work  you 
are  assembled  to  perform,  so  that  its  results  may 
be  such  as  to  win  the  unhesitating  and  undivided 
support  of  every  lover  of  those  principles  by  which 
the  party  has  heretofore  triumphed  and  yet  will 
triumph.  [Applause.] 

When  we  consider  the  memories  of  the  past  so 
intimately  connected  with  this  city,  and  even  with 


326 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


this  edifice,  which  the  people  of  Chicago  have  so 
generously  placed  at  your  disposal ; when  we  re- 
flect upon  the  deep-seated  concern  among  all  people 
in  the  result  of  your  deliberations,  and  the  various 
incentives  to  the  abandonment  of  personal  ambi- 
tions in  the  interest  of  the  party  welfare,  you  can- 
not wonder  that  the  Committee,  and  beyond  it  the 
great  Republican  masses,  extend  you  a most  hearty 
welcome  to  this  scene  of  labor,  in  the  constant  hope 
that  your  efforts  will  result  in  such  an  exposition 
of  Republican  doctrine  and  disclose  such  a just 
appreciation  of  Republican  men  in  the  choice  of 
your  nominees  as  to  rejoice  the  hearts  of  your  con- 
stituents and  keep  victory  on  the  side  of  your 
ever  victorious  banner.  In  conclusion,  at  the  re- 
quest of  the  National  Republican  Convention,  I 
have  to  propose  to  you  as  temporary  chairman  of 
this  Convention  the  Hon.  Powell  Clayton,  of  Ar- 
kansas. [Loud  applause.] 

The  remaining  preliminaries  were  such  as  must 
always  be  arranged  in  a National  Convention.  A 
temporary  organization  was  effected,  the  creden- 
tials of  delegates  from  the  various  States  and 
Territories  were  examined,  committees  were  ap- 
pointed, incidentally  speeches  were  made,  the 
leading  spirits  of  the  Convention  began  to  get  their 
work  in,  the  favorites  were  received  with  applause 
when  they  made  their  appearance,  and  through  it 
all  the  buzz  of  electioneering  for  the  different 
candidates  went  on.  There  was  suppressed  excite- 
ment which  was  only  waiting  its  opportunity  to 
break  out  and  go  crazy  over  some  “ favorite  son.” 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884, 


327 


The  first  day  was  consumed  in  getting  the  huge 
body  into  shape  and  readiness  for  the  serious  busi- 
ness on  hand.  The  Convention  comprised  a fine 
body  of  men — men  who  were  intelligent,  quick 
of  apprehension,  evidently  bent  on  business,  earnest 
in  spirit  and  able  as  statesmen  and  as  political 
leaders. 

The  feature  of  the  second  day  of  the  Convention 
was  the  enthusiasm  over  Blaine,  during  which  an 
unprecedented  scene  was  witnessed.  When  the 
committee  on  permanent  organization  was  ready 
to  report,  Smalls,  the  colored  delegate  from  South 
Carolina,  and  one  or  two  others,  questioned  the 
propriety  of  making  the  permanent  organization 
before  the  credentials  committee  had  reported  as 
to  the  title  of  contested  delegates,  but  these  few 
objectors  were  quietly  overruled,  as  they  were  in 
1880,  and  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  George 
Williams,  of  Indiana,  presented  the  report. 

It  advised  the  election  of  ex-Senator  John  B. 
Henderson,  of  Missouri,  as  permanent  chairman 
of  the  Convention,  together  with  a long  list  of  vice- 
presidents  and  secretaries,  too  numerous  even  to  be 
read  to  the  Convention.  There  were  not  half  a 
dozen  dissenting  votes  to  the  adoption  of  the 
committee  report.  Some  of  the  Blaine  leaders  had 
been  advised  to  oppose  the  election  of  Henderson 
by  moving  to  substitute  Galusha  A.  Grow,  of 
Pennsylvania,  but  this  they  refused  to  do.  Sev- 
eral days  ago  one  of  the  most  prominent  of  the 


328 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


Blaine  managers  publicly  avowed  that  the  election 
of  General  Henderson  as  permanent  president  of 
the  Convention  would  be  acceptable,  and  soon 
afterward  General  Henderson  publicly  declared 
that  he  would  not  present  President  Arthur’s  name 
to  the  Convention. 

Knowing  General  Henderson’s  choice  to  be  Ar- 
thur, the  Blaine  managers  were  perfectly  willing 
to  give  him  a solid  vote  for  permanent  chairman. 
As  soon  as  the  election  was  announced,  Mr.  Lynch 
appointed  Mr.  Grow,  Mr.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  Mr,  Williams,  of  Indiana,  a committee  to 
escort  Mr.  Henderson  to  the  chair.  The  temporary 
chairman  then  placed  his  soft  black  felt  hat  on  the 
desk  before  him,  stuffed  a few  pamphlets  in  his 
pocket,  and  prepared  to  vacate  a seat  to  which  for 
the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the  party  a man  of 
his  color  has  been  elected. 

Loud  cheering  greeted  Henderson  as,  flanked 
on  either  side  by  this  distinguished  escort,  he 
ascended  the  platform  and  advanced  to  the  desk. 
The  presiding  officer  of  the  Convention  is  a tall, 
slender,  well-proportioned  man,  who  does  not  look 
to  be  over  forty-five  years  of  age,  but  is  consider- 
ably older.  He  has  regular  features,  blue  eyes, 
thin,  brown  hair,  a bald  spot  on  the  back  of  his 
skull,  carefulty-trimmed  brown  chin-whiskers,  and, 
with  gold-bowed  glasses  astride  his  nose,  looks  the 
picture  of  an  active,  prosperous  lawyer. 

From  the  outside  pocket  of  Mr.  Henderson’s 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  329 

coat  protruded  the  end  of  a package  of  manuscript 
containing  his  address  to  the  Convention.  He  laid 
this  paper  on  the  desk  and  took  the  handle  of  the 
new  gavel,  trimmed  with  ribbons,  in  his  hand,  and 
sharply  rapped  the  body  to  silence.  A bustling 
usher  advanced  and  pinned  a huge  white  silk,  gold- 
tasseled  badge  upon  the  lapel  of  Mr.  Henderson’s 
coat,  and,  with  a prefatory  cough,  he  began  to 
read  his  speech. 

The  Convention  listened  quietly  until  the  Chair- 
man, with  questionable  taste,  called  attention  to 
some  of  the  more  prominent  men  upon  whom  it 
could  fitly  bestow  the  honor  of  the  nomination. 
Without  mentioning  names,  Mr.  Henderson,  in 
unmistakable  terms,  brought  out  singly  the  differ- 
ent candidates  who  are  most  prominently  dis. 
cussed.  First  on  his  list  was  Arthur,  and,  as  he 
complimented  the  Administration,  a cheer,  loud, 
brief,  and  by  no  means  enthusiastic,  was  given  by 
the  President’s  followers. 

His  next  reference  was  to  Vermont’s  candidate, 
and  the  few  Edmunds  men  in  the  hall  made  all 
the  noise  they  could.  The  reference  to  John 
Sherman  brought  forth  shrieks  of  delight  from 
half  the  Ohio  delegation  and  a few  men  in  the 
galleries,  Logan  was  next  on  the  list,  and  he 
received  the  loudest  and  heartiest  applause  of  any 
of  the  gentlemen  before  mentioned.  His  friends 
in  the  Convention  and  among  the  spectators — they 
were  numerous — shouted  at  the  top  of  their  lungs 
for  the  Senator  from  Illinois. 


330  the  convention  of  1884, 

Almost  before  the  echo  of  the  last  cheer  had 
died  away  the  Chairman  said : “ Maine  has  her 
honored  favorite,  whose  splendid  abilities  and  per 
sonal  qualities  have  endeared  him  to  the  hearts  of 
his  friends,  and  the  brilliancy  of  whose  genius 
challenges  the  admiration  of  all.” 

Before  the  words  wrere  fairlv  out  of  the  Chair* 

%/ 

man’s  mouth  the  Pennsylvanians  on  the  front  row 
began  to  cheer.  The  faint  opening  applause  ex- 
tended and  swelled  until,  from  the  rear  of  the 
stage  to  the  end  of  the  hall,  a hoarse  reverberating 
roar  arose  and  echoed  from  end  to  end  of  the 
building  and  outside,  until  the  noise  was  audible 
above  the  bustle  of  street  traffic  two  blocks  away. 

The  first  wild  burst  of  enthusiasm  only  added 
fuel  to  the  flame,  and  a second  great,  spontaneous, 
full-hearted  cheer  rose  from  the  floor  to  the  rafters 
and  fairly  shook  the  structure.  Then  followed  a 
scene  seldom  witnessed  in  any  public  body,  and 
never  equalled  in  National  Conventions  of  late 
years.  The  delegates,  alternates  and  spectators 
rose  to  their  feet  as  by  a common  impulse,  and 
testified  their  admiration  of  the  people’s  candidate, 
Cheers,  shouts,  sharp  screams  and  animated  bowl- 
ings broke  upon  the  Convention  with  appalling 
force. 

Men  tossed^  their  hats  in  the  air,  waved  pocket- 
handkerchiefs,  shook  their  canes,  mounted  chairs, 
leaped  back  and  forth  in  the  aisles,  and  acted  like 
madmen.  The  New  York  delegation,  excepting  a 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  331 

few  Edmunds  men,  was  on  its  feet,  screaming  as 
loudly  as  the  Pennsylvanians,  while  Ohio  and  Illi- 
nois contributed  liberally  to  the  racket. 

The  tremendous  burst  of  enthusiasm  carried 
away  the  colored  brethren,  and  they  screamed 
with  true  Methodistic  camp-meeting  fervor.  Ex- 
hausted at  last,  the  noise  abated  only  to  be  again 
renewed  with  fresh  force.  Four  times  the  Con- 
vention rose  to  its  feet,  and  four  times  did  the  vast 
assemblage  exhaust  itself  in  noise.  A little  knot 
of  New  England  people  only  kept  their  seats,  and 
were  not  budged  by  the  excitement. 

The  display  of  public  sentiment  in  Blaine’s 
behalf  was  not  unexpected,  but  it  overwhelmed 
those  gentlemen  who,  for  three  days  past,  had  been 
working  by  hook  or  crook  to  defeat  the  people’s 
choice.  It  revealed  to  them,  as  by  the  flash  of  an 
electric  light,  the  vast  and  irresistible  force  demand- 
ing his  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  It  showed 
them  the  weakness  of  their  own  cause  in  a manner 
not  susceptible  of  argument,  and  threw  a wet 
blanket  upon  their  burning  hopes  of  bringing  forth 
tire  dark  horse  winner.  At  last  the  excitement 
abated,  and  the  president  readjusted  his  glasses, 
preparatory  to  resuming  his  speech.  He  had 
hardly  opened  his  mouth  when  a voice  high  up  in 
the  gallery  over  the  stage  in  a shrill  tone  ex- 
claimed : “ Hit  ’em  agin  ! ” and  for  the  last  time  a 
wild  roar  of  applause  went  through  the  vast  hall. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


Enthusiasm  for  the  Plumed  Knight. 

The  third  day  of  the  Convention  was  of  much 
more  importance  than  the  preceding,  and  two 
sessions  were  held.  In  the  morning  legislation  for 
the  party  was  discussed  and  adopted  and  the 
national  platform  was  agreed  upon. 

The  proposition  of  a minority  of  the  Committee 
on  Rules,  changing  the  basis  of  representation  in 
the  National  Convention  from  the  present  electoral 
system  to  that  of  the  voting  strength  of  the  party 
on  an  apportionment,  after  each  presidential  elec- 
tion, commended  itself  to  the  conservative  senti- 
ment of  the  Convention,  but  it  had  the  misfortune 
to  be  considered  before  the  nominations  were  made. 
The  consequence  was  that  it  was  unmercifully 
handled.  The  Southern  delegate  resented  it  with 
some  heat  as  an  attempt  to  curtail  his  rights,  and 
at  this  particular  time  the  friends  of  no  candidate 
were  desirous  of  treading  on  the  toes  of  the  Southern 
delegate. 

Martin  I.  Townsend,  representing  Arthur,  and 
Judge  West,  of  Ohio,  representing  Blaine,  came  to 
his  rescue.  Everybody  seemed  to  have  something 
to  say  against  the  proposition,  and  even  Massa- 
832 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  333 

chusetts,  where  it  originated,  finally  put  forward 
General  Long  with  a motion  to  bury  it  in  the  Na- 
tional Committee  room.  Decent  burial,  however, 
was  considered  too  decent  for  it  with  the  South- 
erners holding  the  balance  of  power  between  candi- 
dates, and  so  it  was  ignominiously  voted  down. 

The  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 
caused  no  debate.  Everybody  was  equally  sur- 
prised at  its  length  and  breadth  and  thickness. 
“ Yery  strong  and  very  Blainey,”  was  one  comment, 
and  Murat  Halstead  said  Blaine’s  tracks  ran  all 
over  it  like  the  track  of  a buzz  saw. 

The  call  of  States  for  the  appointment  of  mem- 
bers of  the  National  Committee  brought  the  Con- 
vention to  the  dinner  recess.  These  appointments 
were  not  so  easily  made  as  heretofore,  for  the  rea- 
son that  a rule  passed  in  the  morning  disqualified 
for  membership  the  office-holding  class,  of  which 
the  committee  has  been  heretofore  in  the  main 
composed. 

In  view  of  the  confusion  caused  by  this  new  deal 
a good  many  States  were  not  prepared,  and  begged 
to  be  excused  when  their  names  were  called.  It 
was  a little  disappointing  that  the  Convention  did 
not  begin  the  work  of  nomination  before  dinner ; 
but  neither  side  seemed  quite  ready,  and  so  there 
was  a skip  of  the  whole  afternoon  in  fixing  the 
hour  of  recess. 

The  few  hours  of  delay  seemed  to  feed  instead 
of  wasting  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Blaine  columns. 


334 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


Their  headquarters  were  in  the  possession  of  a 
shouting  mob.  In  the  rotunda,  on  another  floor  of 
the  hotel,  a glee  club,  hired  by  the  Arthur  man- 
agers at  $50  a day  to  go  around  and  sing  popular 
songs  with  the  name  of  the  President  ingeniously 
interwoven  therein,  tried  to  make  a diversion,  but 
without  avail.  The  audience  good-naturedly  ap- 
plauded the  singing,  but  filled  every  pause  with 
three  cheers  for  Blaine. 

The  climax  of  excitement  seemed  reached  when 
a band  came  marching  into  the  hotel  playing, 
“ Rally  around  the  flag,  boys,”  and  followed  by  an 
impromptu  procession  of  about  1,000  men,  bearing 
aloft  a portrait  of  Blaine,  wearing  Blaine  badges 
and  hoarse  with  Blaine  cheers. 

The  crowd  turned  in  behind  and,  marching  out 
of  the  hotel,  moved  in  a body,  with  continual  rein- 
forcements, towards  the  Convention  hall,  and  when 
it  arrived  there  it  was  almost  a mob.  It  was 
through  this  phalanx  of  Blaine’s  followers  and  in 
this  Blaine  atmosphere  that  the  exercises  of  the 
evening  began. 

The  scene  at  the  night  session  was  one  of  the 
most  impressive  ever  known  in  American  political 
history,  and  is  thus  described  by  an  eye  witness  in 
a peculiarly  graphic  manner: 

“A  thousand  gleaming  gas-lights,  10,000  eager 
faces,  long  rows  of  brilliant  banners  and  waving 
flags,  and  the  flashing  coats-of-arms  of  the  States 
formed  a dazzling  picture  in  Exposition  Hall  to- 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  335 

night.  The  business  of  the  evening  was  the  nomi- 
nation of  candidates  for  President,  and  the  session, 
while  lacking  the  excitement  of  balloting  for  choice, 
was  the  most  entertaining  of  the  Convention. 

“ Long  before  the  delegates  took  their  seats 
every  chair  allotted  to  spectators  was  filled.  The 
handsome  toilettes  of  the  ladies  formed  a rich  back- 
ground to  the  dark  outline  of  the  men.  Two 
banks  of  humanity,  one  piled  up  to  the  roof  in  the 
rear  of  the  stage,  and  the  other  heaped  in  ascend- 
ing tiers  to  a height  of  fifty  feet  at  the  rear  of  the 
hall,  faced  each  other.  On  the  two  raised  plat- 
forms stretching  the  whole  length  of  the  vast  audi- 
torium on  either  side  were  packed  like  sandwiches 
rows  of  favored  spectators.  First  come  first  served 
is  the  rule  in  the  management  of  the  Convention, 
and  this  rule  applies  to  the  seats  improperly  sup- 
posed to  have  been  reserved  for  the  press  as  wrell 
as  those  assigned  to  the  public. 

“ Outside  the  building,  at  the  hour  of  meeting, 
fully  5,000  people  stood  patiently  in  line  waiting 
an  opportunity  to  enter.  Stupid  doorkeepers,  in- 
solent watchmen  and  consequential  ushers  did  all 
in  their  power  to  annoy  and  harass  the  people. 
Half  an  hour  before  the  Convention  met,  the  dele- 
gates began  to  enter  the  hall,  the  band  played  with 
renewed  vigor,  and  the  peddlers  of  fans  did  a lively 
business. 

“ The  atmosphere  of  the  hall  was  hot  and  op- 
pressive. Hardly  a breath  of  air  passed  through 
the  open  window  in  the  roof,  and  the  heat  of  the 
gas  and  the  warmth  of  the  crowd  raised  the  tem- 
perature to  an  uncomfortable  degree.  As  one 
after  another  of  the  most  prominent  delegates 
entered  they  were  faintly  cheered  by  their  friends 


336 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


in  the  audience,  but  there  was  none  of  the  hotly 
expressed  admiration  for  individuals  that  was  a 
marked  feature  of  the  Convention  of  1880. 

“As  a matter  of  fact  there  has  been  but  little 
marked  personal  leadership  on  the  floor  of  the 
Convention  for  any  of  the  candidates,  and  the  local 
favorites  are  not  numerous.  Mr.  Hoar  is  almost 
certain  to  receive  a tender  welcome.  He  is  re- 
membered as  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Conven- 
tion four  years  ago.  Chairman  Henderson,  Secre- 
tary McPherson,  young  Roosevelt  and  Lodge, 
ex-Congressman  Lynch,  Galusha  A.  Grow,  George 
William  Curtis,  Senator  Mahone  and  General  Carr, 
of  Illinois,  are  among  the  best  known  men  in  the 
hall. 

“ The  most  striking  feature  at  night  is  the  faces 
of  the  people.  The  gas-lights  are  so  arranged  that 
they  seem  to  throw  a peculiar  ghastly  pallor  upon 
the  countenances  of  those  beneath,  making  them 
appear  almost  waxen  in  color.  This  array  of  up- 
turned, animated  faces,  seen  from  the  stage  eleva- 
tion, possesses  a fascination  for  the  on-looker  that 
rivals  the  interest  felt  in  the  proceedings. 

“At  7.30  o’clock  the  gavel  of  Chairman  Hender- 
son fell  sharply  upon  the  desk,  and  instantly  a 
hush  fell  upon  the  great  assembly.  Hardly  had 
the  echo  of  the  hammer  died  away  when  the  sharp 
voice  of  Mr.  Dutcher,  of  New  York,  was  heard 
moving  the  adoption  of  a resolution  to  issue  500 
additional  tickets  of  admission  to  the  already  over- 
crowded hall.  The  resolution  was  adopted.  Bayne, 
of  Pennsylvania,  moved  that  the  call  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  National  Committee,  announced  this 
afternoon,  be  reread,  but  his  request  was  greeted 
with  hisses. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  337 

l<  There  seemed  to  be  a suspicion  that  Colonel 
Bayne  desired  delay,  and  there  was  loud  applause 
as  Augustus  Brandegee  stepped  from  a seat  in  the 
rear  of  the  chairman  and  advanced  to  the  front  of 
the  stage,  Connecticut  being  first  in  the  list  of 
States  called  for  the  nomination  of  candidates. 
Brandegee  presented  the  name  of  General  Hawley. 
A thick,  broad-shouldered,  heavy-set  man,  under 
medium  size,  somewhat  resembling  Secretary 
Bristow  in  personal  appearance,  his  face  adorned 
with  a heavy,  short-cropped,  gray  moustache  and 
a tuft  of  gray  whiskers,  is  Brandegee.  He  is  not 
an  accomplished  orator,  but  an  excellent  rough- 
and-ready  talker. 

“ The  nomination  of  General  Logan  was  seconded 
by  General  Prentiss,  of  Missouri,  a venerable,  gray- 
haired, gray-bearded  man,  somewhat  resembling  in 
appearance  a Methodist  parson,  and  in  the  tremb- 
ling tones  of  his  voice  the  oratory  of  a Baptist 
class-leader.  Mr.  Prentiss  made  a speech  of  such 
length  that  the  impatient  Convention  cheered  and 
hissed  him  down.  Indiana  was  called  next,  but 
did  not,  as  was  expected,  present  the  name  of  Har- 
rison. Iowa,  Kansas,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  were 
slowly  called  by  the  Clerk,  with  no  response. 

“ ‘ Maine,’  he  shouted,  and  sank  back  into  his 
seat,  knowing  full  well  the  response  that  would 
follow.  There  was  an  instant,  clear,  loud,  wild 
burst  of  applause  that  seemed  to  come  from  the 
throat  of  every  man  in  the  hall.  To  describe,  in 
its  fullness  of  enthusiasm,  in  its  spontaneity  of 
sentiment,  in  its  fervor  of  devofion,  the  scene  that 
followed — a scene  such  as  was  never  before  wit- 
nessed in  a National  Convention — is  well-nigh 
impossible. 

22 


338  the  convention  of  1884. 

“ First  came  the  cheer  rattling  through  the  hall 
like  a volley  of  infantry;  then  deepening,  as  it 
grew  in  force,  like  the  roar  of  cannon,  and  swelling 
as  it  progressed  like  the  crash  of  a thunderbolt 
across  the  skies.  From  the  stage  to  the  end  of  the 
hall,  a distance  of  the  eighth  of  a mile,  the  cheer- 
ing, rolling  in  dense  waves  of  sound,  hoarse  and 
shrill,  sharp  and  clear,  commingling  in  a wild 
tumult  of  applause,  which,  in  the  minds  of  all  who 
heard  it,  and  of  those  who  witnessed  the  great 
scene,  meant  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine. 

“ With  common  impulse  the  audience,  delegates 
and  spectators,  jumped  to  their  feet.  Staid  old 
politicians  on  the  platform,  venerable  senators  and 
representatives,  long  tried  in  Congress ; new  dele- 
gates, who  vmre  never  before  in  a National  Con- 
vention, were  drawn  into  the  whirlpool  of  excite- 
ment as  straws  are  sucked  into  the  eddies  of  a 
river.  Every  delegate,  save  a bare  patch  here  and 
there  on  the  floor,  where  the  friends  of  Arthur  and 
of  Edmunds  sat,  mounted  his  chair  and  took  part 
in  the  demonstration. 

“ Looking  over  the  human  sea  from  the  stage  to 
the  balconies,  there  was  a surging  mob  of  men  and 
women  waving  hats,  umbrellas,  parasols  and  flags. 
Against  the  dark  background  a thousand  white 
handkerchiefs  swung  over  the  heads  of  the  excited 
audience,  dotted  the  hall  with  specks  of  white,  like 
the  caps  of  the  breakers  on  a stormy  sea.  Men  put 
their  hats  on  the  tops  of  canes  and  waved  them  high 
over  their  heads.  Women  tore  their  bright  fichus 
and  laces  from  around  their  snowy  necks,  and  lean- 
ing far  forward  over  the  galleries,  franticly  swung 
them  to  and  fro  to  give  emphasis  to  their  shrill 
screams  of  joy. 


THE  CONTENTION  OF  1884. 


339 


“From  outside  the  glass  windows  under  the 
dome  of  the  hall,  where  an  adventurous  crowd  of 
men  and  boys  had  gathered  to  witness  the  pro- 
ceedings, loud  cat-calls  and  screams  were  heard 
above  the  roar  beneath.  Men  hung  dangerously 
over  the  front  of  the  galleries  and  waved  the  ends 
of  banners  that  had  been  fastened  there  as  decora- 
tions to  the  hall. 

“The  Arthur  delegates  from  New  York  and  the 
Edmunds  delegates,  who  had  at  first  refused  to 
leave  their  seats,  were  compelled  by  natural  im- 
pulse and  curiosity  to  mount  their  chairs,  and  soon 
many  a well-known  anti-Blaine  delegate  was  seen 
waving  his  hat  and  cheering  as  loudly  as  any  sup- 
porter of  the  Plumed  Knight. 

“ When,  tired  with  cheering  and  lung-exhausted, 
the  din  ceased  in  one  part  of  the  hall,  it  would  be 
taken  up  in  another  part,  and  the  tumult  renewed. 
Senator  Warner  Miller,  usually  impressive  and 
never  flustered,  advanced  from  a seat  in  the  rear 
of  the  chairman  to  the  front  of  the  stage,  and, 
waving  his  arms  wildly  over  his  head,  shouted  his 
loudest,  and  then,  as  if  realizing  the  undignified  char- 
acter of  his  deportment,  beckoned  a messenger  and 
directed  him  to  hurry  Judge  West  to  the  platform. 

“ Mr.  Henderson  vainly  pounded  his  gavel  for 
order.  Its  dull  beats  upon  the  hollow  desk  were 
no  more  audible  to  the  wild  crowd  in  the  hall 
than  were  the  strains  of  the  hand  in  the  rear  to 
the  cheering  spectators  on  the  platform.  The  ap- 
plause echoed  blocks  away  along  the  streets  lead- 
ing to  the  Exposition  Building,  and  the  engineers 
of  the  locomotives  on  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad,  in  the  rear  of  the  hall,  added  to  the  din 
by  loud  shrieks  from  the  whistles  of  their  engines. 


340 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


At  last,  exhausted,  the  tumult  ceased,  not  on  the 
instant,  but  by  degrees,  fitful  cheers  being  given 
long  after  Judge  West  reached  the  platform  and 
was  escorted  to  his  seat. 

“ The  man  selected  to  present  Blaine’s  name  to 
the  Convention  is  blind.  He  was  helped  to  the 
platform  by  two  sturdy  young  men,  who  carefully 
guarded  his  progress  up  the  steep  steps  and  along 
the  tortuous  aisles  to  the  seat  provided  for  him  on 
the  left  of  the  presiding  officer’s  chair. 

“ Judge  West  seems  to  be  nearing  the  goal  of 
three-score  and  ten.  His  silver  gray  hair  was 
smoothly  brushed  away  from  a noble  forehead. 
Time  had  implanted  deep  wrinkles  and  furrows 
around  the  sharp  features  of  an  intelligent  face. 
White  chin  whiskers  and  a white,  close-cut  mous- 
tache hid  his  mouth  and  resolute  square-cut  chin. 
A prominent  nose  and  bushy  eyebrows  give  charac- 
ter if  they  do  not  add  beauty  to  his  countenance. 
Dressed  plainly  in  black,  wearing  no  ornament  save 
a blue  Blaine  badge  on  the  lapel  of  his  coat  and 
a small  watch-chain,  the  old  man  leaned  back  in 
his  arm-chair  and  faced  the  surging  mob,  as,  though 
blind,  he  felt  himself  its  master. 

“ For  the  last  time  the  applause  rolled  through 
the  hall  and  ended  in  a wild  roar  as  the  Ohio 
orator  rose  to  his  feet  and,  lifting  his  right  hand 
above  his  head,  by  gesture  compelled  silence.  Ten 
minutes  of  uproar^and  storm  were  followed  by  still- 
ness in  which  a whisper  could  be  heard  as  the  first 
clear,  distinct,  sharp  tones  of  the  speaker  rolled 
through  the  building.  The  clean  cut  sentences, 
brilliant  delivery  and  confident  manner  of  the 
speaker  captivated  the  crowd.  They  were  in 
sympathy  with  him  from  the  start,  and  he  retained 
his  grasp  upon  their  feelings  to  the  finish. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


341 


“As  lie  made  point  after  point  in  the  opening 
of  his  speech,  roar  after  roar  of  applause  echoed 
through  the  hall.  4 Shall  the  Republican  party 
triumph  again  ? ’ exclaimed  the  orator,  after  allud- 
ing to  its  victories  in  the  past.  4 Yes,  with  James 
G.  Blaine,’  yelled  one  of  the  delegates  in  the  front 
row,  and  the  audience  again  leaped  forward  and 
gave  a tremendous  cheer. 

44  4 Who  shall  be  our  candidate  ? ’ shouted  Judge 
West  as  leaning  back  in  the  chair  from  which  he 
delivered  the  greatest  part  of  his  speech,  he  brought 
a big  palm  leaf  fan  high  above  his  head  and  seem- 
ingly awaited  a reply.  4 Blaine ! ’ 4 Blaine  ! ’ 4 Blaine ! ’ 
was  the  stentorian  reply,  and  another  burst  of  ap- 
plause put  a temporary  end  to  Judge  West’s  speech. 

44  The  bold  orator  in  a single  sentence  denounced 
the  candidacy  of  Arthur,  characterizing  him  as 
the  candidate  of  Wall  Street  and  the  bankers,  and 
he  predicted  if  nominated  that  the  resurrection- 
ists could  not  fathom  the  depth  of  his  grave  next 
November. 

44  At  last  the  supreme  moment  came.  When 
Judge  West  formally  put  Blaine  in  nomination  a 
scene  followed  of  a description  never  equalled  and 
utterly  indescribable.  Compared  to  the  first  out- 
burst, the  second  ovation  to  Blaine  was  as  the  full 
burst  of  a storm  after  the  grumblings  of  early 
thunder  have  passed. 

44  The  audience  rose  to  its  feet,  impelled  by  an 
irresistible  impulse  to  testify  their  admiration  for  the 
great  Republican  candidate.  Grave  men  acted  as 
though  mad.  Newspapers  were  torn  into  bits,  and 
scattered  high  in  the  air,  active  boys  clambered  along 
the  high  rafters  over  the  hall  and,  detaching  the 
flags,  passed  them  down  to  men  in  the  front  row  of 


342  the  convention  of  1884. 

the  galleries,  who  waved  them  frantically  over  the 
heads  of  those  below,  and  the  bands  three  times  es- 
sayed to  drown  the  noise  by  playing  their  loudest 
air. 

“ It  was  futile.  Men  drew  off  their  coats  and 
shook  them  in  the  air.  Umbrellas  were  hoisted 
and  waved  over  the  heads  of  their  owners.  Again 
handkerchiefs  were  brought  forth,  and  swung  to 
and  fro  like  snowflakes  in  a hurricane.  Those  too 
tired  to  shout  gave  shrill  whistles,  and  pande- 
monium universal  and  all-pervading  seemed  to 
have  broken  forth. 

“ The  most  delightful  picture  of  the  evening, 
and  one  observed  by  few,  occurred  on  the  stage 
when  Mr.  Elkins,  Blaine’s  life-long  friend  and 
chief  manager,  and  Senator  Tom  Cooper,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, embraced,  each  trying  to  out-tire  the 
other  in  their  mutual  contributions  to  the  common 
din.  The  California  delegation,  which  has  done 
some  of  Blaine’s  best  work  here,  was  on  its  feet, 
cheering  as  loudly  as  Rocky  Mountain  throats 
could  swell.  Congressman  Tom  Bayne,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, another  of  the  Blaine  managers,  formed 
one  of  the  loudest  crowds  of  shouters. 

“ George  W illiam  Curtis  sat  in  his  seat  at  the 
head  of  the  New  York  delegation,  blushing  and 
paling  by  turns,  astounded  by  the  demonstration 
and  unable  to  quell  it.  A faint  smile  overspread 
his  genial  countenance  as  the  uproar  continued, 
but  it  was  not  a smile  of . satisfaction.  Young 
Roosevelt,  of  New  York,  and  Lodge,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, sat  in  their  places  uneasy  and  disconso- 
late. Not  so  Senator  Hoar.  The  excitement  was 
too  much  for  him,  and  he  mounted  his  chair,  and 
looked  over  the  thousands  of  people  who  were 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


343 


shouting  and  screaming  like  madmen.  The  ne- 
groes from  the  South  joined  in  the  furore,  and 
were  the  noisiest  of  the  delegates. 

“ When  at  last  there  seemed  a prospect  that  the 
cheering  would  end,  some  enthusiastic  friend  of 
Blaine  brought  into  the  hall,  before  the  Chairman’s 
desk,  a huge  American  flag,  and  placed  upon  the 
top  of  the  staff  a helmet  of  flowers,  surmounted  by 
a long  white  plume,  the  helmet  of  Navarre.  Again 
did  the  audience  cheer,  until  it  seemed  as  though 
the  throats  of  men  would  burst.  The  flag  and 
helmet  were  raised  to  the  stage,  and  again  a 
deeper,  longer,  louder  cheer  arose.  Ladies  took 
flowers  from  their  belts  and  threw  them  in  the  air. 
The  atmosphere  was  fanned  by  the  waving  of  in- 
numerable banners. 

“ The  decorations  were  stripped  from  the  wall 
by  the  excited  audience,  and  shook  madly  in  the 
air.  Full  fifteen  minutes  were  consumed  in  this 
unprecedented  demonstration. 

“James  G.  Blaine,”  closed  Judge  West,  and 
another  great  roar  went  up  like  the  noise  of  many 
waters,  sweeping  the  great  waves  of  sound  around 
the  hall;  and  the  crowd  without,  by  this  time 
aware  of  what  was  under  way,  answered  in  a 
muffled  roar,  which  echoed  within.  The  old  man 
ceased,  with  the  echo  of  his  eloquence  still  filling- 
all  the  air,  ten  thousand  people  swaying  like  reeds 
in  the  wind  under  his  voice,  and  feebly  groped  to 
leave  the  platform.  A friend  was  at  his  side  in 
an  instant,  and  Edward  McPherson  laid  about  the 
old  man’s  shoulders  his  long  blue,  old-fashioned 
cloak,  and,  drawing  it  closer  to  him,  its  folds  fall- 
ing straight,  the  speaker  took  a seat  behind.  By 
contrast  with  the  wild  tempest  of  sound  just  before, 


344 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


the  rustling  movement  and  stir  and  talk  which  fill 
this  great  house  of  sounds  with  perpetual  mur- 
murs, seemed  silence  itself  as  Governor  Davis,  of 
Minnesota,  a full,  round  man  with  a bulging  frock- 
coat,  strong  face  and  a black  moustache,  arose. 
For  once  and  for  the  first  time  in  the  three  times 
in  which  James  G.  Blaine  has  been  put  before  a 
National  Convention  in  nomination  the  work  has 
been  well  and  skillfully  planned,  and  performed  as 
well.-  The  voice  of  Governor  Davis  is  none  of  the 
best  by  contrast  with  the  resonant  tones  with 
which  Judge  West  had  filled  the  great  house  of 
sounds. 

“ Governor  Davis  seemed  feeble,  but,  catching 
after  a sentence  or  two  the  attention  of  the  Con- 
vention, he  recalled,  in  a few  well-turned  sentences, 
the  recent  political  past  of  James  G.  Blaine,  which 
had  led  him  heartily  to  support  after  two  conven- 
tions the  candidates  who  had  defeated  him.  In 
five  minutes  he  was  done,  but  again,  at  every 
reference,  near  or  remote,  to  the  great  candidate 
before  the  Convention,  there  came  the  old  swelling 
echo  of  sound.  State  followed  State,  and  section 
section  in  the  presentation  of  Blaine’s  name.  Cas- 
sius M.  Goodloe  spoke  next  for  the  South  and  for 
Kentucky.  Himself  built  and  raised  after  the 
Kentucky  model,  large,  tall,  straight  and  shapely, 
and  with  a voice  like  a trumpet,  his  say  was  short 
and  straight.  He  claimed  for  Southern  Kepub- 
licans  the  right  and  readiness  to  support  the 
Northern  choice. 

“ There  was  a pause  of  an  instant,  that  was 
silence  by  the  side  of  uproar,  and  Thomas  C.  Platt, 
of  New  York,  stood  by-  the  Chairman  with  his 
short  figure  and  sloping,  smooth  forehead.  In  ten 


TIIE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  345 

sentences  he  pledged  New  York,  and,  since  he, 
too,  had  the  privilege  to  speak  the  name  of  Blaine 
before  the  Convention,  was  rewarded  with  such  a 
burst  of  applause  as  few  speakers  gain  in  a lifetime, 
applause  which  was  cut  and  scarred  by  hisses  from 
the  benches  where  the  New  York  ‘boys’  sat.  He 
closed,  and  Grow,  with  his  courtly  presence, 
stepped  on  his  chair,  and  in  his  turn  pledged  the 
leading  Republican  State  of  the  Union,  Pennsyl- 
vania, in  fluent,  etfective  speech. 

“ It  is  one  of  the  misfortunes  of  this  great  gather- 
ing that  no  man  is  fairly  treated  unless  he  drowns 
all  sound  with  a torrent  of  voice,  and  it  was  not 
until  Grow  took  the  platform,  and  an  Ohio  dele- 
gate pleaded  for  fair  play,  that  Grow  was  heard 
through,  and  then  another  shout,  a swaying  tem- 
pest of  hats  and  canes,  and  Blaine’s  welcome  was 
over.  It  had  been  of  a character  and  volume,  of 
an  intensity  of  enthusiasm  which  seemed  there  and 
then  to  settle  the  nomination  of  Blaine  and  deter- 
mine the  choice  of  the  Convention  by  its  own  act. 

“Arthur’s  welcome  followed  hard  on  in  shout, 
volume  and  enthusiasm,  a worthy  second.  £ Ne- 
braska, Nevada,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,’ 
the  gray-coated  secretary,  in  his  colorless  voice 
was  saying,  as  he  read  the  list  of  States — ‘ New 
York.’  It  was  like  match  to  powder,  like  the 
flash  and  reflection  of  light  from  a turning  mirror. 
Up  went  half  of  the  New  York  delegation  with  a 
shout ; up  went  the  Southern  States  by  squads  and 
platoons;  up  went  the  corporal’s  guard  in  Penn- 
sylvania, which  latter  furnished  Arthur  a second 
abler  far  than  his  original  nominator. 

“ The  Convention  was  flooded  again  with  sound 
and  uproar  in  such  down-pour  as  only  this  human 


346  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 

Niagara  can  match  or  equal.  Delegates,  alternates, 
banks  of  spectators,  galleries,  the  stage,  were  all 
one  wild  Babel  of  yell,  shout  and  cheers,  one  sway- 
ing mass  of  delirious  men  and  women,  one  long, 
broad  sea  of  sound,  which  surged  and  swung  from 
wall  to  wall. 

“ It  was  less  in  volume  than  Blaine’s  welcome, 
for  through  the  din  could  be  faintly  heard  the 
band,  which  the  earlier  uproar  had  utterly  drowned 
and  extinguished  as  the  sea  sucks  up  the  rivers, 
but  next  to  that  outburst  stood  this  wild  roar.  Bit 
by  bit  out  of  mere  noise  there  came  purpose  and 
plan. 

“ The  welcome  to  Blaine  had  left  the  flags  in  the 
galleries  in  the  hands  of  his  friends,  and,  after  more 
than  one  friendly  battle  for  the  standard,  these 
began  to  wave  along  all  the  front  of  the  galleries. 
Two  flags  were  torn  from  the  wall,  found  their  way 
to  Texas  and  Tennessee,  waved  there  and  then 
were  passed  to  New  York,  where  they  were  waved 
for  an  instant  over  the  delegation  and  then  began 
their  march  down  the  aisle. 

“All  this  in  a great  roar,  in  which  man  could 
shout  to  man  ten  feet  off  and  be  unheard.  A 
rugged-faced  Western  journalist  put  his  hands  to 
his  lips  and  sounded  a Comanche  whoop,  and  a 
Western  delegate  re-echoed  it,  and  this  ‘ Wah, 
wah,  wah-o-o-o’  cut  through  the  noise:  Nothing 
else  did.  Minute  by  minute  the  din  grew ; minute 
by  minute  through  fifteen  minutes  this  uproar 
lasted.  The  human  voice  at  its  loud  uttermost, 
coats  and  hats  in  the  air,  umbrellas  circling  round 
and  round,  handkerchiefs  whitening  the  air.” 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


Blaine  Nominated. 

The  morning  of  June  6th,  1884,  is  probably  one 
of  the  most  memorable  in  the  history  of  political 
conventions  in  the  United  States.  Never  was 
there  a more  patriotic,  enthusiastic  mass  of  men 
gathered  together  than  there  was  in  the  Chicago 
Exposition  building  on  that  day.  The  work  was 
over;  all  that  remained  was  to  have  that  work 
tested.  It  was  tested,  and  the  voice  of  the  people 
was  heeded.  James  G.  Blaine,  the  Maine  states- 
man, was  nominated  as  the  candidate  of  the  Re- 
publican masses.  The  scene  in  that  great  hall 
was  one  that  beggars  description.  A prominent 
English  journalist  thus  gives  his  impression  of  it : 

“ It  has  been  my  fortune  to  see  some  of  the  most 
gorgeous  and  remarkable  spectacles  that  have 
taken  place  in  the  Old  World  during  the  last  fif- 
teen years,  but  I have  seen  none  more  remarkable 
than  the  Republican  Convention  which  has  just 
closed  in  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine  for 
President  of  the  United  States.  Three  successive 
viceroys  and  governors-general  I have  seen  arrive 
in  Bombay  to  rule  the  250,000,000  of  India  in  the 
name  of  Queen  Victoria.  When  Lord  Mayo 

347 


348  THE  CONTENTION  OF  1884. 

reached  the  western  shore  of  India  he  was  re- 
ceived by  thousands  of  white  and  dark  soldiers,  a 
crowd  of  gorgeous  officials,  salvos  of  artillery,  and 
plenty  of  flags  flying,  all  a sad  enough  contrast 
with  the  way  in  which,  not  long  after  his  assassin- 
ation by  a Mohammedan  convict  in  the  Andaman 
Islands,  his  body  was  borne  on  board  a British 
man-of-war  in  Bombay  harbor,  and  carried  back 
to  England. 

“ I saw  Lord  Northbrook,  the  next  viceroy, 
travel  in  triumphal  state  through  many  of  the 
native  states,  where  rajahs  and  maharajahs  came 
forth  to  do  him  homage  with  troops  of  elephants 
covered  with  brocades  of  gold  and  silver,  dancing 
girls,  whose  lithe,  dusky  bodies  shone  in- silks  and 
gems;  soidars,  followed  by  their  picturesque  and 
swarthy  warriors,  Raj poors,  Mahrattas,  Bengalese, 
stalwart  Sikhs  and  olive  Madrasees.  I have  seen 
Lord  Lytton  parading  the  length  and  breadth  of 
Hindostan,  smoking  innumerable  cigarettes,  and 
behaving  with  the  childish  antics  of  an  excited 
Frenchman,  amid  surroundings  of  human  and 
architectural  Oriental  magnificence  of  the  most 
marvellous  description. 

“ Beneath  the  scarred  and  battered  walls  of 
Delhi  I saw  the  Prince  of  Wales  received  by  all 
the  chiefs  of  Northern  India  and  the  Punjaub, 
accompanied  by  five  hundred  splendidly  bedizened 
elephants,  three  thousand  horses  covered  with 
cloth  of  gold,  and  twenty  thousand  native  and 
European  troops.  I followed  him  into  Cashmere, 
where  the  Maharajah  Runjeet  received  him  in  his 
winter  capital  perched  among  the  Himalayan 
Mountains.  Buddhist  Llamas  danced  grotesque 
dances  disguised  in  the  horns  and  hides  of  wild 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  349 

beasts;  dancing  girls,  the  flash  of  whose  black 
eyes  emulated  the  splendor  of  their  jewels,  and 
with  frontlets  of  golden  coins  that  descended  from 
beneath  abundant  tresses  of  shining  jet,  clapped 
their  bangled  hands  and  whirled  their  feet  to  the 
music  of  lascivious  dances;  elephants,  horses,  and 
yaks  from  Thibet  swelled  the  procession  that  swept 
up  the  hills  in  the  purple  light  of  a ruby  and  opal 
sunset,  and  troops  of  soldiers  arrayed  in  scarlet, 
blue,  and  green,  kept  guard  among  the  forests  of 
pines  and  rhododendrons. 

“I  have  seen  Victoria  open  her  Parliament,  the 
marriage  of  not  a few  of  her  progeny,  and  the  re- 
view of  more  than  eighty  thousand  of  her  British 
and  Hindoo  troops.  I have  seen  her  Majesty  pro- 
claimed as  Empress  on  the  plains  of  Delhi,  from  a 
splendid  pavilion  surrounded  by  the  silken  cano- 
pies of  hundreds  of  princes  and  nobles,  whose  an- 
cestors were  famous,  splendid,  and  civilized,  when 
hers  were  wandering  savages  amid  the  forests  of 
Europe  and  Great  Britain.  Certainly  all  these 
spectacles  were  gorgeous,  worthy  to  leave  an  indel- 
ible impression  upon  the  least  susceptible  of  minds. 
But,  shall  I tell  you  ? not  one  of  them  impressed 
me  nearly  so  much  as  the  Convention  which  ha3 
just  culminated  in  the  nomination  of  Blaine. 

“ What  is  the  reason  ? It  is  this.  Many  of  the 
scenes  I have  mentioned  were  more  splendid,  more  * 
capable  of  pleasing  the  senses,  but  they  were  all 
characterized  by  a certain  want  of  soul,  and  had 
none  of  that  deep,  powerful,  electrifying  enthusiasm 
which  I have  just  witnessed  as  the  accompani- 
ments of  a United  States  Republican  nomination. 
When  I recall  those  marvellous  bursts  of  cheering 
which  greeted  the  mere  mention  of  the  name  of 


350 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


Blaine ; that  frantic,  long-continued  shouting  of  a 
vast  and  earnest  multitude ; that  wild  hat-waving, 
banner-waving,  and  handkerchief-waving;  that 
rolling  thundering  of  the  feet  like  the  sonorous 
boom  of  a ponderous  surf  upon  a steep,  oriental 
shore  ; that  great  hall  radiant  with  the  gaudy-col- 
ored symbols  of  federated  States,  that  fluttered, 
agitated  by  the  mighty  storm  of  applause,  above 
the  heads  of  10,000  soul-stirred  men — I am  bound 
to  confess  that  I never  saw  such  a scene,  and  do 
not  believe  that  such  an  one  could  be  possible  in 
any  country  on  earth  where  the  people  have  not 
their  government  in  their  own  hands. 

“ The  scene  to  me  was  like  the  embodied,  tumul- 
tuously earnest  soul  of  a great  free  nation.  The 
millions  of  Hindostan,  which  England  holds  down 
by  the  sword  and  the  cannon,  her  subjects  in  Great 
Britain  may  be  pleased  with  a royal  pageant  at  a 
coronation  or  a wedding ; her  colonies  in  Canada 
may  be  tickled  and  delighted  with  the  ceremonies 
attending  the  arrival  of  a viceroy,  thrust  upon  them 
without  their  wishes  being  consulted  ; but  neither 
in  Hindostan,  the  British  Isles,  nor  in  her  depend- 
encies can  she  ever  hope  to  see  such  a gathering 
under  her  constitution,  for  constitutional  purposes, 
as  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States  have  just 
presented  in  Chicago.  England  or  any  other  mo- 
narchial  nation  on  earth  must  be  like  Byron’s  cele- 
brated description  of  Greece ; it  may  be  fair,  but 
you  are  bound  to  start  because  soul  is  absent. 

“ The  intense  enthusiasm  of  the  Republican 
Convention  is,  to  my  mind,  a proof  that  no  nation, 
as  a nation,  can  possess  a heart  so  warm  and  strong, 
a soul  so  earnest,  determined  and  so  grand,  as  a 
people  who  themselves  possess  the  complete  pow- 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


351 


ers  of  their  own  government,  and  the  election  of 
their  own  chief  officers  to  carry  on  that  govern- 
ment for  the  good  of  the  citizens  at  home  and 
abroad. 

“ I feel  still  the  thrill  of  indescribable  enthusi- 
astic tumult  which  swept  James  G.  Blaine  onwards 
to  the  forefront  of  the  nation,  and  it  would  have 
been  well  for  every  monarch-ridden  man  in  the 
world  if  he,  too,  could  have  been  present  in  the 
Exposition  Building  to  feel  it,  and  ponder  on  its 
lessons  of  the  rights  and  glory  of  absolute  freedom.” 

THE  “PLUMED  knight’s”  VICTORY. 

It  did  not  take  later  than  the  hour  of  meeting 
for  the  anti- Blaine  men  to  find  out  that  the  Blaine 
managers  had  not  fought  off  a ballot  the  night  be- 
fore because  they  feared  it.  Another  recess  had 
been  spent  in  hopeless  attempts  to  make  a winning 
combination,  and  morning  found  Arthur  making 
no  headway,  Edmunds  supported  by  a forlorn 
hope,  Sherman  surely  shrinking,  and  nobody  else 
within  the  longest  range  of  the  nominating  light- 
ning. The  inevitable  ballot  was  approached  by  the 
Blaine  men  hopefully  and  by  the  ouposition  sul- 
lenly. 

It  was  a surprise  in  that  it  showed  Blaine  to 
have  a larger  first  ballot  strength  than  his  mana- 
gers had  claimed,  and  Arthur  less  than  anybody, 
even  the  most  enthusiastic  of  his  opponents,  had 
suspected.  The  weakness  of  the  administration 
cause  being  thus  exposed,  the  nomination  of  Blaine 


3»2 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1584. 


might  have  been  effected  without  further  delay, 
but  the  Convention  resolved  itself  into  a mob,  and 
the  Edmunds  and  Arthur  people  made  up  in  noise 
what  they  lacked  in  numbers,  so  that  it  was  really 
economic  of  time  to  stick  to  the  prearranged  Blaine 
schedule  of  four  ballots. 

The  Convention  was  'called  to  order  at  11.19  A.  M. 
by  Chairman  Henderson,  who  said : 

“ The  Convention  this  morning  will  be  opened 
by  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Henry  Martyn  Scudder,  of 
Chicago.” 

Mr.  Scudder,  pastor  of  Plymouth  Church,  Chi- 
cago, offered  the  following  prayer : 

“ Almighty  and  ever  blessed  God,  we  worship 
Thee  as  the  author  of  our  being,  as  the  creator  of 
our  mortal  bodies  and  of  our  immortal  spirits,  and 
we  adore  Thee  as  the  inexhaustible  personal  source 
of  all  light  and  love  and  truth  and  liberty  and 
peace  and  gladness,  and  we  do  glorify  Thee  as 
the  Supreme  Law-giver  and  as  the  only  rightful 
sovereign  of  all  hearts  and  all  consciences,  and  we 
do  thank  Thee  with  reverence  and  gratitude  for 
the  benignant  providence  which,  from  the  very 
beginning,  has  watched  over  our  beloved  country. 
We  thank  Thee  for  its  manifold  deliverances  in 
times  of  national  peril,  for  its  grand  victory  over 
slavery,  for  its  symmetric  development  under  Thy 
protecting  care,  and  for  its  present  advancement 
among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  we  do  also 
bless  Thee  for  our  just  laws  and  liberal  institutions, 
for  our  civil  and  religious  liberty,  for  our  fertile 
lands  and  abundant  resources,  for  our  great  cities 
and  our  happy  homes. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  353 

“We  bless  Thee,  Lord  God  of  truth  and  grace, 
for  the  great  faith  and  for  our  Christian  churches, 
and  for  our  educational  privileges,  and  for  the 
privileges  that  Thou  dost  continually  grant  to  our 
people  for  their  growth  in  the  knowledge,  virtue 
and  power  that  constitute  genuine,  rational  hu- 
manity ; and  we  ask  Thee  to  pronounce  Thy  bene- 
diction upon  this  Convention,  and  grant  it  to-day 
Thy  invaluable  support,  and  that  what  is  done 
here  may  be  done  in  righteousness  and  truth,  and 
in  the  spirit  of  patriotism  ; and  may  every  man  in 
this  Convention  be  endowed  with  the  true  inspira- 
tion of  loyalty  and  truth  and  fidelity  to  the  highest 
interests  of  our  great  Republic  ; and  now,  finally, 
Great  and  Holy  God,  we  pray  Thee  that  this  Con- 
vention may  be  led  with  unanimity  to  select  for 
nomination  to  the  Presidency  of  these  United  States 
the  right  man,  and  when  he  is  selected  by  this 
Convention  may  he  be  elected  by  the  American 
people  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  this  country,  and 
after  he  has  been  elected,  if  that  be  Thy  will, 
may  his  life  be  precious  in  Thy  sight,  and  may  he 
be  so  endowed  with  every  gift  that  he  may  give 
the  country  an  administration  that  shall  be  an 
honor  to  this  Convention,  to  the  Republican  party, 
and  the  whole  American  people,  and  a lesson  to 
mankind  ; an  administration  which  shall  be  ac- 
ceptable in  Thy  sight,  oh  Lord  of  Hosts,  Thou, 
who  art  the  Lord  God,  and  we  ask  it  in  the  name 
of  our  Lord  and  Redeemer,  Jesus  Christ.  Amen.” 

The  Chair — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  the 
Secretary  will  call  the  roll  of  the  States  and  Ter- 
ritories that  have  not  yet  given  in  the  names  of 
23 


354 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


the  members  of  the  National  Committee,  and 
which  were  passed  yesterday. 

A delegate  from  California — I desire  to  offer  a 
resolution  without  comment. 

Mr.  Davis,  of  Illinois — I demand  the  regular 
order;  I object  to  this  resolution. 

The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of 
the  States  for  National  Committeemen,  as  follows : 

California,  Horace  Davis ; Colorado  (a  delegate 
from  Colorado  : “ Pass  Colorado  for  the  present  ”) ; 
Florida  (a  delegate  from  Florida  : “ Pass  Florida”)  ; 
New  Hampshire,  Edwin  H.  Fallett;  Tennessee, 
W.  D.  Brownlow ; District  of  Columbia,  Mr.  Car- 
son  : “ We  have  not  agreed  yet,  and  I am  satisfied 
we  will  not  agree.”  New  Mexico,  Colonel  Wil- 
liam H.  Ryners. 

A delegate  from  California — I desire  to  with- 
draw the  resolution  I had  in  mind.  I do  so  at 
the  request  of  the  members  of  my  delegation. 

The  Chair — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  there 
is  now  nothing  in  order  except  to  call  the  roll  for 
the  nomination  of  a candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

Mr.  Turner  of  Alabama — Mr.  President,  is  that 
call  of  the  roll  for  balloting  ? 

The  Chair — For  balloting — the  nomination  of 
the  candidate. 

The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of 
States  for  the  vote  on  a candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, the  first  ballot  resulting  as  follows; 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


355 


THE  FIRST  BALLOT. 


States. 

Total  vote. 

Blaine. 

Arthur. 

Edmunds. 

Logan. 

Sher- 

man. 

Alabama, 

20 

I 

17 

I 

Arkansas, 

14 

8 

4 

2 

California, 

16 

16 

Colorado, 

6 

6 

Connecticut,* 

12 

Delaware, 

6 

5 

1 

Florida, 

8 

1 

7 

Georgia, 

24 

24 

Illinois, 

44 

3 

1 

40 

Indiana, 

3° 

18 

9 

I 

2 

Iowa, 

26 

26 

Kansas,* 

18 

12 

4 

I 

Kentucky,! 

26 

5/4 

16 

2>4 

I 

Louisiana, 

16 

2 

10 

3 

Maine, 

12 

12 

Maryland, 

16 

IO 

6 

Massachusetts 

28 

I 

2 

25 

Michigan, 

26 

15 

2 

7 

Minnesota, 

14 

7 

1 

6 

Mississippi, 

18 

1 

i7 

Missouri, 

32 

5 

10 

6 

10 

I 

Nebraska, 

10 

8 

2 

Nevada, 

6 

6 

New  Hampshire, 

8 

4 

4 

New  Jersey, 

18 

9 

6 

I 

New  York,f 

72 

28 

31 

1 2 

North  Carolina, 

22 

2 

19 

1 

Ohio, 

46 

21 

25 

Oregon, 

6 

6 

Pennsylvania, 

60 

47 

1 1 

1 

1 

Rhode  Island, 

8 

8 

South  Carolina, 

18 

1 

17 

Tennessee, 

24 

7 

16 

1 

Texas, 

26 

r3 

1 1 

2 

Vermont, 

8 

8 

Virginia, 

24 

2 

21 

1 

West  Virginia, 

12 

12 

Wisconsin, 

22 

10 

6 

6 

Arizona, 

2 

2 

Dakota, 

2 

2 

# m 

Idaho, 

2 

/ • 

2 

• « 

„ * 

356 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


States.  Total  vote.  Blaine. 

Arthur.  Edmunds.  Logan.  Sher- 
man. 

Montana, 

2 1 

1 

New  Mexico, 

2 . . 

2 

Utah, 

2 . . 

2 

Washington, 

2 2 

Wyoming, 

2 . . 

2 

District  of  Columbia, 

2 1 

1 

Totals, 

820  334 y2 

278  93  63/^  3° 

* Hawley,  1 2 and  1 

. f Lincoln, 

1 and  2.  4 W.  T.  Slier- 

man,  2. 


During  the  roll-call  there  were  numerous  calls 
for  a poll  of  the  delegates,  which  necessitated  the 
calling  by  the  Secretary  of  the  names  of  the  in- 
dividual delegates  in  the  States  from  which  these 
calls  proceeded.  This  caused  great  delay  in  bal- 
loting. After  the  announcement  of  the  vote  by 
the  Secretary,  the  Chair  said  : 

“A  ballot  for  a candidate  for  the  Presidency 
having  been  had  without  securing  a nomination, 
according  to  the  rules,  the  Convention  will  now 
proceed  to  another  vote.  The  Secretary  will  call 
the  roll.” 

THE  SECOND  BALLOT. 

The  Secretary  called  the  roll  of  States  for  the 
second  ballot,  which  resulted  as  follows : 


States. 

Total  vote. 

Blaine.  Arthur.  Edmunds.  Logan.  Sher- 
man 

Alabama, 

20 

2 17  . . I 

Arkansas, 

14 

11  3 

California, 

Colorado, 

16 

16 

6 

6 . . . . . . 

Connecticut,* 

12 

. . . • . . , . 

Delaware, 

6 

5 1 

Florida, 

8 

1 7 

Georgia, 

24 

24  

Illinois, 

44 

3 1 • • 4° 

THE  CONVENTION 

-tJH 

OO 

GO 

r—i 

O 

357 

States.  Total  vote.  Blaine. 

Arthur. 

Edmunds. 

Logan. 

Sher- 

man. 

Indiana, 

3° 

18 

9 

I 

2 

Iowa, 

26 

26 

, . 

Kansas,* 

18 

13 

2 

2 

Kentucky, J 

26 

5 

17 

2 

1 

Louisiana, 

l6 

4 

9 

2 

Maine, 

12 

12 

Maryland, 

16 

12 

4 

Massachusetts, 

28 

1 

3 

24 

Michigan, J 

26 

15 

4 

5 

Minnesota, 

14 

7 

1 

6 

Mississippi, 

18 

1 

17 

Missouri, 

32 

7 

10 

5 

8 

1 

Nebraska, 

10 

8 

2 

Nevada, 

6 

6 

New  Hampshire 

8 

. . 

5 

3 

New  Jersey, f 

18 

9 

6 

1 

New  York,f 

72 

28 

31 

12 

North  Carolina, 

22 

3 

18 

, , 

1 

Ohio, 

46 

23 

. . 

. . 

23 

Oregon, 

6 

6 

. . 

Pennsylvania, 

60 

47 

11 

1 

1 

Rhode  Island, 

8 

. . 

• 8 

South  Carolina, 

18 

1 

17 

Tennessee, 

24 

7 

16 

1 

Texas, 

26 

*3 

11 

2 

Vermont, 

8 

8 

, . 

Virginia, 

24 

2 

21 

1 

West  Virginia, 

12 

12 

Wisconsin, 

22 

11 

6 

5 

Arizona, 

2 

2 

Dakota, 

2 

2 

, , 

District  of  Columbia, 

2 

1 

1 

Idaho, 

2 

2 

Montana, 

2 

1 

1 

New  Mexico, 

2 

2 

Utah, 

2 

2 

Washington, 

2 

2 

Wyoming, 

2 

2 

Totals, 

820 

349 

276 

85 

61 

28 

* Hawley,  12  and 
Sherman,  2. 

1. 

f Lincoln,  1, 

2 and  1. 

JW 

T. 

358 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


When  the  announcement  was  made  of  the  result 
of  the  second  ballot,  owing  to  the  gain  shown  by 
the  Blaine  column,  there  was  wild  cheering,  which 
did  not  subside  for  several  minutes.  Upon  the 
partial  subsidence  of  the  noise,  some  delegates 
shouted  for  the  regular  order. 

The  Chair — No  nomination  having  been  made, 
the  Convention  will  now  proceed  to  the  third  bal- 
lot, and  the  Secretary  will  call  the  roll  of  States 
and  Territories. 


THE  THIRD  BALLOT. 

The  Secretary  called  the  roll  for  the  third  bal- 
lot, which  resulted  as  follows  : 


States. 

Total  vote. 

Blaine. 

Arthur. 

Edmunds. 

Logan.  Sher- 
man. 

Alabama, 

20 

0 

I . . 

Arkansas, 

14 

1 1 

3 

California, 

16 

16 

Colorado, 

6 

6 

, , 

Connecticut,* 

12 

. . 

Delaware, 

6 

5 

1 

Florida, 

8 

1 

7 

Georgia, 

24 

24 

Illinois, 

44 

3 

1 

40 

Indiana, 

3° 

18 

10 

. . 2 

Iowa, 

26 

26 

. , 

. / 

Kansas,* 

18 

15 

2 . . 

Kentucky, f 

26 

6 

16 

2 I 

Louisiana, 

16 

4 

9 

2 . . 

Maine, 

12 

12 

Maryland, 

16 

12 

4 

Massachusetts, 

28 

1 

3 

24 

Michigan,  J 

26 

18 

4 

.3 

. . I 

Minnesota, 
Mississippi, f 

14 

7 

2 

5 

18 

1 

16 

Missouri, 

32 

1 2 

1 1 

4 

4 

THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


359 


States.  Total  vote. 

Nebraska,  io 

Blaine. 

IO 

Arthur. 

Edmunds. 

Logan.  Sher- 
man. 

Nevada, 

6 

6 

, . 

, . 

New  Hampshir 

8 

5 

3 

New  Jersey, f 

18 

1 1 

1 

• . 

New  York, 

72 

28 

32 

12 

North  Carolina, 

22 

4 

18 

# # 

Ohio, 

46 

25 

, . 

. . 21 

Oregon, 

6 

6 

. . 

• • 

Pennsylvania, 

60 

5o 

8 , 

1 

1 . . 

Rhode  Island, 

8 

. . 

8 

South  Carolina, 

18 

2 

16 

Tennessee, 

24 

7 

17 

Texas, 

26 

14 

1 1 

1 . . 

Vermont, 

8 

8 

Virginia, 

24 

4 

20 

West  Virginia, 

12 

I 2 

. • 

Wisconsin,^ 

22 

1 1 

IO 

Arizona, 

2 

2 

. , 

Dakota, 

2 

2 

. . 

Idaho, 

2 

1 • 

1 

Montana, 

New  Mexico, 

2 

1 

. , 

1 

2 

. # 

2 

Utah, 

2 

2 

Washington, 

2 

2 

Wyoming, 

2 

2 

Dist.  of  Columbia, 

2 

1 

1 

Totals, 

820 

375 

274 

69 

53  25 

* Hawley,  12  and 

1.  f Lincoln,  1,  1 

and  6 

JW.  T. 

Sherman,  1 and  1. 

While  the  roll 

was 

being  called  for 

the  third 

ballot  the  count  in  Kentucky  and  Massachusetts 
was  challenged,  but  upon  dissatisfaction  being  ex- 
pressed each  of  the  gentlemen  challenging  with- 
drew the  challenge.  When  eighteen  votes  were 
announced  for  James  G.  Blaine  from  the  State  of 
Michigan  there  was  tremendous  cheering.  When 
Nebraska  was  reached  Mr.  Thurston  arose  and  said: 


360 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


“ Mr.  Chairman  : Nebraska,  with  her  fifty  thou- 
sand Republicans — ” 

Here  again  a profound  hostility  appeared  to  pre- 
vail among  the  audience  against  further  oratory, 
and  it  was  manifested  in  the  most  vociferous  man- 
ner. The  Chairman  finally  succeeded  in  getting 
order,  and  Mr.  Thurston  continued — “casts  ten 
votes  for  James  G.  Blaine,”  and  sat  down  amid 
tremendous  noise. 

While  the  roll  was  proceeding  and  after  the 
State  of  Nevada  had  been  called,  delegates  were 
seen  rushing  through  the  aisles  in  various  direc- 
tions. When  North  Carolina  was  reached  there 
was  a great  deal  of  uproar  and  the  Chair  said  : 
“ The  gentlemen  in  the  aisles  will  please  take  their 
seats  and  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  will  please  see  that 
they  do  so.”  An  assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms  rushed 
around  at  a terrific  pace  insisting  with  vehemence 
that  the  order  applied  with  peculiar  force  and 
especially  to  the  reporters. 

When  the  result  of  the  third  ballot  was  an- 
nounced there  was  another  scene  of  wild  confusion 
and  cheering.  When  opportunity  offered,  Judge 
Foraker,  of  Ohio,  was  recognized  by  the  Chair. 

Judge  Foraker — I move  that  we  take  a recess 
until  half-past  7 o’clock  this  evening. 

Mr.  Dutcher,  of  New  York — I second  the  motion 
for  a recess. 

On  the  question  of  adjournment  there  were  many 


THE  CONTENTION  OF  1884. 


361 


delays,  occasioned  by  the  demand  from  certain  of 
the  States  for  a polling  of  the  vote.  The  result  on 
the  vote  was  yeas,  364 ; nays,  450.  This  an- 
nouncement produced  another  season  of  wild  cheer- 
ing, during  which  Mr.  Foraker,  of  Ohio,  again  arose 
in  his  seat. 

Mr.  Foraker,  of  Ohio — I move  that  the  rules  of 
this  Convention  be  suspended,  and  that  James  G. 
Blaine  be  nominated  by  acclamation.  [Loud  ap- 
plause and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — It  cannot  be  done. 
[Loud  cries  of  “ Roll-call,  roll-call,”  and  continued 
confusion.] 

Mr.  Winston,  of  North  Carolina — I move  that 
we  proceed  with  the  order  of  business — proceed  to 
call  the  roll  for  another  ballot.  [Loud  cries  of 
“ Call  the  roll,  call  the  roll,”  and  great  confusion.] 
Mr.  Houck,  of  Tennessee — I desire  to  inquire 
how  Mr.  Cassel,  of  Tennessee,  is  recorded  ? [Con- 
tinued confusion,  and  cries  of  “ Too  late,  too  late,” 
and  “ Roll-call,  roll-call.”] 

Mr.  Foraker — My  motion  is  that  the  rules  of 
this  Convention  be  suspended,  and  that  James  G. 
Blaine  be  nominated  by  acclamation.  [Loud  and 
long-continued  cheers  and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — I ask  for  roll-call. 
Mr.  Burrows,  of  Michigan — I demand  the  regular 
order  and  a call  of  the  roll.  [Loud  cheers.] 

Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  New  York — On  behalf  of  New 
York  I ask  for  a call  of  the  roll.  [Great  confusion 


362 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


Mr.  Burrows,  of  Michigan — I demand  a call  of 
the  roll  and  I move  that  we  proceed  to  ballot. 
[Continued  confusion  and  commotion  in  the 
hall.] 

Mr.  Foraker,  of  Ohio — In  order  that  the  time  of 
this  Convention  may  be  saved,  at  the  request  of 
several  members,  I withdraw  the  motion  I made. 

The  Chairman  directed  the  Clerk  to  call  the  roll 
of  States  for  the  fourth  ballot. 


THE  FOURTH  BALLOT. 

The  Secretary  called  the  roll  of  the  States  for 
the  fourth  and  last  ballot  as  follows : 


States. 

Total  vote. 

Blaine. 

Arthur. 

Edmunds. 

Logan. 

Alabama, 

20 

8 

12 

# , 

Arkansas, 

14 

1 1 

3 

California, 

16 

16 

Colorado, 

6 

6 

. , 

Connecticut,* 

12 

. . 

. . 

Delaware, 

6 

5 

I 

Florida, 

8 

3 

5 v 

Georgia, 

24 

24 

Illinois, 

44 

34 

3 

6 

Indiana, 

3° 

3° 

. . 

Iowa, 

26 

24 

2 

Kansas, 

18 

18 

Kentucky, f 

26 

9 

1 

Louisiana, 

16 

9 

7 

Maine, 

12 

1 2 

Maryland, 

16 

i5 

1 

Massachusetts, 

28 

3 

7 

18 

Michigan, 

26 

26  • 

Minnesota, 

14 

14 

Mississippi, 

' 18 

2 

16 

Missouri, 

32 

32 

. . 

Nebraska, 

10 

10 

Nevada, 

6 

6 

Sher- 

man. 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  363 


States. 

Total  vote.  Blaine. 

Arthur 

Edmunds. 

Logan. 

Sher- 

man. 

New  Hampshire, 

8 

3 

2 

3 

New  Jersey, 

18 

17 

1 

New  York,*! 

72 

29 

3° 

9 

North  Carolina,* 

22 

8 

12 

Ohio, 

46 

46 

Oregon, 

6 

6 

Pennsylvania, 

60 

51 

8 

1 

Rhode  Island, 

8 

7 

1 

South  Carolina, 

18 

2 

U 

1 

Tennessee, 

24 

1 1 

I 2 

Texas, 

26 

U 

8 

Vermont, 

8 

8 

Virginia, 

24 

4 

20 

West  Virginia, 

12 

12 

Wisconsin, 

22 

22 

Arizona, 

2 

2 

Dakota, 

2 

2 

District  of  Columbia,  2 

1 

1 

Idaho, 

2 

2 

Montana, 

2 

2 

New  Mexico, 

2 

2 

Utah, 

2 

2 

Washington, 

2 

2 

Wyoming, 

2 

2 

Totals, 

* Hawley,  r2,  2 

820 
and  1. 

541  207 

4 Lincoln,  1 

4i 

and  1. 

7 

• • 

During  the  ballot,  when  the  State  of  Arkansas 
was  called,  Mr.  Burrows,  of  Michigan,  arose  and 
said  : 

“ I rise  to  a question  of  order.  It  is  utterly  im- 
possible to  hear  a word  unless  order  is  restored. 
Unless  that  order  is  restored  I shall  move  that  this 
Convention  adjourn  to  a hall  by  itself  to  finish 
these  proceedings.”  [Great  applause,  confusion 
and  laughter.] 

The  vote  of  Florida  was  polled  on  the  fourth 


364 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


ballot.  When  the  name  of  Joseph  E.  Lee,  of 
Florida,  was  called,  he  said  : “ The  old  guard  dies, 
but  never  surrenders — Chester  A.  Arthur.”  [Ap- 
plause.] When  Georgia  was  called,  the  chairman 
of  the  delegation,  Mr.  Buck,  said  : “ Before  coming 
into  this  Convention  the  delegation  of  Georgia 
agreed  to  act  as  a unit.  A majority  of  the  dele- 
gation are  still  for  Chester  A.  Arthur,  and  unless  a 
vote  is  called  I shall  announce  twenty-four  votes 
for  Arthur.”  [Loud  applause  and  cries  of  “ Good  ! 
good ! ”] 

The  Chair — Is  there  any  contest  in  Georgia? 
[Loud  cries  of  “ No,  no.”] 

The  Chair — Georgia  then  casts  her  twenty-four 
votes  for  Chester  A.  Arthur.  [Loud  applause.] 
When  Illinois  was  called  the  chairman  of  the 
delegation,  Mr.  S.  M.  Cullom,  said : “ I ask  leave 
of  this  Convention  to  read  a dispatch  which  I re- 
ceived a few  moments  ago  from  General  John  A. 
Logan,  addressed  to  the  Illinois  delegation.  [Loud 
cries  of  “ Regular  order,  regular  order,”  “ We 
object, ” “ Call  the  roll,”  and  great  confusion.] 

Mr.  Cullom — To  the  Republicans  [loud  cries  of 
“ Order  ! Call  the  roll ! Regular  order  ! ”] — I am 
directed  by  General  Logan  to  read  it  to  this  Con- 
vention, and  shall  send  the  dispatch  to  the  desk  to 
be  read.  [Loud  cries  of  “ No  ! no  ! ” and  great 
confusion.] 

Mr.  Burrows,  of  Michigan — I make  the  point  of 
order  that  the  reading  of  the  dispatch  is  not  in 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


365 


order,  and  nothing  but  the  announcement  of  the 
vote  is  in  order.  [Loud  applause.] 

The  Chair — The  Chair  sustains  the  point  of 
order.  [Loud  applause.] 

Mr.  Cullom — The  Illinois  delegation  then  with- 
draws the  name  of  General  Logan,  and  gives  for 
Blaine  34  votes,  for  Logan  7,  and  for  Arthur  3. 
[Loud  applause  and  loud  cheers.] 

When  the  State  of  Ohio  was  called,  Judge  For- 
aker  arose  and  said : “For  what  I suppose  to  be 
the  best  interests  of  this  party,  I presented  the 
name  of  John  Sherman  to  this  Convention.  Also 
supposing  it  to  be  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
party,  we  have  until  now  favorably  and  most 
cordially  supported  him.  Now,  also,  in  the  in* 
terests  of  the  party,  we  withdraw  him  and  cast  for 
James  G.  Blaine  forty-six  votes.”  [Tremendou 
outburst  of  applause.] 

The  Secretary  then  announced  the  result  of  th« 
fourth  ballot  for  President  as  follows : Whole 
number  of  delegates,  820 ; whole  number  of  votes 
cast,  816  ; necessary  to  a choice,  411 ; of  which 
Robert  T.  Lincoln  received  2,  John  A.  Logan  7, 
Joseph  R.  Hawley  15,  George  F.  Edmunds  41, 
Chester  A.  Arthur  207,  and  James  G.  Blaine  544. 

The  Secretary’s  announcement  of  the  vote  for 
James  G.  Blaine  got  no  further  than  the  hundreds, 
for  his  voice  was  lost  in  the  whirlwind  of  ap- 
plause that  followed  the  announcement  of  the  fact 
of  Blaine’s  nomination,  which  had  been  a certainty 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


867 


ever  sinoe  Shelby  M.  Cullom  had  tried  to  read  his 
telegram  from  John  A.  Logan.  Every  person  in 
the  audience,  delegates  and  visitors  alike,  rose  to 
their  feet  simultaneously,  and  all  being  Blaine  men, 
shouted  and  sang  their  delight  at  the  success  of 
the  man  from  Maine  with  demonstrations  of  joy 
such  as  had  not  been  seen  before  in  the  Convention. 
It  took  nearly  thirty  minutes  to  get  to  business. 

The  Chair — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  [the 
ushers  making  diligent  efforts  to  restore  quiet], 
Order ! [At  this  point  the  booming  of  the  cannon 
was  heard,  which  caused  renewed  cheering.  The 
Convention  at  length  becoming  comparatively 
quiet  the  Chairman  resumed.]  James  G.  Blaine, 
of  Maine,  having  received  the  votes  of  a majority 
of  all  the  delegates  elected  to  the  Convention — 
[the  Chairman  at  this  point  finding  himself  unable 
to  make  his  voice  heard  in  the  confusion  that  pre- 
vailed handed  the  written  announcement  to  the 
Secretary,  who  read  it  as  follows  :] 

J ames  G.  Blaine  having  received  the  votes  of  a 
majority  of  all  the  delegates  elected  to  this  Con- 
vention, the  question  now  before  the  Convention 
is,  shall  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Blaine  be  made 
unanimous.  [Cries  of  “ Yes.”]  On  that  motion 
the  Chair  recognized  Mr.  Burleigh,  of  New  York. 

Mr.  Burleigh  having  taken  the  platform,  said : 

Mr.  President — In  behalf  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  at  his  request,  I move  to 


368 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


make  the  nomination  of  James  G.  Blaine  unani- 
mous, and  I promise  for  the  friends  of  President 
Arthur,  who  are  always  loyal  at  the  polls,  and  for 
Northern  New  York,  20,000  Republican  majority, 
and  I promise  you.  all  that  we  will  do  all  we  can 
for  the  ticket  and  for  the  nominee,  and  will  show 
you  in  November  next  that  New  York  is  a Repub- 
lican State.  It  elected  James  A.  Garfield  and  it 
will  elect  James  G.  Blaine,  of  Maine.  [Applause.] 

The  Chair — The  gentleman  from  Minnesota  has 
the  floor. 

Mr.  Sabin,  of  Minnesota,  having  the  floor,  said : 

Mr.  Chairman,  four  yours  ago,  in  this  very  hall, 
and  as  a delegate  to  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention, I was  opposed  to  Chester  A.  Arthur  and 
to  the  elements  with  which  he  then  associated. 
Since  then  he  has  been  called,  under  the  most 
> trying  circumstances,  to  fill  the  first  place  in  the 
gift  of  the  people  of  this  country.  So  well,  so 
nobly,  so  faithfully  has  he  fulfilled  this  trust,  and 
so  happily  has  he  disappointed,  not  only  those  of 
his  opponents,  but  his  friends,  so  fully  has  he  filled 
the  position  of  the  scholar  and  the  gentleman, 
that  he  is  possessed  of  that  great,  good  common 
sense,  which  has  made  his  administration  a great 
and  pronounced  success,  that  he  has  grown  upon 
me,  until  to-day  I honor  and  revere  Chester  A. 
Arthur.  [Applause.]  As  a friend  of  his,  I no  less 
honor  and  revere  that  prince  of  gentlemen,  that 
scholar,  that  gifted  statesman,  James  G.  Blaine, 
whose  nomination  it  affords  me  the  greatest  pleas- 
ure to  second,  with  the  prediction  that  his  name 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


369 


before  the  country  in  November  will  produce  that 
same  spontaneous  enthusiasm  which  will  make  him 
President  of  the  United  States  on  the  4th  of 
March  next.  [Loud  and  prolonged  applause. 
Cries  of  Curtis.] 

Mr.  Plumb,  of  Kansas — Mr.  Chairman,  this 
Convention  has  discharged  two  of  its  most  impor- 
tant trusts,  and  is  now,  notwithstanding  the  length 
of  time  it  has  been  in  session  and  the  exciting 
scenes  through  which  it  has  passed,  in  thorough 
good  humor,  and  I believe  we  are  ready  to  go  on 
and  conclude  the  business  which  brought  us  all 
here.  [No,  no.] 

Mr.  Houck,  of  Nebraska — There  is  a motion  to 
make  the  nomination  unanimous.  That  is  the 
question  before  the  Convention,  and  I call  for  the 
regular  order. 

Mr.  Plumb,  of  Kansas — Before  proceeding  with 
that  I desire  to  respond  to  the  sentiment  which 
pervades  the  entire  Convention.  I move  that  this 
nomination  be  made  unanimous,  and  I hope  there 
will  not  be  a dissenting  voice  in  all  this  vast  as- 
semblage. 

The  Chair — I have  been  requested  to  read  to  the 
Convention  the  following  telegraphic  despatch : 

The  President  has  sent  the  following  despatch 
to  Mr.  Blaine  : 

The  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Augusta,  Maine — = 
As  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  you  will 
have  my  earnest,  cordial  support. 

24 


370 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


The  Chair — Shall  the  motion  to  make  the  nom- 
ination unanimous  prevail  ? All  those  in  favor  of 
that  will  say  aye  [the  tremendous  shout  of  “ aye  ” 
sent  up  by  the  vast  multitude  clearly  demonstrated 
the  fact  that  the  nomination  was  made  unani- 
mous.] 

Mr.  Husted,  of  New  York — I move  that  this 
Convention  do  now  adjourn  until  eight  o’clock  this 
evening.  The  motion  prevailed. 

The  Convention  then  adjourned  until  eight 
o’clock  in  the  evening. 

There  was  a very  large  attendance,  as  well  of 
delegates  as  of  spectators,  at  the  evening  session. 
The  galleries  were  hardly  less  crowded  than  at  any 
of  the  preceding  sessions ; but  there  was  a marked 
absence  of  any  other  feeling  than  one  of  simple 
curiosity.  It  was  8.15  o’clock  when  the  Chair- 
man’s gavel  fell,  calling  the  Convention  to  order. 

The  resolution  limiting  speeches  of  nomination 
to  ten  minutes  passed,  and  the  clerk  proceeded  to 
call  the  roll  of  States  for  nominations.  No  re- 
sponse was  received  until  Illinois  was  reached, 
when  Senator  Plumb,  of  Kansas,  said  that  it  was 
but  a matter  of  just  recognition  to  the  great  body 
of  the  soldiers  of  the  war  for  the  Union,  that  a 
representative  from  their  number  should  be  placed 
as  the  second  name  on  the  ticket.  The  Grand 
Army  of  the  Republic  had  enrolled  more  than 
three-quarters  of  a million  men  who  lately  wore 
the  blue.  In  presenting  a name  from  their  ranks, 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884.  371 

the  Speaker  would  mention  a man  fitted  in  every 
way  for  the  first  place ; a man  who  would  add 
strength  to  the  ticket,  and  justify  the  hopes  and 
expectations  of  the  party.  That  man  was  General 
John  A.  Logan.  The  speaker  did  not  present  him 
on  behalf  of  Illinois,  or  of  any  other  State,  but  of 
the  whole  United  States.  He  belonged  no  more 
to  Illinois  than  to  Kansas,  where  75,000  soldiers 
would  receive  the  news  of  his  nomination  with 
shouts  of  gladness.  The  speaker  was  commis- 
sioned by  the  State  of  Kansas  to  make  this  nomi- 
nation. 

The  nomination  was  seconded  by  Judge  Houck, 
of  Tennessee ; Hon.  J.  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska ; 
Senator  Joseph  W.  Lee,  of  Pennsylvania;  Con- 
gressman Horr,  of  Michigan;  John  C.  Dancy,  col- 
ored, and  delegates  from  Georgia  and  Kentucky. 

A motion  was  made  to  nominate  Logan  by  ac- 
clamation. This  method  was  tried  but  did  not 
prove  satisfactory,  and,  after  several  speeches  were 
made,  Congressman  Davis,  of  Illinois,  demanded  a 
call  of  the  roll  on  the  nominations.  This  was 
ordered.  When  New  York  was  reached,  George 
William  Curtis  announced  that  his  delegation  was 
not  quite  ready,  and  asked  that  time  be  given  to 
make  the  count.  The  request  was  granted,  and 
the  call  proceeded. 

The  roll  being  completed,  New  York  was  again 
called,  and  Mr.  Curtis  announced  the  vote  of  that 
State  as  one  vote  for  Foraker,  of  Ohio ; six  votes 


372  the  convention  of  1884. 

for  Gresham,  of  Indiana,  and  sixty  votes  for 
Logan.  The  vote  was  unanimous,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  these  seven  from  New  York,  Logan’s 
total  vote  being  779.  The  nomination  was  then 
made  unanimous. 

It  would  be  impossible  in  the  above  detailed 
description  of  the  proceedings  to  tell  of  the  tumul- 
tuous enthusiasm  that  prevailed  from  the  time  the 
Convention  began  until  its  work  was  ended. 
No  better  idea  can  be  given  than  that  of  a gen- 
tleman who  wrote  the  following  letter  to  a friend. 
The  description  is  a most  graphic  one : 

“ James  G.  Blaine  is  nominated. 

“ Twice  defeated  for  the  nomination,  once  in 
1876  by  the  jealousy  of  a part  of  New  England 
and  the  opposition  of  Ohio  and  the  South  and  once 
in  1880  by  the  machine,  the  choice  of  Republican 
States  and  Republican  voters  has  become  at  last 
the  choice  of  the  Republican  party.  Yesterday 
evening  left  without  question  or  challenge  the 
position  he  occupied  before  the  Convention.  He 
was  the  first  choice  of  an  overwhelming  plurality. 
He  was  the  second  choice  of  an  equally  over- 
whelming majority.  No  one  candidate  could  equal 
his  strength  on  the  first  ballot  and  no  combination 
of  candidates  could  equal  the  number  of  those  who, 
when  their  first  choice  was  laid  aside,  preferred 
James  G.  Blaine  to  any  other  man  within  the 
party. 

“ These  things  were  plain.  They  pointed  to  a 
logical  result,  which  accident  might  prevent  or 
intrigue  defeat3  but  the  course  and  outcome  of  the 


THE  CONTENTION  OF  1884. 


373 


day  showed  that  neither  could  accomplish  its  pur- 
pose. He  was  nominated.  The  steady  march  of 
Republican  desires,  begun  long  ago  in  village 
primaries  and  the  county  caucus,  had  to-day  its 
long  drawn  triumph  and  crowning  suffrage.  Step 
by  step  the  work  in  the  Convention  went  on. 

“ The  roll-call  for  the  first  ballot  is  over  at  last. 
Then  clerks  bend  over  the  tally  sheets,  innumer- 
able pencils  pass  up  and  down,  and,  as  Henderson 
rises  to  give  the  result,  there  is  a wild  sway  and 
raid  of  telegraph  boys  about  the  correspondent’s 
desk.  All  over  the  land  men  are  putting  up  before 
listening  thousands  the  tally : Blaine,  334i ; Ar- 
thur,  278;  Edmunds,  93;  Logan,  63£ ; John 
Sherman,  30  ; Hawley,  13 ; Lincoln,  3 ; General 
Sherman,  2.  The  first  ballot  ends  in  a Blaine 
storm  checked  as  the  second  ballot  opens. 

“ Changes  begin.  Arkansas  adds  three  votes  to 
Blaine.  A dozen  States  pass,  and  the  vote  stands 
unchanged.  The  second  ballot  goes  on  and  Blaine 
is  gaining.  Every  vote  is  watched  with  breathless 
interest  followed  by  tumults  of  applause.  The 
Blaine  men  feel  that  they  are  gaining  ground. 
The  Arthur  men  know  that  they  are  losing.  The 
Edmunds  men  are  disconsolate.  The  ballot  ends, 
and  Blaine  is  further  to  the  front. 

“With  Blaine  at  349  and  Arthur  at  276,  how- 
ever. the  gap  was  widened  past  repair  between  the 
candidates,  and  it  was  plain  when  order  came 
again,  such  order  as  this  restless  mob  gives,  that 
the  next  ballot  must  make  or  mar  all  the  plans  of 
the  past  or  assure  all  the  hopes  of  the  future. 

“ In  the  midst  of  it,  his  lips  vainly  forming  sen- 
tence after  sentence,  stands  Eoraker,  slender,  well- 
built,  his  face  shining  wi*u  +he  effort  and  his  voice 


374 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


carried  away  by  the  Blaine  gale.  Minute  by 
minute  passes  before  a lull  comes,  and  then  it  be- 
comes known,  rather  by  men  passing  the  word 
along  than  by  any  hearing  of  his  words,  that  he 
moves  a recess  until  7.30. 

“It  was  the  last  uncertain  chance  to  defeat  Blaine, 
the  bare  possibility  that  five  hours  of  cabal  might 
bring  the  candidate,  in  place  of  Blaine,  whom  five 
months  of  popular  agitation  and  discussion  had  not 
evolved. 

“Straightway  Stewart,  steadying  himself,  shouts 
in  the  storm  that  breaks  on  Foraker’s  motion  that 
the  opposing  forces  have  passed  the  skirmish  line 
and  the  battle  must  join.  For  the  first  time  in 
the  frequent  popular  calls  for  Blaine  his  cause  has 
had  good  management  before  the  Convention.  For 
the  first  time  it  had  now  a leader  in  the  Conven- 
tion. There  is  in  the  stress  and  storm  of  these 
conflicts  the  shock,  if  not  the  danger,  of  battle, 
and  Stewart,  by  voice  and  manner,  by  look  and 
gesture,  standing  erect,  his  face  aflame  and  his  arm 
extended,  threw  into  his  manner  all  that  a leader 
in  the  forefront  needed.  This  may  not  be  the 
best  way  to  decide  momentous  issues ; but,  given 
these  conditions,  by  such  leadership  is  victory  won, 
and  won  it  was.” 

While  these  stirring  scenes  were  being  enacted 
in  Chicago,  Mr.  Blaine  was  at  his  home  in  Au- 
gusta, Maine,  with  his  family.  He  heard  the 
news  a very  Tew  moments  after  the  final  ballot 
was  taken.  The  now  nominee  of  the  Republican 
party  was  quietly  swinging  in  a hammock  under 
a spreading  apple  tree,  **~d  sitting  round  him  were 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


375 


Mrs.  Blaine  and  two  of  her  daughters,  Miss  Stan- 
wood  (Mrs.  Blaine’s  sister),  Miss  Dodge  (“Gail 
Hamilton  ”),  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Homan,  Miss  Manly 
and  Miss  Johnson. 

His  demeanor  of  quiet  composure  was  in  nowise 
disturbed  from  what  it  has  been  all  through  the 
past  week. 

“ I did  not  expect  a definite  result  so  soon,”  said 
Mr.  Blaine,  addressing  one  of  the  group,  “ but  the 
anxiety  in  regard  to  the  nomination  question  is 
over  at  least.” 

NOMINATED  BY  THE  POPULAR  WILL. 

To  Mr.  Sprague,  editor  of  his  home  paper,  who 
at  this  moment  put  in  his  appearance,  he  said  : 
“ Well,  the  biggest  liar  in  the  country  cannot  say  I 
schemed,  or  dictated,  or  traded,  or  had  anything  to 
do  with  the  nomination  or  Convention.  I have 
asked  no  delegate  to  vote  for  me ; have  written 
to  no  man,  not  even  to  Mr.  Manly  or  Mr.  John  A. 
Stevens,  or  Mr.  Bigelow,  or  my  friend  Homan  here. 
To  no  one  have  I said  one  word  in  any  way, 
manner  or  shape  that  can  in  any  way  be  construed 
to  be  a bid  or  move  toward  this  nomination.” 

At  this  instant  the  report  of  the  old  cannon  on 
the  wharf  at  Hallowell,  said  to  be  one  that  was 
used  on  the  “ Boxer”  during  her  fight  with  the  “ En- 
terprise,” gave  the  first  boom  for  Blaine  that  was 
sounded  in  the  State  of  Maine. 

“ Isn’t  this  glorious ! ” cried  Miss  Dodge  to  some 


376 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


ladies  who  had  just  driven  up.  The  first  congratu- 
latory despatch  received  by  Mr.  Blaine  was  from 
General  Collis,  of  New  York,  and  was  sent  before 
the  final  vote  was  taken. 

SOUNDS  OF  REJOICING. 

Mr.  Blaine  and  his  entire  family  seemed  just  as 
quiet  and  unconcerned  as  ever ; but  as  the  crowd 
of  friends  increased  and  the  streets  around  began 
to  be  crowded  with  village  folks  shouting  their 
huzzas  and  pushing  to  get  the  best  view  of  the 
happy  party  on  the  lawn,  the  children  began  to 
show  signs  of  excitement.  Then  Miss  Dodg< 
caught  the  sound  of  the  church  bells  as  they  began 
to  ring,  and  this  was  followed  by  shrieks  of  steam 
whistles  from  factories  and  steamers  on  the  river. 
The  noise  as  it  increased  began  to  relax  the  severe 
strain  which  the  entire  family  held  over  their 
feelings,  and  one  by  one  they  grew  more  animated, 
a brighter  light  came  to  the  eye,  and  the  voices 
were  raised  a little  higher. 

The  air  was  filled  with  shouts  of  joy  as  the 
throngs  grew  thicker  on  the  streets.  The  bells 
and  guns  from  Hallowell  and  Gardiner,  two  and 
six  miles  down  the  river,  joined  in  the  general  din. 
Newspaper  correspondents  began  to  make  their 
way  along  to  the  party  on  the  lawn,  and  Mr. 
Blaine  himself  began  to  show  the  effects  of  the 
tremendous  excitement  as  the  crowd  grew  larger 
and  the  noise  increased  in  volume.  It  seemed  as 


THE  CONVENTION  OF  1884. 


377 


though  every  workshop  and  store  had  emptied 
itself  into  the  streets,  and  everybody  was  excited 
and  jubilant. 

The  Democrats  caught  the  excitement,  and  were 
inclined  to  feel  that  the  selection  of  an  Augusta  resi- 
dent was  at  least  an  honor  to  good  citizens,  and  they 
were  willing  to  join  in  the  glad  celebration  going  on. 

Congratulatory  despatches  kept  coming  in  as  fast 
as  the  facilities  of  the  telegraph  office  could  receive 
them.  Extra  operators  and  a large-  force  of  mes- 
sengers were  put  on.  The  local  train  from  Gar- 
diner and  Hallowell  brought  in  all  that  could 
stand  upon  it.  The  8 o’clock  train  also  brought 
crowds.  At  8.30  a procession  was  formed  in  the 
square  down  town.  Headed  by  a brass  band,  they 
marched  over  the  city  and  to  Mr.  Blaine’s  house, 
where  they  began  the  celebration  that  will  be  kept 
up  the  remainder  of  the  campaign. 

When  the  procession  reached  Mr.  Blaine’s  resi- 
dence on  Commercial  street  it  halted,  and  the 
spokesman  of  the  party  cried : “ Three  cheers  for 
the  next  President  of  the  United  States.”  A 
storm  of  cheers  followed.  In  response,  Mr.  Blaine 
appeared  at  the  doorway  and  surveyed  the  assem- 
bled multitude  for  a moment.  All  demonstration 
was  quickly  hushed,  and  Mr.  Blaine  spoke  as  fol- 
lows : 

“ My  friends  and  my  neighbors — I thank  you 
most  sincerely  for  the  honor  of  this  call.  There 
is  no  spot  in  the  world  where  good  news  comes  to 


378  the  convention  of  1884. 

me  so  gratefully  as  here  at  my  own  home,  among 
the  people  with  whom  I have  been  on  terms  of 
friendship  and  intimacy  for  more  than  thirty  years 
— people  whom  I know  and  who  know  me. 
Thanking  you  again  for  the  heartiness  of  the  com- 
pliment, I bid  you  good-night.” 

There  was  a happy  gathering  that  night  in  the 
Blaine  mansion.  Long  after  the  rest  of  the  family 
had  retired,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Blaine  sat  up  and  talked 
about  the  gratifying  result  of  the  Convention’s 
work.  Mrs.  Blaine  was  proud  and  happy ; proud 
of  her  noble  husband  and  his  great  abilities,  and 
happy  because  the  people  had  rebuked  treachery 
and  called  him  to  be  their  standard-bearer  to  lead 
them  on  to  victory  at  the  polls.  Mr.  Blaine  showed 
no  excitement  whatever.  He  was  calm  and  col- 
lected, and  after  talking  for  an  hour  or  two,  went 
to  bed  and  slept  as  soundly  as  though  he  had  not 
passed  through  weeks  of  waiting  for  the  people’s 
decision. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Mr.  Blaine  Accepts  the  Nomination. 

Never  was  a presidential  nomination  more  sponta- 
neous than  that  which  placed  the  banner  of  his  great 
party  in  the  hands  of  the  “Plumed  Knight.”  He  had 
received  over  7,000  letters  urging  him  to  be  a candi- 
date, but  had  not  answered  one.  When  the  news 
came  from  Chicago  he  received  it  with  calm  satisfac- 
tion,  and  said  he  received  the  nomination  with  greater 
pleasure  from  the  fact  that  it  was  entirely  unsolicited. 

His  friends  and  neighbors  soon  crowded  about  him 
to  extend  their  congratulations.  The  telegraph  wires 
were  burdened  with  messages  of  good-will.  The  first 
came  from  President  Arthur.  In  any  other  man  the 
generosity  and  promptness  of  the  pledge  might  have 
excited  surprise ; in  Chester  A.  Arthur  it  was  only 
natural. 

To  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine , Augusta , Maine  : 

As  the  candidate  of  the  Republican. party,  you  will 
have  my  earnest  and  cordial  support. 

Chester  A.  Arthur. 

Another  brought  the  benediction  of  a bereaved 
home,  and  there  came  with  it  a voice  from  beyond  the 
grave. 


(379) 


380 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Cleveland,  O.,  June  7. 

To  Hon.  yames  G.  Blaine : 

Our  household  joins  in  one  great  thanksgiving. 
’From  the  quiet  of  our  home  we  send  our  most  earnest 
wish  that  through  the  turbulent  months  to  follow,  and 
in  the  day  of  victory,  you  may  be  guarded  and  kept. 

Lucretia  R.  Garfield. 

In  Augusta  the  good  news  was  hailed  with  great 
rejoicing  by  the  fellow-citizens  of  the  honored  candi- 
date. Bells  were  rung  and  cannon  fired.  Far  into 
the  night  the  streets  were  thronged  with  people  filling 
the  air  with  their  lusty  cheers  for  the  “ Man  from 
Maine.” 

Early  in  the  evening  a crowd  gathered  about  Mr. 
Blaine’s  house,  and  in  response  to  the  cheering,  he 
appeared  at  the  door  and  briefly  addressed  them : 

My  Friends  and  my  Neighbors:  I thank  you  most 
sincerely  for  the  honor  of  this  call.  There  is  no  spot 
in  the  world  where  good  news  comes  to  me  so  grate- 
fully as  here  at  my  own  home ; among  the  people  with 
whom  I have  been  on  terms  of  friendship  and  intimacy 
for  more  than  thirty  years,  people  whom  I know  and 
who  know  me.  Thanking  you  again  for  the  heartiness 
of  the  compliment,  I bid  you  good-night. 

informed  of  his  nomination. 

The  committee  appointed  to  inform  Mr.  Blaine  of 
his  nomination  performed  that  duty  at  Augusta,  June 
21.  The  ceremony  took  place  on  the  lawn  near  the 
house.  Representatives  of  every  State  and  Territory 
were  there.  Mr.  Henderson,  as  chairman  of  the 


(381) 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  MAINE  DELEGATES  FROM  CHICAGO, 
AFTER  NOMINATING  JAMES  G.  BLAINE, 


382 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Committee  and  on  behalf  of  the  Convention,  in  a few 
well-chosen  words  formally  tendered  to  Mr.  Blaine  the 
nomination  of  the  Republican  party  foi*  the  Presidency 
of  the  United  States.  During  the  address  of  the 
chairman  Mr.  Blaine  stood  with  folded  arms,  the  central 
figure  of  a brilliant  and  picturesque  group.  And  then 
with  a becoming  recognition  of  the  present  honor  and 
the  responsibility  which  was  its  price,  and  with  a hope- 
ful look  into  the  face  of  the  future,  which  seemed  in 
the  stillness  of  that  perfect  June  day  to  whisper  back 
a glad  “ Hail  and  Welcome,”  he  briefly  responded, 
accepting  the  nomination : 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  National 
Committee  : I receive  not  without  deep  sensibility  your 
official  notice  of  the  action  of  the  National  Conven- 
tion already  brought  to  my  knowledge  through  the 
public  press.  I appreciate  more  profoundly  than  I 
can  express  the  honor  which  is  implied  in  a nomina- 
tion for  the  Presidency  by  the  Republican  party  of  the 
nation — speaking  through  the  authoritative  voice  of 
duly  accredited  delegates.  To  be  selected  as  a candi- 
date by  such  an  assemblage  from  the  list  of  eminent 
statesmen  whose  names  were  presented,  fills  me  with 
embarrassment.  I can  only  express  my  gratitude  for 
so  signal  an  honor,  and  my  earnest  desire  to  prove 
worthy  of  the  great  trust  reposed  in  me. 

In  accepting  the  nomination,  as  I now  do,  I am  im- 
pressed, I might  almost  say  oppressed,  with  a sense  of 
the  labor  and  responsibility  which  attach  to  my  position. 
The  burden  is  lightened,  however,  by  the  hosts  of 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


383 


earnest  men  who  support  my  candidacy,  many  of 
whom  add — as  does  your  honorable  committee — the 
cheer  of  personal  friendship  to  the  pledge  of  political 
fealty. 

A more  formal  acceptance  will  naturally  be  ex- 
pected, and  will  in  due  season  be  communicated.  It 
may,  however,  not  be  inappropriate  at  this  time  to  say 
that  I have  already  made  careful  study  of  the  principles 
announced  by  the  National  Convention,  and  that  in 
the  whole  and  in  detail  they  have  my  heartiest  sympa- 
thy, and  meet  my  unqualified  approval. 

Apart  from  your  official  errand,  gentlemen,  I am 
extremely  happy  to  welcome  you  all  to  my  home. 
With  many  of  you  I have  already  shared  the  duties  of 
public  service,  and  have  enjoyed  the  most  cordial 
friendship.  I trust  your  journey  from  all  parts  of  the 
great  Republic  has  been  agreeable,  and  that  during 
your  stay  in  Maine  you  will  feel  that  you  are  not 
among  strangers,  but  with  friends.  Invoking  the 
blessing  of  God  upon  the  great  cause  which  we  jointly 
represent,  let  us  turn  to  the*-future  without  fear  and 
with  manly  hearts. 

LETTER  OF  ACCEPTANCE. 

Having  accepted  the  nomination  informally,  Mr, 
Blaine  afterward  forwarded  to  the  National  Republh 
can  Committee  the  following  letter  in  which  his  views 
on  public  questions  and  the  leading  issues  of  the 
campaign  were  clearly  stated,  and  which  was  con- 
sidered to  be  an  admirable  presentation  of  the  great 
principles  of  the  party : 


384 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Augusta,  Me.,  July  15,  1884. 
The  Hon.  John  B.  Henderson  and  Others  of  the 
Committee,  etc.,  etc. 

Gentlemen: — In  accepting  the  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  tendered  me  by  the  National  Republican 
Convention,  I beg  to  express  a deep  sense  of  the 
honor  which  is  conferred,  and  of  the  duty  which  is  im- 
posed. I venture  to 
accompany  the  accept- 
ance with  some  obser- 
vations upon  the  ques- 
tions involved  in  the 
contest — q u e s t i o n s 
whose  settlement  may 
affect  the  future  of  the 
Nation  favorably  or 
unfavorably  for  a long 
series  of  years. 

In  enumerating  the 
issues  upon  which  the 
Republican  party  ap- 
peals for  popular  sup- 
port, the  Convention 
has  been  singularly  explicit  and  felicitous.  It  has 
properly  given  the  leading  position  to  the  industrial 
interests  of  the  country  as  affected  by  the  tariff  on  im- 
ports. On  that  question  the  two  political  parties  are 
radically  in  conflict.  Almost  the  first  act  of  the  Re- 
publicans, when  they  came  into  power  in  1861,  was  the 
establishment  of  the  principle  of  protection  to  Amer- 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


385 


ican  laoor  and  to  American  capital.  This  principle  the 
Republican  party  has  ever  since  steadily  maintained, 
while  on  the  other  hand  the  Democratic  party  in  Con- 
gress has  for  fifty  years  persistently  warred  upon  it. 
Twice  within  that  period  our  opponents  have  destroyed 
tariffs  arranged  for  protection,  and  since  the  close  of 
the  Civil  War,  whenever  they  have  controlled  the 
House  of  Representatives,  hostile  legislation  has  been 
attempted — never  more  conspicuously  than  in  their 
principal  measure  at  the  late  session  of  Congress. 

TARIFF  REVISION. 

Revenue  laws  are  in  their  very  nature  subject  to 
frequent  revision  in  order  that  they  may  be  adapted 
to  changes  and  modifications  of  trade.  The  Republi- 
can party  is  not  contending  for  the  permanency  of  any 
particular  statute.  The  issue  between  the  two  parties 
does  not  have  reference  to  a specific  law.  It  is  far 
broader  and  far  deeper.  It  involves  a principle  of 
wide  application  and  beneficent  influence,  against  a 
theory  which  we  believe  to  be  unsound  in  conception 
and  inevitably  hurtful  in  practice. 

In  the  many  tariff  revisions  which  have  been  neces- 
sary for  the  past  twenty-three  years,  or  which  may 
hereafter  become  necessary,  the  Republican  party  has 
maintained  and  will  maintain  the  policy  of  protection 
to  American  industry,  while  our  opponents  insist  upon 
a revision  which  practically  destroys  that  policy.  The 
issue  is  thus  distinct,  well  defined,  and  unavoidable. 

The  pending  election  may  determine  the  fate  of 
protection  for  a generation.  The  overthrow  of  the 

25 


386  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

policy  means  a large  and  permanent  reduction  in  the 
wages  of  the  American  laborer,  besides  involving  the 
loss  of  vast  amounts  of  American  capital  invested  in 
manufacturing  enterprises.  The  value  of  the  present 
revenue  system  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  is 
not  a matter  of  theory,  and  I shall  submit  no  argument 
to  sustain  it.  I only  invite  attention  to  certain  facts 

of  official  record 
which  seem  to  con- 
stitute a demonstra- 
tion. 

HOW  RICH  IS  OUR 
NATION  ? 

In  the  census  of 
1850,  an  effort  was 
made  for  the  first 
time  in  our  history  to 
obtain  a valuation  of 
all  the  property  in 
the  United  States. 
The  attempt  was  in  a 
large  degree  unsuc- 
cessful. Partly  from  lack  of  time,  partly  from  preju- 
dice among  many  who  thought  the  inquiries  fore- 
shadowed a new  scheme  of  taxation,  the  returns  were 
incomplete  and  unsatisfactory.  Little  more  was  done 
than  to  consolidate  the  local  valuation  used  in  the  States 
for  purposes  of  assessment,  and  that  differs  widely 
from  a complete  exhibit  of  all  the  property. 

In  the  census  of  i860,  however,  the  work  was  done 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


387 


with  great  thoroughness  — the  distinction  between 
“assessed”  value  and  “true”  value  being  carefully 
observed.  The  grand  result  was  that  the  “true  value” 
of  all  the  property  in  the  States  and  Territories  (ex- 
cluding slaves)  amounted  to  fourteen  thousand  millions 
of  dollars  ($14,000,000,000).  This  aggregate  was  the 
net  result  of  the  labor  and  the  savings  of  all  the  people 
within  the  area  of  the  United  States,  from  the  time  the 
first  British  colonists  landed  in  1607,  down  to  the  year 
i860.  It  represented  the  fruit  of  the  toil  of  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years. 

VAST  INCREASE  OF  WEALTH. 

After  i860  the  business  of  the  country  was  encour- 
aged and  developed  by  a protective  tariff.  At  the  end 
of  twenty  years,  the  total  property  of  the  United  States, 
as  returned  by  the  census  of  1880,  amounted  to  the 
enormous  aggregate  of  forty-four  thousand  millions  of 
dollars  ($44,000,000,000).  This  great  result  was  at- 
tained, notwithstanding  the  fact  that  countless  millions 
had,  in  the  interval,  been  wasted  in  the  progress  of  a 
bloody  war.  It  thus  appears,  that  while  our  population 
between  i860  and  1880  increased  sixty  per  cent.,  the 
aggregate  property  increased  two  hundred  and  four- 
teen per  cent.,  showing  a vastly  enhanced  wealth  per 
capita  among  the  people.  Thirty  thousand  millions  of 
dollars  ($30,000,000,000)  had  been  added  during  these 
twenty  years  to  the  permanent  wealth  of  the  Nation. 

These  results  are  regarded  by  the  older  nations  of 
the  world  as  phenomenal.  That  our  country  should 
surmount  the  peril  and  the  cost  of  a gigantic  war,  and 


388 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE 


for  an  entire  period  of  twenty  years  make  an  average 
gain  to  its  wealth  of  $i  25,000,000  per  month,  surpasses 
the  experience  of  all  other  nations,  ancient  or  modern. 
Even  the  opponents  of  the  present  revenue  system  do 
not  pretend  that  in  the  whole  history  of  civilization 
any  parallel  can  be  found  to  the  material  progress  of 
the  United  States  since  the  accession  of  the  Republican 
party  to  power. 

MORAL  PROGRESS. 

The  period  between  i860  and  to-day  has  not  been 
one  of  material  prosperity  only.  At  no  time  in  the 
history  of  the  United  States  has  there  been  such  prog- 
ress in  the  moral  and  philanthropic  field.  Religious 
and  charitable  institutions,  schools,  seminaries  and 
colleges  have  been  founded  and  endowed  far  more 
generously  than  at  any  previous  time  in  our  history. 
Greater  and  more  varied  relief  has  been  extended  to 
human  suffering,  and  the  entire  progress  of  the  country 
in  wealth  has  been  accompanied  and  dignified  by  a 
broadening  and  elevation  of  our  National  character  as 
a people. 

Our  opponents  find  fault  that  our  revenue  system 
produces  a surplus.  But  they  should  not  forget  that 
the  law  has  given  a specific  purpose  to  which  all  of  the 
surplus  is  profitably  and  honorably  applied — the  re- 
duction of  the  public  debt  and  the  consequent  relief 
of  the  burden  of  taxation.  No  dollar  has  been  wasted, 
and  the  only  extravagance  with  which  the  party  stands 
charged  is  the  generous  pensioning  of  soldiers,  sailors, 
and  their  families — an  extravagance  which  embodies 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


389 


the  highest  form  of  justice  in  the  recognition-  and 
payment  of  a sacred  debt.  When  reduction  of  taxa- 
tion is  to  be  made,  the  Republican  party  can  be 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 

trusted  to  accomplish  it  in  such  a form  as  will  most 
effectively  aid  the  industries  of  the  Nation. 

A RADICAL  ERROR. 

A frequent  accusation  by  our  opponents  is  that  the- 


390 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


foreign  commerce  of  the  country  has  steadily  decayed 
under  the  influence  of  the  protective  tariff.  In  this  way 
they  seek  to  array  the  importing  interests  against  the 
Republican  party.  It  is  a common  and  yet  radical 
error  to  confound  the  commerce  of  the  country  with 
its  carrying  trade — an  error  often  committed  inno- 
cently and  sometimes  designedly — but  an  error  so 
gross  that  it  does  not  distinguish  between  the  ship  and 
the  cargo.  Foreign  commerce  represents  the  exports 
and  imports  of  a country,  regardless  of  the  nationality 
of  the  vessel  that  may  carry  the  commodities  of  ex- 
change. Our  carrying  trade  has,  from  some  obvious 
causes,  suffered  many  discouragements  since  i860,  but 
our  foreign  commerce  has  in  the  same  period  steadily 
and  prodigiously  increased — increased,  indeed,  at  a 
rate  and  to  an  amount  which  absolutely  dwarf  all  pre- 
vious developments  of  our  trade  beyond  the  sea. 

IMMENSE  EXPORT  TRADE. 

From  i860  to  the  present  time,  the  foreign  com- 
merce of  the  United  States  (divided  with  approximate 
equality  between  exports  and  imports)  reached  the 
astounding  aggregate  of  twenty-four  thousand  mil- 
lions of  dollars  ($24,000,000,000) . The  balance  in 
this  vast  commerce  inclined  in  our  favor,  but  it  would 
have  been  much  larger  if  our  trade  with  the  countries 
of  America — elsewhere  referred  to — had  been  more 
wisely  adjusted. 

• It  is  difficult  even  to  appreciate  the  magnitude  of 
our  export  trade  since  i860,  and  we  can  gain  a cor- 
rect conception  of  it  only  by  comparison  with  preced- 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION.  391 

ing  results  in  the  same  field.  The  total  exports  from  the 
United  States  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
in  1776  down  to  the  day  of  Lincoln’s  election  in  i860, 
added  to  all  that  had  previously  been  exported  from 
the  American  colonies  from  their  original  settlement, 
amounted  to  less  than  nine  thousand  millions  of 
dollars  ($9,000,000,000).  On  the  other  hand,  our 
exports  from  i860  to  the  close  of  the  last  fiscal 
year  exceeded  twelve  thousand  millions  of  dollars 
($12,000,000,000) — the  whole  of  it  being  the  product 
of  American  labor.  Evidently  a protective  tariff  has 
not  injured  our  export  trade,  when,  under  its  influence, 
we  exported  in  twenty-four  years  40  per  cent,  more 
than  the  total  amount  that  had  been  exported  in  the 
entire  previous  history  of  American  commerce.  All 
the  details  when  analyzed,  correspond  with  this  gigan- 
tic result. 

THE  FARMER  LEADS. 

The  commercial  cities  of  the  Union  never  had  such 
growth  as  they  have  enjoyed  since  i860.  Our  chief 
emporium,  the  city  of  New  York,  with  its  dependen- 
cies, has,  within  that  period,  doubled  her  population 
and  increased  her  wealth  fivefold.  During  the  same 
period,  the  imports  and  exports  which  have  entered 
and  left  her  harbor  are  more  than  double,  in  bulk  and 
value,  the  whole  amount  imported  and  exported  by 
her  between  the  settlement  of  the  first  Dutch  colony 
on  the  Island  of  Manhattan  and  the  outbreak  of  the 
Civil  War  in  i860. 

The  agricultural  interest  is  by  far  the  largest  in  the 


392 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Nation,  and  is  entitled,  in  every  adjustment  of  revenue 
laws,  to  the  first  consideration.  Any  policy  hostile  to 
the  fullest  development  of  agriculture  in  the  United 
States  must  be  abandoned.  Realizing  this  fact,  the 
opponents  of  the  present  system  of  revenue  have 
labored  very  earnestly  to  persuade  the  farmers  of  the 
United  States  that  they  are  robbed  by  a protective 
tariff,  and  the  effort  is  thus  made  to  consolidate  their 
vast  influence  in  favor  of  free  trade.  But,  happily, 
the  farmers  of  America  are  intelligent,  and  cannot  be 
misled  by  sophistry  when  conclusive  facts  are  before 
them.  They  see  plainly  that,  during  the  past  twenty- 
four  years,  wealth  has  not  been  acquired  in  one  sec- 
tion or  by  one  interest  at  the  expense  of  another  sec- 
tion or  another  interest.  They  see  that  the  agricul- 
tural States  have  made  even  more  rapid  progress 
than  the  manufacturing  States. 

AGRICULTURE  PAYS. 

The  farmers  see  that  in  i860  Massachusetts  and 
Illinois  had  about  the  same  wealth — between  $800,- 
000,000  and  $900,000,000  each — and  that  in  1880 
Massachusetts  had  advanced  to  $2,600,000,000,  while 
Illinois  had  advanced  to  $3,200,000,000.  They  see 
that  New  Jersey  and  Iowa  were  just  equal  in  popula- 
tion in  i860,  and  that  in  twenty  years  the  wealth  of 
New  Jersey  was  increased  by  the  sum  of  $850,000,000, 
while  the  wealth  of  Iowa  was  increased  by  the  sum  of 
$1,500,000,000. 

They  see  that  the  nine  leading  agricultural  States 
of  the  West  had  grown  so  rapidly  in  prosperity  that 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


393 


the  a°f2rre°:ate  addition  to  their  wealth  since  i860  is 
almost  as  great  as  the  wealth  of  the  entire  country  in 
that  year.  They  see  that  the  South,  which  is  almost 
exclusively  agricultural,  has  shared  in  the  general 
prosperity,  and  that,  having  recovered  from  the  loss 
and  devastation  of  war,  it  has  gained  so  rapidly  that 
its  total  wealth  is  at  least  the  double  of  that  which  it 
possessed  in  i860,  exclusive  of  slaves. 

THE  GREAT  HOME  MARKET. 

In  these  extraordinary  developments  the  farmers 
see  the  helpful  impulse  of  a home -market,  and  they 
see  that  the  financial  and  revenue  system,  enacted 
since  the  Republican  party  came  into  power,  has  es- 
tablished and  constantly  expanded  the  home  market. 
They  see  that  even  in  the  case  of  wheat,  which  is  our 
chief  cereal  export,  they  have  sold,  in  the  average  of 
the  years  since  the  close-of  the  war,  three  bushels  at 
home  to  one  they  have  sold  abroad,  and  that  in  the 
case  of  corn,  the  only  other  cereal  which  we  export  to 
any  extent,  one  hundred  bushels  have  been  used  at 
home  to  three  and  a half  bushels  exported. 

In  some  years  the  disparity  has  been  so  great  that 
for  ever)'  peck  of  corn  exported  one  hundred  bushels 
have  been  consumed  in  the  home  market.  The  far- 
mers see  that,  in  the  increasing  competition  from  the 
grain  fields  of  Russia  and  from  the  distant  plains  of 
India,  the  growth  of  the  home  market  becomes  daily 
of  greater  concern  to  them,  and  that  its  impairment 
would  depreciate  the  value  of  every  acre  of  tillable 
land  in  the  Union. 


394 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


INTERNAL  FREE  TRADE. 

Such  facts  as  these,  touching  the  growth  and  con- 
sumption of  cereals  at  home,  give  us  some  slight  con- 
ception of  the  vastness  of  the  internal  commerce 
of  the  United  States.  They  suggest  also,  that  in  ad- 
dition to  the  advantages  which  the  American  people 
enjoy  from  protection  against  foreign  competition,  they 
enjoy  the  advantages  of  absolute  free  trade  over  a 
larger  area  and  with  a greater  population  than  any 
other  nation.  The  internal  commerce  of  our  thirty- 
eight  States  and  nine  Territories  is  carried  on  without 
let  or  hindrance,  without  tax,  detention,  or  govern- 
mental interference  of  any  kind  whatever.  It  spreads 
freely  over  an  area  of  three  and  a half  million  square 
miles— almost  equal  in  extent  to  the  whole  continent 
of  Europe.  Its  profits  are  enjoyed  to-day  by  56,000,- 
000  of  American  freemen  and  from  this  enjoyment  no 
monopoly  is  created. 

DOMESTIC  COMMERCE. 

According  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  when  he  dis- 
cussed the  same  subject  in  1790,  “ the  internal  compe- 
tition which  takes  place  does  away  with  everything 
like  monopoly,  and  by  degrees  reduces  the  prices  of 
articles  to  the  minimum  of  a reasonable  profit  on  the 
capital  employed.”  It  is  impossible  to  point  to  a single 
monopoly  in  the  United  States  that  has  been  created 
or  fostered  by  the  industrial  system  which  is  upheld  by 
the  Republican  party. 

Compared  with  our  foreign  commerce,  these  do- 
mestic exchanges  are  inconceivably  great  in  amount — 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


395 


requiring  merely  as  one  instrumentality  as  large  a 
mileage  of  railway  as  exists  to-day  in  all  the  other 
nations  of  the  world  combined.  These  internal  ex- 
changes are  estimated  by  the  Statistical  Bureau  of  the 
Treasury  Department  to  be  annually  twenty  times  as 
great  in  amount  as  our  foreign  commerce.  It  is  into 
this  vast  field  of  home  trade — at  once  the  creation  and 
the  heritage  of  the  American  people — that  foreign 
nations  are  striving  by  every  device  to  enter.  It  is 
into  this  field  that  the  opponents  of  our  present  rev- 
enue system  would  freely  admit  the  countries  of 
Europe — countries  into  whose  internal  trade  we  could 
not  reciprocally  enter,  countries  to  which  we  should 
be  surrendering  every  advantage  of  trade  ; from  which 
we  should  be  gaining  nothing  in  return. 

LABOR  AND  CAPITAL. 

A policy  of  this  kind  would  be  'disastrous  to  the 
mechanics  and  workingmen  of  the  United  States. 
Wages  are  unjustly  reduced  when  an  industrious  man 
is  not  able  by  his  earnings  to  live  in  comfort,  educate 
his  children,  and  lay  by  a sufficient  amount  for  the  ne- 
cessities of  age.  The  reduction  of  wages  inevitably 
consequent  upon  throwing  our  home  market  open  to 
the  world  would  deprive  them  of  the  power  to  do  this. 
It  would  prove  a great  calamity  to  our  country.  It 
would  produce  a conflict  between  the  poor  and  the 
rich,  and  in  the  sorrowful  degradation  of  labor  would 
plant  the  seeds  of  public  danger. 

The  Republican  party  has  steadily  aimed  to  main- 
tain just  relations  between  labor  and  capital,  guarding 


396 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


with  care  the  rights  of  each.  A conflict  between  the 
two  has  always  led  in  the  past  and  will  always  lead  in 
the  future  to  the  injury  of  both.  Labor  is  indispen- 
sable to  the  creation  and  profitable  use  of  capital,  and 
capital  increases  the  efficiency  and  value  of  labor. 
Whoever  arrays  the  one  against  the  other  is  an  enemy 
of  both.  That  policy  is  wisest  and  best  which  har- 
monizes the  two  on  the  basis  of  absolute  justice.  The 
Republican  party  has  protected  the  free  labor  of 
America  so  that  its  compensation  is  larger  than  is  real- 
ized in  any  other  country.  It  has  guarded  our  people 
against  the  unfair  competition  of  contract  labor  from 
China,  and  may  be  called  upon  to  prohibit  the  growth 
of  a similar  evil  from  Europe.  It  is  obviously  unfair 
to  permit  capitalists  to  make  contracts  for  cheap  labor 
in  foreign  countries  to  the  hurt  and  disparagement  of 
the  labor  of  American  citizens.  Such  a policy  (like  that 
which  would  leave  the  time  and  other  conditions  of  home 
labor  exclusively  in  the  control  of  the  employer)  is 
injurious  to  all  parties — not  the  least  so  to  the  unhappy 
persons  who  are  made  the  subjects  of  the  contract. 

AN  INTELLIGENT  AND  VIRTUOUS  PEOPLE. 

The  institutions  of  the  United  States  rest  upon  the 
intelligence  and  virtue  of  all  the  people.  Suffrage  is 
made  universal  as  a just  weapon  of  self-protection  to 
every  citizen.  It  is  not  the  interest  of  the  Republic 
that  any  economic  system  should  be  adopted  which 
involves  the  reduction  of  wages  to  the  hard  standard 
prevailing  elsewhere.  The  Republican  party  aims  to 
elevate  and  dignify  labor — not  to  degrade  it. 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


397 


As  a substitute  for  the  industrial  system  which, 
under  Republican  administration,  has  developed  such 
extraordinary  prosperity,  our  opponents  offer  a policy 
which  is  but  a series  of  experiments  upon  our  system 
of  revenue — a policy  whose  end  must  be  harm  to  our 
manufactures  and  greater  harm  to  our  labor.  Experi- 
ment in  the  industrial  and  financial  system  is  the 
country’s  greatest  dread,  as  stability  is  its  greatest 
boon.  Even  the  uncertainty  resulting  from  the  recent 
tariff  agitation  in  Congress  has  hurtfully  affected  the 
business  of  the  entire  country. 

Who  can  measure  the  harm  to  our  shops  and  our 
homes,  to  our  farms  and  our  commerce,  if  the  uncer- 
tainty of  perpetual  tariff  agitation  is  to  be  inflicted 
upon  the  country?  We  are  in  the  midst  of  an  abun- 
dant harvest ; we  are  on  the  eve  of  a revival  of  general 
prosperity.  Nothing  stands  in  our  way  but  the  dread 
of  a change  in  the  industrial  system  which  has  wrought 
such  wonders  in  the  last  twenty  years,  and  which,  with 
the  power  of  increased  capital,  will  work  still  greater 
marvels  of  prosperity  in  the  twenty  years  to  come. 

OUR  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

Our  foreign  relations  favor  our  domestic  develop- 
ment. We  are  at  peace  with  the  world — at  peace  upon 
a sound  basis,  with  no  unsettled  questions  df  sufficient 
magnitude  to  embarrass  or  distract  us.  Happily  re- 
moved by  our  geographical  position  from  participation 
or  interest  in  those  questions  of  dynasty  or  boundary 
which  so  frequently  disturb  the  peace  of  Europe,  we 
are  left  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  all,  and  are 


398 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


free  from  possible  entanglements  in  the  quarrels  of 
any.  The  United  States  has  no  cause  and  no  desire 
to  engage  in  conflict  with  any  Power  on  earth,  and  we 
may  rest  in  assured  confidence  that  no  Power  desires 
to  attack  the  United  States. 

With  the  nations  of  the  Western  Hemisphere  we 
should  cultivate  closer  relations,  and  for  our  common 
prosperity  and  advancement  we  should  invite  them  all 
to  join  with  us  in  an  agreement,  that,  for  the  future, 
all  international  troubles  in  North  or  South  America 
shall  be  adjusted  by  impartial  arbitration,  and  not  by 
arms.  This  project  was  part  of  the  fixed  policy  of 
President  Garfield’s  administration,  and  it  should,  in 
my  judgment,  be  renewed.  Its  accomplishment  on  this 
continent  would  favorably  affect  the  nations  beyond 
the  sea,  and  thus  powerfully  contribute  at  no  distant 
day  to  the  universal  acceptance  of  the  philanthropic 
and  Christian  principle  of  arbitration. 

NATIONAL  BROTHERHOOD. 

The  effect  even  of  suggesting  it  for  the  Spanish- 
American  States  has  been  most  happy,  and  has  in- 
creased the  confidence  of  those  people  in  our  friendly 
disposition.  It  fell  to  my  lot  as  Secretary  of  State,  in 
June,  1881,  to  quiet  apprehension  in  the  Republic  of 
Mexico  by  giving  the  assurance,  in  an  official  despatch, 
fhat  “ there  is  not  the  faintest  desire  in  the  United 
States  for  territorial  extension  south  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
The  boundaries  of  the  two  Republics  have  been  estab- 
lished in  conformity  with  the  best  jurisdictional  inter- 
ests of  both.  The  line  of  demarcation  is  not  merely 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


399 


conventional.  It  is  more.  It  separates  a Spanish- 
American  people  from  a Saxon-American  people.  It 
divides  one  great  nation  from  another  with  distinct 
and  natural  finality.” 

We  seek  the  conquests  of  peace.  We  desire  to 
extend  our  commerce,  and  in  an  especial  degree  with 
our  friends  and  neighbors  on  this  continent.  We  have 
not  improved  our  relations  with  Spanish-America  as 
wisely  and  persistently  as  we  might  have  done.  For 
more  than  a generation  the  sympathy  of  those  coun- 
tries has  been  allowed  to  drift  away  from  us. 

We  should  now  make  every  effort  to  gain  their 
friendship.  Our  trade  with  them  is  already  large. 
During  the  last  year  our  exchanges  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere  amounted  to  $350,000,000 — nearly  one- 
fourth  of  our  entire  foreign  commerce.  To  those  who 
may  be  disposed  to  underrate  the  value  of  our  trade 
with  the  countries  of  North  and  South  America,  it  may 
be  well  to  state  that  their  population  is  nearly  or  quite 
50,000,000,  and  that,  in  proportion  to  aggregate  num- 
bers, we  import  nearly  double  as  much  from  them  as 
we  do  from  Europe. 

UNSATISFACTORY  TRADE. 

But  the  result  of  the  whole  American  trade  is  in  a 
high  degree  unsatisfactory.  The  imports  during  the 
past  year  exceeded  $225,000,000,  while  the  exports 
were  less  than  $125,000,000  — showing  a balance 
against  us  of  more  than  $100,000,000.  But  the  money 
does  not  go  to  Spanish-America.  We  send  large  sums 
to  Europe  in  coin  or  its  equivalent  to  pay  European 


400 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


manufacturers  for  the  goods  which  they  send  to  Span- 
ish America.  We  are  but  paymasters  for  this  enor- 
mous amount  annually  to  European  factors  — an 
amount  which  is  a serious  draft,  in  every  financial 
depression,  upon  our  resources  of  specie. 

Cannot  this  condition  of  trade  in  great  part  be 
changed  ? Cannot  the  market  for  our  products  be 
greatly  enlarged?  We  have  made  a beginning  in 
our  effort  to  improve  our  trade  relations  with  Mexico, 
and  we  should  not  be  content  until  similar  and  mutually 
advantageous  arrangements  have  been  successively 
made  with  every  nation  of  North  and  South  America. 
While  the  great  Powers  of  Europe  are  steadily  en- 
larging their  colonial  domination  in  Asia  and  Africa, 
it  is  the  especial  province  of  this  country  to  improve 
and  expand  its  trade  with  the  nations  of  America. 
No  field  promises  so  much.  No  field  has  been  culti- 
vated so  little.  Our  foreign  policy  should  be  an 
American  policy  in  its  broadest  and  most  compre- 
hensive sense — a policy  of  peace,  of  friendship,  of 
commercial  enlargement. 

A PATRIOTIC  NAME. 

The  name  of  America,  which  belongs  to  us  in  our 
National  capacity,  must  always  exalt  the  just  pride  of 
patriotism.  Citizenship  of  the  Republic  must  be  the 
panoply  and  safeguard  of  him  who  wears  it.  The 
American  citizen,  rich  or  poor,  native  or  naturalized, 
white  or  colored,  must  everywhere  walk  secure  in 
his  personal  and  civil  rights.  The  Republic  should 
never  accept  a lesser  duty,  it  can  never  assume  a 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


401 


nobler  one,  than  the  protection  of  the  humblest  man 
who  owes  it  loyalty — protection  at  home,  and  protec- 
tion which  shall  follow  him  abroad  into  whatever 
land  he  may  go  upon  a lawful  errand. 

I recognize,  not  without  regret,  the  necessity  for 
speaking  of  two  sections  of  our  common  country.  But 
the  regret  diminishes  when  I see  that  the  elements 
which  separated  them  are  fast  disappearing.  Pre- 
judices have  yielded  and  are  yielding,  while  a growing 
cordiality  warms  the  Southern  and  the  Northern  heart 
alike.  Can  any  one  doubt  that  between  the  sections 
confidence  and  esteem  are  to-day  more  marked  than 
at  any  period  in  the  sixty  years  preceding  the  election 
of  President  Lincoln  ? This  is  the  result  in  part  of 
time,  and  in  part  of  Republican  principles  applied 
under  the  favorable  condition  of  uniformity. 

PEACE  AND  PROSPERITY. 

It  would  be  a great  calamity  to  change  these  influ- 
ences under  which  Southern  Commonwealths  are 
learning  to  vindicate  civil  rights,  and  adapting  them- 
selves to  the  conditions  of  political  tranquillity  and 
industrial  progress.  If  there  be  occasional  and 
violent  outbreaks  in  the  South  against  this  peaceful 
progress,  the  public  opinion  of  the  country  regards 
them  as  exceptional,  and  hopefully  trusts  that  each 
will  prove  the  last. 

The  South  needs  capital  and  occupation,  not  con- 
troversy. As  much  as  any  part  of  the  North,  the 
South  needs  the  full  protection  of  the  revenue  laws 
which  the  Republican  party  offers.  Some  of  the 
26 


402 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Southern  States  have  already  entered  upon  a career 
of  industrial  development  and  prosperity.  These,  at 
least,  should  not  lend  their  electoral  votes  to  destroy 
their  own  future. 

Any  effort  to  unite  the  Southern  States  upon  issues 
that  grow  out  of  the  memories  of  the  war,  will  sum- 
mon the  Northern  States  to  combine  in  the  assertion 
of  that  Nationality  which  was  their  inspiration  in  the 
civil  struggle.  And  thus  great  energies  which  should 
be  united  in  a common  industrial  development  will  be 
wasted  in  hurtful  strife.  The  Democratic  party  shows 
itself  a foe  to  Southern  prosperity  by  always  invoking 
and  urging  Southern  political  consolidation.  Such  a 
policy  quenches  the  rising  instinct  of  patriotism  in  the 
heart  of  the  Southern  youth ; it  revives  and  stimulates 
prejudice  ; it  substitutes  the  spirit  of  barbaric  venge^ 
ance  for  the  love  of  peace,  progress  and  harmony. 

CIVIL  SERVICE  REFORM. 

The  general  character  of  the  Civil  Service  of  the 
United  States,  under  all  administrations,  has  been 
honorable.  In  the  one  supreme  test — the  collection 
and  disbursement  of  revenue — the  record  of  fidelity 
has  never  been  surpassed  in  any  Nation.  With  the 
almost  fabulous  sums  which  were  received  and  paid 
during  the  late  war,  scrupulous  integrity  was  the  pre- 
vailing rule.  Indeed,  throughout  that  trying  period 
it  can  be  said,  to  the  honor  of  the  American  name, 
that  unfaithfulness  and  dishonesty  among  civil  officers 
were  as  rare  as  misconduct  and  cowardice  on  the  field 
of  battle. 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


403 


The  growth  of  the  country  has  continually  and  ne- 
cessarily enlarged  the  Civil  Service,  until  now  it  in- 
cludes a vast  body  of  officers.  Rules  and  methods  of 
appointment  which  prevailed  when  the  number  was 
smaller,  have  been  found  insufficient  and  impracticable, 
and  earnest  efforts  have  been  made  to  separate  the 
great  mass  of  ministerial  officers  from  partisan  influ- 
ence and  personal  control.  Impartiality  in  the  mode 
of  appointment  to  be  based  on  qualification,  and 
security  of  tenure  to  be  based  on  faithful  discharge  of 
duty,  are  the  two  ends  to  be  accomplished.  The  pub- 
lic business  will  be  aided  by  separating  the  legislative 
branch  of  the  government  from  all  control  of  appoint- 
ments, and  the  Executive  Department  will  be  relieved 
by  subjecting  appointments  to  fixed  rules,  and  thus 
removing  them  from  the  caprice  of  favoritism.  But 
there  should  be  right  observance  of  the  law  which 
gives,  in  all  cases  of  equal  competency,  the  preference 
to  the  soldiers  who  risked  their  lives  in  defence  of 
the  Union. 

REMOVALS  FROM  OFFICE. 

I entered  Congress  in  1863,  and  in  a somewhat  pro- 
longed service  I never  found  it  expedient  to  request 
or  recommend  the  removal  of  a civil  officer,  except  in 
four  instances,  and  then  for  non-political  reasons  which 
were  instantly  conclusive  with  the  appointing  power. 
The  officers  in  the  district,  appointed  by  Mr.  Lincoln 
in  1861  upon  the  recommendation  of  my  predecessor, 
served,  as  a rule,  until  death  or  resignation.  I adopted 
at  the  beginning  of  my  service  the  test  of  competitive 


*04 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


examination  for  appointments  to  West  Point,  and 
maintained  it  so  long  as  I had  the  right  by  law  to 
nominate  a cadet.  In  the  case  of  many  officers  I found 
that  the  present  law,  which  arbitrarily  limits  the  term 
of  the  commission,  offered  a constant  temptation  to 
changes  for  mere  political  reasons.  I have  publicly 
expressed  the  belief  that  the  essential  modification  of 
that  law  would  be  in  many  respects  advantageous. 

“ COMMERCIAL  SENTINELS.” 

My  observation  in  the  Department  of  State  con- 
firmed the  conclusion  of  my  legislative  experience, 
and  impressed  me  with  the  conviction  that  the  rule  of 
impartial  appointment  might  with  advantage  be  car- 
ried beyond  any  existing  provision  of  the  civil  service 
law.  It  should  be  applied  to  appointments  in  the  con- 
sular service.  Consuls  should  be  commercial  senti- 
nels— encircling  the  globe  with  watchfulness  for  their 
country’s  interests.  Their  intelligence  and  compe- 
tency become,  therefore,  matters  of  great  public  con- 
cern. No  man  should  be  appointed  to  an  American 
consulate  who  is  not  well  instructed  in  the  history  and 
resources  of  his  own  country,  and  in  the  requirements 
and  language  of  commerce  in  the  country  to  which  he 
is  sent.  The  same  rule  should  be  applied  even  more 
rigidly  to  secretaries  of  legation  in  our  diplomatic  ser- 
vice. The  people  have  the  right  to  the  most  efficient 
agents  in  the  discharge  of  public  business,  and  the  ap- 
pointing power  should  regard  this  as  the  prior  and 
ulterior  consideration. 

Religious  liberty  is  the  right  of  every  citizen  of  the 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


405 


Republic.  Congress  is  forbidden  by  the  Constitution 
to  make  any  law  “ respecting  the  establishment  of 
religion  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof.” 
For  a century,  under  this  guarantee.  Protestant  and 
Catholic,  Jew  and  Gentile,  have  worshiped  God  ac- 
cording to  the  dictates  of  conscience,  But  religious 
liberty  must  not  be  perverted  to  the  justification  of 
offences  against  the  law. 

TREASONABLE  POLYGAMY. 

A religious  sect,  strongly  entrenched  in  one  of  the 
Territories  of  the  Union,  and  spreading  rapidly  into 
four  other  Territories,  claims  the  right  to  destroy  the 
great  safeguard  and  muniment  of  social  order,  and  to 
practise  as  a religious  privilege  that  which  is  a crime 
punished  with  severe  penalty  in  every  State  of  the 
Union.  The  sacredness  and  unity  of  the  family  must 
be  preserved  as  the  foundation  of  all  civil  govern- 
ment, as  the  source  of  orderly  administration,  as  the 
surest  guarantee  of  moral  purity. 

The  claim  of  the  Mormons  that  they  are  divinely 
authorized  to  practise  polygamy  should  no  more  be 
admitted  than  the  claim  of  certain  heathen  tribes,  if 
they  should  come  among  us,  to  continue  the  right  of 
human  sacrifice.  The  law  does  not  interfere  with 
what  a man  believes ; it  takes  cognizance  only  of 
what  he  does.  As  citizens,  the  Mormons  are  entitled 
to  the  same  civil  rights  as  others,  and  to  these  they 
must  be  confined.  Polygamy  can  never  receive 
National  sanction  or  toleration  by  admitting  the  com- 
munity that  upholds  it  as  a State  in  the  Union.  Like 


406 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


others,  the  Mormons  must  learn  that  the  liberty  of  the. 
individual  ceases  where  the  rights  of  society  begin. 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  though  often 
urged  and  tempted,  have  never  seriously  contemplated 
the  recognition  of  any  other  money  than  gold  and 
silver — and  currency  directly  convertible  into  them. 
They  have  not  done  so,  they  will  not  do  so,  under  any 
necessity  less  pressing  than  that  of  desperate  war. 
The  one  special  requisite  for  the  completion  of  our 
monetary  system  is  the  fixing  of  the  relative  values  of 
silver  and  gold. 

THE  SILVER  QUESTION. 

The  large  use  of  silver  as  the  money  of  account 
among  Asiatic  nations,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  increasing  commerce  of  the  world,  gives  the 
weightiest  reasons  for  an  international  agreement  in 
the  premises.  Our  Government  should  not  cease  to 
urge  this  measure  until  a common  standard  of  value 
shall  be  reached  and  established — a standard  that 
shall  enable  the  United  States  to  use  the  silver  from 
its  mines  as  an  auxiliary  to  gold  in  settling  the 
balances  of  commercial  exchange. 

The  strength  of  the  Republic  is  increased  by  the 
multiplication  of  land-holders.  Our  laws  should  look 
to  the  judicuios  encouragement  of  actual  settlers  on 
the  public  domain,  which  should  henceforth  be  held  as 
a sacred  trust  for  the  benefit  of  those  seeking  homes. 
The  tendency  to  consolidate  large  tracts  of  land  in 
the  ownership  of  individuals  or  corporations  should, 
with  proper  regard  to  vested  rights,  be  discouraged. 


BLAINE  ACCEPTS  THE  NOMINATION. 


407 


One  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  in  the  hands 
of  one  man  is  far  less  profitable  to  the  Nation  in 
every  way  than  when  its  ownership  is  divided  among 
one  thousand  men.  The  evil  of  permitting  large 
tracts  of  the  National  domain  to  be  consolidated  and 
controlled  by  the  few  against  the  many,  is  enhanced 
when  the  persons  controlling  it  are  aliens. 

DISPOSITION  OF  PUBLIC  LANDS. 

It  is  but  fair  that  the  public  land  should  be  disposed 
of  only  to  actual  settlers,  and  to  those  who  are 
citizens  of  the  Republic,  or  willing  to  become  so. 
Among  our  National  interests,  one  languishes — the 
foreign  carrying  trade.  It  was  very  seriously  crippled 
in  our  Civil  War,  and  another  blow  was  given  to  it  in 
the  general  substitution  of  steam  for  sail  in  ocean 
traffic.  With  a frontage  on  the  two  great  oceans, 
with  a freightage  larger  than  that  of  any  other  nation, 
we  have  every  inducement  to  restore  our  navigation. 
Yet  the  Government  has  hitherto  refused  its  help.  A 
small  share  of  the  encouragement  given  by  the 
Government  to  railways  and  to  manufactures,  and  a 
small  share  of  the  capital  and  the  zeal  given  by  our 
citizens  to  those  enterprises,  would  have  carried  our 
ships  to  every  sea  and  to  every  port.  A law  just  en- 
acted removes  some  of  the  burdens  upon  our  naviga- 
tion, and  inspires  hope  that  this  great  interest  may  at 
last  receive  its  due  share  of  attention.  All  efforts  in 
this  direction  should  receive  encouragement. 

This  survey  of  our  condition  as  a Nation  reminds 
us  that  material  prosperity  is  but  a mockery  if  it  does 


408 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


not  tend  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  the  people.  A free 
ballot  is  the  safeguard  of  Republican  institutions,  with- 
out which  no  national  welfare  is  assured.  A popular 
election,  honestly  conducted,  embodies  the  very  ma- 
jesty of  true  government.  Ten  millions  of  voters 
desire  to  take  part  in  the  pending  contest.  The 
safety  of  the  Republic  rests  upon  the  integrity  of  the 
ballot,  upon  the  security  of  suffrage  to  the  citizens. 

To  deposit  a fraudulent  vote  is  no  worse  a crime 
against  constitutional  liberty  than  to  obstruct  the  de- 
posit of  an  honest  vote.  He  who  corrupts  suffrage 
strikes  at  the  very  root  of  free  government.  He  is 
the  arch-enemy  of  the  Republic.  He  forgets  that  in 
trampling  upon  the  rights  of  others  he  fatally  imperils 
his  own  rights.  “ It  is  a good  land  which  the  Lord 
our  God  doth  give  us,”  but  we  can  maintain  our  heri- 
tage only  by  guarding  with  vigilance  the  source  of 
popular  power.  I am,  with  great  respect,  your  obedi- 
ent servant,  James  G.  Blaine. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


The  Great  Campaign  of  1884. 

The  political  battle  which  followed  Mr.  Blaine’s 
nomination  for  the  Presidency  at  Chicago  has  never 
been  surpassed  in  this  country  for  unscrupulous 
means  employed  to  defeat  a popular  candidate.  The 
bitterest  assaults  were  made  upon  him,  the  most  out- 
rageous falsehoods  were  circulated  by  his  enemies, 
and,  as  the  time  for  the  election  drew  near,  it  was 
universally  felt  that  the  result  was  involved  in  grave 
doubt. 

A very  large  number  of  Republicans,  headed  by 
several  newspapers  which  had  always  heretofore  fol- 
lowed the  party  dictates,  bolted  the  nominations  and 
actively  supported  Mr.  Cleveland,  the  Democratic 
candidate. 

All  sorts  of  extraneous  matters  were  dragged  into 
the  party  warfare,  some  of  the  assaults  on  the  Repub- 
lican nominee  being  of  a particularly  aggravating 
character.  Most  of  these  were  allowed  to  pass  by 
unnoticed,  but  one  of  them  was  of  such  a nature  that 
Mr.  Blaine  brought  a suit  for  libel  against  a news- 
paper in  Indiana.  After  a year  or  two  this  case  was 
discontinued. 


(409) 


410  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

Feeling  most  acutely  the  hazardous  situation  in 
which  he  was  placed,  Blaine  went  into  the  canvass 
with  even  more  than  his  ordinary  energy.  He  trav- 
elled over  Ohio,  Indiana,  New  York,  and  some  other 
States,  addressing  large  meetings  and  giving  counsel 
to  his  party  leaders.  In  his  speeches  he  made  the 
doctrine  of  protection  the  main  issue,  thus  for  the  first 
time  in  more  than  a third  of  a century  bringing  it  to 
the  foremost  place  in  a Presidential  campaign. 

GREETED  WITH  ENTHUSIASM. 

Immense  crowds  at  all  points  assembled  to  get  a 
sight  of  the  “ Plumed  Knight  ” and  hear  his  soul-stir- 
ring speeches.  In  public  halls,  in  the  open  air,  from 
the  steps  of  his  railway  train,  his  clarion  voice  thrilled 
the  multitudes  and  aroused  them  to  unwonted  enthu- 
siasm. His  tour  was  a triumphal  progress.  Ever 
ready  to  discuss  the  issues  of  the  hour,  quick  in  his 
perceptions  of  the  exigencies  of  the  occasion,  rising 
always  in  princely  fashion  to  the  demands  of  the 
moment,  he  pushed  on  his  vigorous  campaign,  and 
infused  life  and  courage  into  the  great  party  whose 
standard  had  been  placed  in  his  hands. 

The  contest  was  drawing  to  a close,  and  a large 
number  of  prominent  citizens  of  the  city  of  New  York 
felt  that  it  would  be  a just  tribute  to  Mr.  Blaine’s 
devoted  labors  in  the  contest  to  offer  him  a public 
banquet.  The  invitation  was  sent,  and  he  replied 
from  Evansville,  appointing  Wednesday  evening, 
October  29th,  as  the  date  most  convenient  to  him. 

The  company  that  gathered  on  that  occasion  was 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


411 


one  of  the  most  distinguished  ever  assembled  in  the 
Metropolis.  Hon.  William  M.  Evarts  presided,  Mr. 
Blaine  sitting  at  his  right  hand,  and  Hon.  L.  P.  Mor- 
ton, United  States  Minister  to  France,  at  his  left. 
Other  guests  at  this  table  were  Noah  Davis,  Presiding 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York  ; ex-Gov- 
ernor  Cornell,  of  New 
York ; Governor  Hoyt, 
of  Pennsylvania;  Cyrus 
W.  Field,  the  construc- 
tor of  the  Atlantic  ca- 
ble;  and  Charles  E. 

Coon,  Assistant  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury. 

At  the  other  tables 
were  many  of  the  most 
eminent  and  respected 
men  of  New  York  City, 
representing  all  the 
learned  professions  and 
all  branches  of  trade 
and  industry.  Various 

addresses  were  made,  william  m.  evarts. 
but  the  chief  interest  of  the  evening  centred  upon  that 
of  Mr.  Blaine  himself,  which  was  as  follows : 


SPEECH  AT  THE  BANQUET. 

It  is  a great  reversal  of  positions,  Mr.  President 
(addressing  Mr.  Evarts),  that  makes  me  hear  you 
ascribe  leadership  to  me.  (Applause.)  For  it  has 
been  my  duty  and  my  pleasure  in  these  long  years  to 


412 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


follow  you  (applause  and  cheers)  ; to  learn  from  you 
wisdom  in  public  affairs,  and  join  with  my  countrymen 
in  ascribing  to  you,  not  merely  the  great  merit  of 
leadership  in  the  noblest  of  professions,  but  to  yield 
our  admiration  for  the  singular  success  which  has 
given  to  you  the  opportunity  to  lead  in  the  three  most 
important  cases  ever  pleaded  by  a member  of  the 
American  bar.  (Applause.)  First,  in  resisting  your 
own  party  in  what  you  deemed  the  impolicy,  if  not 
the  madness,  of  impeaching  a President  (cries  of 
“ Good!  Good!”  and  cheers)  ; second,  in  maintaining 
before  the  greatest  international  tribunal  that  has  ever 
assembled  in  modern  times  the  rights  of  your  country 
and  obtaining  redress  for  wrongs  to  her  that  grew  out 
of  the  Civil  War  (applause)  ; and  third,  in  perhaps 
averting  another  civil  war  by  pleading  before  an  Elec- 
toral Commission  a peaceful  settlement  of  the  angriest 
political  discussion  that  ever  arose  between  the  parties 
in  the  United  States.  (Applause  and  cheers.) 

I turn  now  from  your  President  to  thank  you,  mer- 
chants, professional  men,  leaders  in  the  great  and 
complex  society  of  New  York — to  thank  you  for 
receiving  me,  not  merely  at  this  festal  board,  but  also 
in  that  far  more  impressive  reception  which  the  close 
of  this  rainy  day  witnesses  in  your  broad  and  beauti- 
ful avenue.  I could  not,  I am  sure,  by  any  possible 
stretch  of  vanity  take  this  large  and  generous  demon- 
stration to  myself.  It  is  given  to  me  only  for  the  time 
as  the  representative  of  the  principles  which  you  and 
I hold  in  common,  touching  those  great  interests  which 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


413 


underlie,  as  we  believe,  the  prosperity  of  the  Nation. 
(Applause.)  And  it  is  fitting  that  the  commercial 
metropolis  of  the  continent  should  lead ; it  is  fitting 
that  the  financial  centre  of  the  continent  should  lead  ; 
it  is  fitting  that  this  great  city,  second  only  in  the 
world,  should  give  an  expression  to  the  continent  of 
its  views  and  its  judgment  on  the  important  questions 
to  be  decided  Tuesday  next  by  the  American  people. 
(Cheers.) 

And  I venture — not  that  I know  it  so  well  as  you, 
but  that  I am  spokesman  for  the  present — I venture 
to  remind  you,  men  of  New  York,  with  your  wealth 
and  your  just  influence  and  your  magnificent  prestige, 
that  seventy  per  cent,  of  the  entire  property  of  this 
city  has  been  acquired  since  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
inaugurated,  the  4th  of  March,  1861.  I should  not 
mention  here  a fact  of  percentage  and  of  statistics  if 
it  did  not  carry  with  it  an  argument  and  a moral. 
The  common  apprehension  in  regard  to  New  York  is 
that  it  is  simply  a great  commercial  city — so  great 
that  its  exports  and  imports  represent  largely  the 
major  part  of  all  that  is  exported  from  or  imported 
into  the  United  States.  That  we  all  know. 

But  we  are  often  prone  to  forget  that  New  York  is 
the  largest  manufacturing  city  in  the  world,  with  per- 
haps a single  exception  ; that  of  the  $6,000,000,000  of 
manufactures  annually  produced  in  the  United  States, 
this  great  Empire  State  furnishes  one-fifth — $1,200,- 
000,000 — of  which  this  great  Empire  City  produces 
$500,000,000.  And  from  these  facts  comes  that  great 


414 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


sympathy,  that  identity  of  interest  which  has  moved 
the  previously  existing  conflicts  between  what  have 
been  known  as  the  manufacturing  and  the  commercial 
interests,  and  has  taught  us  that  there  can  be  no  true 
prosperity  in  the  country  unless  the  three  great  inter- 
ests comprehended  by  agriculture,  manufactures,  and 
commerce  are  acting  in  harmony,  the  one  with  the 
other,  and  joining  together  for  a common  end  and  for 
the  common  good.  (Cheers.) 

It  is  usually  thought  that  a change  of  Government 
means  but  little  ; that  we  come  together  with  our  votes 
a given  day  and  count  them  as  the  sun  goes  down, 
and  one  party  goes  out  and  another  comes  in.  But, 
gentlemen,  it  is  worth  while  to  remember  that  the 
United  States  is  proceeding  to-day  upon  a given  basis 
of  public  policy — I might  say  upon  a given  series  of 
public  policies.  We  have  a great  financial  system; 
we  have  a great  currency  system  ; we  have  an  impor- 
tant National  credit ; we  have  a levying  of  duties,  as 
has  been  so  well  described  by  your  distinguished 
President  of  the  evening,  so  adjusted  that  the  indus- 
tries of  the  country  are  fostered  and  encouraged 
thereby ; we  have  three  important  constitutional 
amendments  that  grew  out  of  the  war,  upon  which, 
at  this  hour  and  in  the  hours,  and  the  days,  and  the 
weeks,  and  the  years  to  follow,  great  issues  hang  in 
this  country. 

Are  we — if  we  should  be  invited  to  step  down  and 
out  and  our  opponents  to  step  up  and  in  (applause) 
— are  we  to  understand  that  these  policies  are  to  be 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


415 


reversed?  (Cries  of  “Yes!  Yes!”)  Then  if  we  are 
to  understand  that  they  are  to  be  reversed  we  should, 
one  and  all,  prepare  for  a grand  disaster.  (“  Hear  ! 
Hear  ! ” and  cheers.)  For  a single  illustration,  let  me 
recall  to  your  minds  that  the  repeal  of  ten  lines  in  the 
National  Banking  Act  would  restore  to  vitality  and 
vigor  the  old  State-bank  system  from  which  we  had 
happily  escaped,  as  we  thought,  for  all  the  remainder 
of  our  lives.  (Applause.) 

If  these  policies  are  to  be  reversed,  you  will  have 
to  recast  your  accounts  and  review  your  ledgers  and. 
prepare  for  a new,  and  I may  say,  a dangerous  depar- 
ture ; and  if  these  policies  are  not  to  be  reversed,  they 
will  certainly  be  better  maintained  by  the  great  party 
which  originated  them  and  has  thus  far  sustained  them 
with  vigor  and  success.  (Applause.) 

As  I have  already  said,  we  speak  of  New  York  as 
the  great  exporting  and  importing  city,  and  from 
that  perhaps  we  often  give  an  exaggerated  importance, 
relatively  speaking,  to  our  foreign  trade,  because  this 
magnificent  metropolis  never  would  have  attained  its 
grandeur  and  its  wealth  upon  the  foreign  trade  alone. 
We  should  never  forget,  important  as  that  trade  is, 
representing  the  enormous  sum  of  $1,500,000,000  an- 
nually, that  it  sinks  into  insignificance  and  is  dwarfed 
out  of  sight  when  we  think  of  those  vast  domestic 
exchanges  of  which  New  York  is  the  admitted  centre 
and  which  annually  exceed  $2,000,000,000.  (Applause.) 

Our  foreign  trade  naturally  brings  to  our  considera- 
tion the  foreign  relations  of  this  country,  so  well  de- 


416 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


scribed  by  my  distinguished  friend  as  always  simple 
and  sincere.  It  is  the  safeguard  of  Republics  that 
they  are  not  adapted  to  war.  (Cheers.)  I mean  ag- 
gressive war.  (Cheers.)  And  it  is  the  safeguard  of 
this  Republic  that  in  a defensive  war  we  can  defy  the 
world.  (Loud  cheering.)  This  Nation  to-day  is  in 
profound  peace  with  the  world.  (Cheers.)  But,  in 
my  judgment,  it  has  before  it  a great  duty  which  will 
not  only  make  that  profound  peace  permanent,  but 
shall  set  such  an  example  as  will  absolutely  abolish 
war  on  this  continent,  and  by  a great  example  and  a 
lofty  moral  precedent  shall  ultimately  abolish  it  in 
other  continents.  (Great  and  long-continued  cheering.) 
I am  justified  in  saying  that  every  one  of  the  seven- 
teen independent  Powers  of  North  and  South  America 
is  not  only  willing  but  ready — is  not  only  ready  but 
eager — to  enter  into  a solemn  compact  in  a congress 
that  may  be  called  in  the  name  of  peace  to  agree  that 
if,  unhappily,  differences  shall  arise — as  differences 
will  arise  between  men  and  nations — they  shall  be 
settled  upon  the  peaceful  and  Christian  basis  of  arbi- 
tration. (Great  cheering.) 

And,  as  I have  often  said  before,  I am  glad  to 
repeat  in  this  great  centre  of  civilization  and  power 
that  in  my  judgment  no  National  spectacle,  no  inter- 
national spectacle,  no  continental  spectacle,  could  be 
more  grand  than  that  the  Republics  of  the  Western 
World  should  meet  together  and  solemnly  agree  that 
neither  the  soil  of  North  nor  that  of  South  America 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


417 


shall  be  hereafter  stained  by  brothers’  blood.  (Pro- 
longed cheering.) 

The  Republican  party,  gentlemen,  cannot  be  said 
to  be  on  trial.  (Cheers.)  To  be  on  trial  implies 
something  to  be  tried  for.  (“  Right ! ” “ That’s  so  ! ” 

and  cheers.)  The  Republican  party  in  its  twenty- 
three  years  of  rulership  has  advanced  the  interests  of 
this  country  far  beyond  that  of  any  of  its  predecessors 
in  power.  It  has  elevated  the  standard  of  America — 
it  has  increased  its  wealth  in  a ratio  never  before 
realized,  and,  I may  add,  never  before  dreamed  of. 
(Great  cheering.) 

Statistics,  I know,  are  dry ; and  I have  dwelt  so 
much  upon  them  in  the  last  six  weeks  that  they  might 
be  supposed  to  be  especially  dry  to  me.  And  yet  I 
never  can  forget  the  eloquence  of  the  figures  which 
tell  us  that  the  wealth  of  this  great  Empire  State  when 
the  Republican  party  took  the  reins  of  government 
was  estimated  at  $ 1,800,000,000,  and  that  twenty 
years  afterward,  under  the  influence  of  an  industrial 
and  financial  system  for  which  that  party  is  proudly 
responsible  (great  applause),  under  the  influence  of 
that  industrial  and  financial  system,  the  same  tests 
which  gave  you  $1,800,000,000  of  property  in  i860 
gave  you  $6,300,000,000  in  1880.  (Loud  and  long- 
continued  cheering.)  There  has  never  been  in  all  the 
history  of  financial  progress — there  has  never  been  in 
all  the  history  of  the  world — any  parallel  to  this ; and 
I am  sure,  gentlemen,  that  the  Republican  party  is  not 
arrogant  nor  over-confident  when  it  claims  to  itself  the 
27 


418 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


credit  of  organizingr  and  maintaining  the  industrial 
system  which  gave  to  you  and  your  associates  in  en- 
terprise the  equal  and  just  laws  which  enable  you  to 
made  this  marvelous  progress.  (Great  cheering.) 

As  I have  said,  that  party  is  not  on  trial.  If  it  has 
made  mistakes,  they  have  been  merged  and  forgotten 
in  the  greater  success  which  has  corrected  them. 
(Cheers.)  If  it  has  had  internal  differences,  they  are 
laid  aside.  (Cheers.)  If  it  has  had  factional  strife,  I 
am  sure  that  has  ceased.  (Renewed  cheering.)  And 
I am  equally  sure  that,  looking  to  the  history  of  the 
past  and  looking  to  that  great  future  which  we  are 
justified  in  prophesying,  this  Imperial  State  cannot 
afford  to  reverse,  and  therefore  will  not  reverse,  those 
great  policies  upon  which  it  has  grown  and  advanced 
from  glory  to  glory.  (Enthusiastic  cheering.) 

I thank  you,  gentlemen  ; I thank  that  larger  number 
with  whom  I have  already  had  the  pleasure  of  ex- 
changing greetings  to-day,  I thank  the  ministers,  the 
merchants,  the  lawyers,  the  professional  men,  the 
mechanics,  the  laboring  men  of  New  York  (applause), 
for  a cordial  reception,  an  over-generous  welcome, 
which  in  all  the  mutations  of  my  future  life  will  be  to 
me  among  the  proudest  and  most  precious  of  my 
memories. 

THE  FAMOUS  BURCHARD  INCIDENT. 

The  foregoing  remarkable  speech  was  made  at  the 
banquet  in  the  evening.  At  ten  o’clock  in  the  morn- 
ing of  that  day  a large  number  of  clergymen  of  all  de- 
nominations called  on  Mr.  Blaine  at  the  Fifth  Avenue 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


419 


Hotel  to  present  a series  of  resolutions  and  assure 
him  of  their  respect  and  loyalty.  The  clergymen 
went  into  the  main  corridor  of  the  hotel,  and  soon  Mr. 
Blaine  appeared,  accompanied  by  the  committee  of 
clergymen  who  had  been  appointed  to  receive  him, 
several  members  of  his  family,  and  Hon.  Levi.  P. 
Morton. 

Rev.  S.  D.  Burchard,  D.  D.,  a well-known  and  hon- 
ored minister  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,,  was  called 
upon  a few  minutes  before  the  appearance  of  Mr. 
Blaine  to  deliver  the  address,  the  one  who  had  been 
chosen  for  this  purpose  being  unexpectedly  absent. 
Dr.  Burchard  was  a warm  admirer  of  Mr.  Blaine,  and 
those  who  knew  him  will  acquit  him  of  any  but  the 
best  of  intentions  in  the  part  he  acted  on  this  now 
celebrated  occasion.  His  error  was  one  of  judgment, 
and  doubtless  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was  suddenly 
called  upon  to  deliver  the  address.  He  stepped  to 
the  side  of  Mr.  Blaine,  and  spoke  as  follows: 

DR.  BURCHARd’s  SPEECH. 

“We  are  very  happy  to  welcome  you  to  this  city. 
You  see  here  a representation  of  all  denominations 
of  this  city.  You  see  the  large  number  that  are  rep- 
resented. We  are  your  friends,  Mr.  Blaine,  and,  not- 
withstanding ail  the  calumnies  that  have  been  urged 
in  the  papers  against  you,  we  stand  by  your  side. 
(Shouts  of  “Amen.’’)  We  expect  to  vote  for  you  next 
Tuesday.  We  have  higher  expectations,  which  are 
that  you  will  be  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  that  you  will  do  honor  to  your  name,  to  the 


420 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


United  States,  and  .to  the  high  office  you  will  occupy. 
We  are  Republicans,  and_don’t  propose  to  leave  our 
party  and  identify  ourselves  with  the  party  whose 
antecedents  have  been  Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion. 
We  are  loyal  to  our  flag.  We  are  loyal  to  you.” 

The  unfortunate  expression,  “ Rum,  Romanism  and 
Rebellion,”  produced  instantly  a perceptible  impres- 


sion on  Mr.  Blaine. 
His  expression  was  one 
of  surprise  and  painful 
anxiety.  His  quick  per- 
ception saw  at  once 
that  these  words,  ap- 
plied to  his  political 
opponents,  would  be 
resented  by  them,  and 
might  alienate  from 
him  many  who  had  in- 
tended to  break  from 
party  lines,  and  give 
him  their  support  at 
the  polls.  He  made  no 
reference  to  them  at 
the  time,  however,  and 


REV.  S.  D.  BURCHARD 


his  reply  to  the  cordial  welcome  of  the  clergymen  was 
one  of  his  happiest  efforts. 

HE  REFERS  TO  THE  BURCHARD  SPEECH. 

On  reaching  New  Haven,  on  November  ist,  Mr. 
Blaine  made  the  following-  address  referring  to  Dr. 
Burchard’s  expression  : 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


421 


There  has  been  placed  in  my  hands  since  my  arrival 
in  New  Haven  an  address  from  the  clergymen  of  this 
city  expressing  their  respect  and  confidence,  and, 
through  the  person  who  delivered  it,  the  assurance 
that  in  matters  of  public  right  and  in  matters  of  public 
participation  under  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  they  know  no  sect;  they  know  no  Prot- 
estant, no  Catholic,  no  Hebrew,  but  the  equality  of 
all.  (“  Good  ! ” and  cheers.)  In  the  city  of  Hartford 
I had  a letter  put  into  my  hands  asking  me  why  I 
charged  the  Democratic  party  with  being  inspired  by 
rum,  Romanism  and  rebellion.  (A  voice,  “You  never 
said  that.”)  My  answer,  in  the  first  place,  is  that  they 
put  in  my  mouth  an  unfortunate  expression  of  another 
man  ; and,  in  the  next  place,  it  gives  me  an  opportu- 
nity to  say,  at  the  close  of  the  campaign,  that  in  public 
speeches  which  I have  made  I have  refrained  carefully 
and  instinctively  from  making  any  disrespectful  allu- 
sion to  the  Democratic  party. 

I differ  from  that  party  profoundly  on  matters  of 
principle,  but  I have  too  much  respect  for  the  millions 
of  my  countrymen  whom  it  embraces  to  assail  it  with 
epithets  or  abuse.  (“  Good  ! Good  ! ” and  cheers.) 
In  the  next  place,  I am  sure  that  I am  the  last  man  in 
the  United  States  who  would  make  a disrespectful 
allusion  to  another  man’s  religion.  The  United  States 
guarantees  freedom  of  religious  opinion,  and  before 
the  law  and  under  the  Constitution  the  Protestant  and 
the  Catholic  and  the  Hebrew  stand  entitled  to  abso- 
lutely the  same  recognition  and  the  same  protection 


422 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


(loud  cheering)  ; and  if  disrespectful  allusion  is  here 
to  be  made  against  the  religion  of  any  man,  as  I have 
said,  I am  the  last  man  to  make  it ; though  Protestant 
by  conviction  and  connected  with  a Protestant  church, 
I should  esteem  myself  of  all  men  the  most  degraded 
if,  under  any  pressure  or  under  any  temptation,  I could 
in  any  presence  make  a disrespectful  allusion  to  that 
ancient  faith  in  which  my  mother  lived  and  died. 
(Enthusiastic  and  long-continued  cheering.) 

THE  RESULT  OF  THE  ELECTION. 

Mr.  Blaine  returned  to  his  home  at  Augusta,  re- 
ceiving an  imposing  reception  at  Boston  on  the  way. 
The  election  occurred  on  November  4th.  The  result 
turned  upon  the  vote  of  New  York  State,  and  for  some 
days  that  was  in  doubt.  After  an  inexplicable  delay 
on  the  part  of  the  Democratic  officers  of  election,  a 
delay  during  which  grave  suspicions  arose  that  the 
returns  were  being  tampered  with  and  falsified,  it  was 
announced  that  Mr.  Cleveland  had  carried  the  State 
by  a narrow  margin  of  1,047  votes. 

In  the  electoral  colleo-e  Mr.  Blaine  received  182 
votes  and  Mr.  Cleveland  219.  Not  only  was  Mr. 
Blaine  sorely  disappointed  at  the  result  of  the  election, 
but  his  party  yielded  to  defeat  with  a sorrow  that  was 
painfully  evident.  Millions  of  his  countrymen  had 
hoped  to  see  him  elevated  to  the  highest  position  in 
the  gift  of  the  people.  After  the  first  shock  of  disap- 
pointment he  returned  to  his  literary  pursuits,  and 
continued  his  work  on  his  “Twenty  Years  of  Con- 
gress,” a masterpiece  of  political  history  which  exhibits 


THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1884. 


423 


the  fruits  of  his  long  experience  in  our  national  affairs, 
his  consummate  analytical  power,  and  his  marvellous 
intellectual  ability.  This  work  will  stand  as  one  of  his 
proudest  monuments,  and  vrill  be  immortal  in  the 
annals  of  the  Republic. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


Again  Secretary  of  State. 

The  events  in  Mr.  Blaine’s  later  career,  extending 
through  the  closing  years  of  his  life,  are  prominent 
and  well  marked.  He  lived  in  the  eye  of  the  public. 
No  other  man  in  the  nation  was  accorded  so  much 
attention  and  comment  in  the  public  journals  which 
make  it  their  business  to  record  transactions  of  uni- 
versal interest. 

The  Washington  correspondent  of  one  of  our  lead- 
ing journals  published  the  following  reminiscences, 
which  properly  form  a part  of  the  history  of  Mr. 
Blaine  in  connection  with  the  presidency  and  his 
second  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State  : 

In  the  spring  of  1884,  long  before  the  two  conven- 
tions had  met,  I called  at  Mr.  Blaine’s  house  for  the 
purpose  of  talking  to  him  about  the  possible  outcome 
of  the  Republican  Convention  to  be  held  at  Chicago. 
Mr.  Blaine  was  then  the  leading-  candidate.  General 
Grant  was  in  Washington.  It  was  just  before  the 
Grant-Ward  failure,  and  a number  of  enthusiastic 
friends  of  General  Grant  thought  that  he  might  receive 
the  nomination.  Mr.  Blaine  at  that  time  showed 
singular  indifference.  Delegation  after  delegation 
(424) 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


425 


came  to  see  him  at  his  house,  but  without  eliciting  any 
response.  No  one  who  went  to  see  him  at  that  time- 
received  the  impression  that  he  desired  the  nomination. 
During  the  special  call  which  I made  for  the  purpose 
of  finding  out  if  possible  his  personal  views  Mr.  Blaine 
said,  “ I am  afraid  I am  going  to  be  nominated.” 
This  was  such  a peculiar  expression  that  I asked  Mr. 
Blaine  what  he  meant  by  it.  He  replied  that  the 
drift  was  clearly  going 
his  way,  and  that  unless 
he  took  active  steps  to 
counteract  it  by  an  ab- 
solute refusal  to  permit 
his  name  to  be  used  he 
would  receive  the  nom- 
ination. 

He  foresaw  the  whole 
situation  with  remarka- 
ble clearness.  He  esti- 
mated very  justly  the 
strength  of  the  other 
candidates.  The  reason 
why  he  feared  the  nom- 
ination was  his  profound 
belief  that  the  Republi-  benjamin  harrison. 
can  party  could  not  win  in  the  coming  campaign.  His 
reasons  for  that  were  given  with  great  exactness. 
There  was  great  distress  throughout  the  country. 
Times  were  hard  and  all  the  dissatisfaction  that  had 
been  accumulating  during  years  of  Republican  admin- 


426 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


istration  he  believed  would  culminate  in  that  year. 
Nearly  everything  that  he  predicted  at  that  time,  even 
to  the  character  of  the  contests  in  the  various  States, 
proved  to  be  true. 

WHY  HE  DECLINED  TO  RUN  AGAIN. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  feelings  even  then  made  him  shrink 
from  the  possible  dangers  of  the  situation.  For  many 

years  he  had  a pro- 
found ambition  to  be 
the  President  of  the 
United  States.  Yet  in 
every  contest  he  had 
encountered  great  trials 
and  even  dangers.  In 
1876  the  extraordinary 
attack  made  upon  him 
in  the  Blouse  of  Repre- 
sentatives came  near 
causing  his  death.  The 
sunstroke  during  the 
Cincinnati  Convention 
was  indirectly  one  of 
the  results  of  the  enor- 
mous strain  he  had 
undergone  prior  to  that  time.  Blis  enemies  then  said 
that  the  illness  was  a sham  to  create  sympathy. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  personal  pride  was  hurt  by  the  result 
of  the  campaign  of  1884.  He  was  deeply  wounded 
by  the  attitude  of  some  of  the  Republican  leaders. 
He  believed  that  if  there  had  been  perfect  harmony 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


427 


in  the  State  of  New  York  he  could  have  been  elected. 
He  felt  that  if  the  votes  had  been  honestly  counted 
he  would  have  been  elected.  The  result  of  that  elec- 
tion made  him  resolve  that  he  would  never  go  through 
another  campaign  except  under  conditions,  which,  from 
the  nature  of  things,  would  be  impossible. 

What  he  dreaded  more  than  anything  else  was  that 
he  should  be  regarded  as  posing  before  the  American 
public  as  a perpetual  candidate.  He  knew  that  if  he 
had  remained  in  this  country  during  the  year  preced- 
ing the  campaign  of  1888  his  position  would  be  mis- 
represented, and  so  he  went  to  Europe  in  the  early 
summer  of  1887  f°r  the  s0^e  purpose  of  avoiding 
every  possible  political  complication. 

Only  on  one  condition  would  Mr.  Blaine  have 

consented  to  arain  become  a candidate.  This  was 
<_> 

divulged  in  a conversation  I had  with  him  in  Paris, 
just  after  he  had  written  the  letter  of  November,  1887, 
to  Mr.  B.  F.  Jones,  announcing  that  he  would  not  be 
a candidate  under  any  circumstances.  Mr.  Blaine 
said  then,  in  the  course  of  a private  conversation,  that 
he  had  been  elected  to  the  proud  position  as  the  chief 
of  the  Republican  party  by  his  nomination  at  Chicago 
in  1884,  That  was  a position  which,  after  having  led 
his  party  to  defeat,  he  could  feel  justified  in  retaining 
only  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  every  other  possible 
candidate.  He  said  that  he  would  have  consented  to 
run  again  if  no  one  of  prominence  in  the  party  had 
opposed  his  renomination. 


428 


LIFE  OF  1ION.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


HIS  PARIS  LETTER. 

But  when  he  saw  that  candidate  after  candidate  was 
announced  for  the  next  Chicago  Convention  he  re- 

o 

solved  to  write  the  letter  to  Mr.  Jones.  This  letter 
was  written  without  any  second  thought.  It  was  an  ir- 
revocable determination  based  upon  a feeling  of  intense 
personal  pride.  Only  those  who  knew  Mr.  Blaine 
well  can  appreciate  how  intense  was  this  personal  feel- 
ing. He  felt  that  he  could  not  be  brought  to  occupy 
a more  undignified  position  after  having  been  elected 
leader  than  to  be  obliged  to  appear  before  the  public 
contesting  with  others  for  the  right  to  hold  the  position 
of  leader. 

After  writing  the  Paris  letter  Mr.  Blaine  determined 
to  escape  from  all  persecution,  and  to  enjoy,  if  possible, 
a visit  to  some  of  the  more  interesting  parts  of  Europe 
without  having  his  footsteps  dogged.  He  took  great 
care  to  disclose  to  no  one  his  intention  to  leave,  and 
departed  for  Vienna.  He  went  from  Vienna  on  toBuda- 
Pesth  and  remained  there  for  some  time,  completely 
eluding  his  pursuers.  No  representative  of  any 
American  newspaper  crossed  his  path  for  several 
weeks.  Public  attention  was  diverted  to  other  chan- 
nels in  America.  The  contentions  of  candidates  om 
cupied  the  public  mind.  Mr.  Blaine’s  withdrawal  was 
accepted  as  having  been  made  in  good  faith. 

So  great,  however,  was  the  disappointment  over  his 
withdrawal  and  so  difficult  did  it  become  to  concen- 
trate partisan  enthusiasm  upon  any  one  of  the  numer- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


429 


ous  Republican  candidates  that  the  thoughts  of  the 
leaders  be^an  to  turn  amiin  to  Mr.  Blaine. 

The  result  was  that  Benjamin  Harrison  was  nom- 
inatedand  subsequently  elected  President  of  the  United 
States.  To  make  him  President  no  one  helped  more 
than  Mr.  Blaine.  In  his  old  time  fashion  he  stumped 
the  country,  delivering  most  brilliant  and  telling 
speeches  on  the  tariff,  which  was  then  the  one  great 
point  at  issue. 

AGAIN  IN  THE  CABINET. 


He  was  called  by  President  Harrison  to  the  position 
of  Secretary  of  State,  which  he  filled  with  ability. 
His  policy  was  marked  by  the  revival  of  his  old  project 
of  a Spanish-American  Congress  for  the  furtherance 
of  trade  with  the  South  and  by  the  calling  of  an  inter- 
national marine  conference,  which  met  in  Washington 
and  formulated  important  rules  for  the  protection  of 
life  and  safety  of  property  at  sea.  Although  a protec- 
tionist he  did  not  hesitate  to  denounce  some  of  the 
provisions  of  the  McKinley  Tariff  bill. 

Mr.  Blaine  as  Secretary  of  State  initiated  a spirited 
foreign  policy  that  was  characterized  by  the  vigor  and 
earnestness  with  which  he  upheld  American  interests. 
What  that  policy  was  he  described,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  in  a letter  published  September  i,  1882,  in  which 
he  said  : 

“ The  foreign  policy  of  President  Garfield’s  adminis- 
tration had  two  principal  objects  in  view.  First,  to 
bring  about  peace  and  prevent  future  wars  in  North 
and  South  America  ; second,  to  cultivate  such  friendly 


430 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


commercial  relations  with  all  American  countries  as 
would  lead  to  a large  increase  in  the  export  trade  of 
the  United  States  by  supplying  those  fabrics  in  which 
we  are  abundantly  able  to  compete  with  the  manu- 
facturing nations  of  Europe.” 

Mr.  Blaine  projected  an  international  peace  congress 
to  be  held  at  Washington  for  the  furtherance  of  these 
plans,  which  idea  was  not  carried  out  owing  to  the 
death  of  President  Garfield,  but  which  was  revived 
later  on  during  the  administration  of  President  Harri- 
son. 

In  Mr.  Blaine’s  “ Twenty  Years  of  Congress”  he 
further  expounds  his  views  upon  the  relations  of 
foreign  countries  to  the  United  States  in  the  following 

o o 

paragraph : 

OUR  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

“ This  brief  history  of  the  spirit  rather  than  the 
events  which  characterized  the  foreign  relations  of  the 
United  States  during  the  Civil  War  has  been  under- 
taken with  no  desire  to  revive  the  feelings  of  burning 
indignation  which  they  provoked,  or  to  prolong  the 
discussion  of  the  angry  questions  to  which  they  gave 
rise.  The  relations  of  nations  are  not  and  should  not 
be  governed  by  sentiment.  The  interest  and  ambition 
of  States,  like  those  of  men,  will  disturb  the  moral 
sense  and  incline  to  one  side  or  the  other  the  strict 
balance  of  impartial  justice.  New  days  bring  new 
issues,  and  old  passions  are  unsafe  counsellors. 
Twenty  years  have  gone  by.  England  has  paid  the 
cost  of  her  mistake.  The  Republic  of  Mexico  has 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE, 


431 


seen  the  fame  and  the  fortunes  of  the  emperors  who 
sought  her  conquest  sink  suddenly — as  into  the  pits 
which  they  themselves  had  digged  for  their  victims — 
and  the  Republic  of  the  United  States  has  come  out 
of  her  long  and  bitter  struggle  so  strong  that  never 
again  will  she  afford  the  temptation  of  the  opportunity 
for  unfriendly  governments  to  strike  at  her  national 
life.  Let  the  past  be  the  past,  but  let  it  be  the  past 
with  all  the  instruction  and  warning  of  its  experience. 

“ The  future  safety  of  these  continents  rests  upon  the 
strength  and  maintenance  of  the  Union  ; for,  had  dis- 
solution been  possible,  events  have  shown  with  what 
small  regard  the  interests  or  the  honor  of  either  of  the 
belligerents  would  have  been  treated.  It  has  been 
taught  to  the  smaller  republics  that  if  this  strength  be 
shattered  they  will  be  the  spoil  of  foreign  arms  and 
the  dependent  provinces  again  of  foreign  monarchs. 
When  this  contest  was  over  the  day  of  immaturity  had 
passed  and  the  United  States  stood  before  the  world 
a great  and  permanent  Power.  That  Power  can 
afford  to  bury  all  resentments.  Tranquil  at  home, 
developing  its  inexhaustible  resources  with  a rapidity 
and  success  unknown  in  history,  bound  in  sincere 
friendship  and  beyond  the  possibility  of  hostile  rivalry 
with  other  republics  of  the  continent,  standing  mid- 
way between  Asia  and  Europe,  a power  on  the  Pacific 
as  well  as  on  the  Atlantic,  with  no  temptations  to  in- 
termeddle in  the  questions  which  disturb  the  Old 
World,  the  Republic  of  the  United  States  desires  to 
live  in  amicable  relations  with  all  peoples,  demanding 


432 


LIFE  OP  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


only  the  abstinence  of  foreign  intervention  in  the 
development  of  that  policy  which  her  political  creed, 
her  territorial  extent  and  the  close  and  cordial  neigdi- 

o 

borhood  of  kindred  governments  have  made  the 
essential  rule  of  her  national  life.” 

A FIRM  BUT  PACIFIC  POLICY. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  policy  was  pacific,  and  was  wholly  in 

accord  with  the  Monroe 
doctrine  and  the  char- 
acteristic traditions  of 
American  diplomacy. 
President  Garfield,  in 
his  inaugural  address, 
had  repeated  the  dec- 
laration of  his  prede- 
cessor that  it  was  “ the 
right  and  duty  of  the 
United  States  to  assert 
and  maintain  such  super- 
vision and  authority  over 
any  interoceanic  canal 
across  the  isthmus  that 
connects  North  and 
john  w.  foster.  South  America  as  will 

protect  our  national  interests.”  This  policy,  which 
had  received  the  direct  approval  of  Congress,  was 
vigorously  upheld  by  Secretary  Blaine.  The  Colombian 
Republic  had  proposed  to  the  European  Powers  to 
join  in  a guarantee  of  the  neutrality  of  the  proposed 
Panama  Canal. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


433 


One  of  President  Garfield’s  first  acts,  under  the  ad- 
vice of  Secretary  Blaine,  was  to  remind  the  European 
governments  of  the  exclusive  rights  which  the  United 
States  had  secured  with  the  country  to  be  traversed 
by  the  interoceanic  waterway.  These  exclusive  rights 
rendered  the  prior  guarantee  of  the  United  States 
government  indispensable,  and  the  Powers  were 
informed  that  any  foreign  guarantee  would  be  not  only 
an  unnecessary  but  an  unfriendly  act.  As  the  United 
States  had  made  in  the  Clayton-Buhver  treaty  of  1850 
a special  agreement  with  Great  Britain  on  this  subject, 
Secretary  Blaine  supplemented  his  memorandum  to 
the  Powers  by  a formal  proposal  for  the  abrogation  of 
all  provisions  of  that  convention  which  were  not  in 
accord  with  the  guarantees  and  privileges  covenanted 
for  in  the  compact  with  the  Colombian  Republic. 

AN  IMPORTANT  TREATY. 

In  this  State  paper,  the  most  elaborate  of  the  series, 
receiving  his  signature  as  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Blaine  contended  that  the  operation  of  the  Clayton- 
Bulwer  treaty  practically  conceded  to  Great  Britain 
the  control  of  any  canal  which  might  be  constructed 
on  the  Isthmus,  as  that  Power  was  required  by  its 
insular  position  and  colonial  possessions  to  maintain 
a naval  establishment  with  which  the  United  States 
could  not  compete.  As  the  American  government 
had  bound  itself  by  its  engagements  in  the  Clayton- 
Buhver  treaty  not  to  fight  in  the  Isthmus,  nor  to  fortify 
the  mouths  of  any  waterway  that  might  be  constructed, 
Mr.  Blaine  argued  that  if  any  struggle  for  the  control 
28 


434 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


of  the  canal  were  to  arise,  England  would  have  an 
advantage  at  the  outset  which  would  prove  decisive. 
“ The  treaty,”  he  said,  “ commands  this  government 
not  to  use  a single  regiment  of  troops  to  protect  its 
interests  in  connection  with  the  interoceanic  canal 
but  to  surrender  the  transit  to  the  guardianship  and 
control  of  the  British  navy.”  The  logic  of  the  paper 
was  unanswerable  from  an  American  point  of  view. 

Mr.  Blaine  made  strenuous  exertions  to  bring  about 
the  conclusion  of  an  early  peace  between  Chili  and 
Peru,  and  the  influence  of  the  government  was  brought 
to  bear  upon  victorious  Chili  in  the  interests  of  peace 
and  magnanimity.  But  owing  to  an  unfortunate  mis- 
apprehension of  Mr.  Blaine’s  instructions,  the  United 
States  Ministers  did  not  promote  the  ends  of  peace. 
Special  envoys — William  H.  Trescot  and  Walker 
Blaine — were  accordingly  sent  to  South  America  with 
general  instructions  which  should  enable  them  to  bring 

o o 

the  belligerent  powers  into  friendly  relations.  After 
they  set  out  on  their  mission  of  peace  Secretary  Blaine 
resigned  and  Mr.  Frelinghuysen  reversed  the  diplo- 
matic policy  with  such  precipitate  haste  that  the 
envoys  on  arriving  at  their  destination  were  informed 
by  the  Chilian  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  that  their 
instructions  had  been  countermanded  and  that  their 
mission  was  an  idle  farce.  By  this  extraordinary 
reversal  of  diplomatic  methods  and  purposes  the  influ- 
ence of  the  United  States  on  the  South  American 
coast  was  reduced  to  so  low  a point  as  to  become 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


435 


insignificant.  Mr.  Blaine’s  policy  had  been  at  once 
strong  and  pacific. 

ANXIOUS  TO  COMPLETE  HIS  WORK. 

Mr.  Blaine  re-entered  public  life  with  distinct  pur- 
poses in  view.  He  wished  to  complete  the  work  that 
was  interrupted  in  1 88 1 by  the  death  of  Garfield.  More 
intimate  political  and  economic  relations  with  the 
nations  of  Central  and  South  America  had  been  his 
dream  for  years,  and  he  devoted  the  three  years  of 
his  Secretaryship  of  State  to  working  for  the  good 
of  the  three  Americas  and  the  United  States  in  par- 
ticular. 

So  industriously  did  Mr.  Blaine  work  that  not  a year 
of  President  Harrison’s  administration  had  elapsed 
before  the  Peace  Congress,  conceived  by  Mr.  Blaine 
just  before  his  entrance  to  Garfield’s  cabinet,  materi- 
alized. Representatives  gathered  in  Washington  from 
eighteen  different  independent  nations  on  this  hemis- 
phere. Mr.  Blaine  was  the  presiding  officer.  There 
were  no  immediate  results.  None  were  expected.  But 
the  Congress  soon  bore  fruit  in  that  it  opened  the 
way  for  the  reciprocity  treaties  which  were  the  strik- 
ing and  brilliant  creation  of  the  Secretary  of  State. 

HE  CREATES  RECIPROCITY. 

When  the  McKinley  bill  was  being  considered  by 
the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  Mr.  Blaine  urged 
the  incorporation  of  reciprocity  clauses.  He  proposed 
that  the  President  should  have  power  to  open  the  ports 
of  the  United  States  to  any  or  all  of  the  products  of 
the  other  American  nations  and  colonies,  whenever 


436 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  for  as  long  as  they  should  admit  to  their  ports, 
duty  free  or  at  reduced  rates,  an  equivalent  amount 
of  the  natural  and  manufactured  products  of  the  United 
States.  The  suggestion  was  renewed  in  the  Senate, 
and  it  found  more  favor  than  it  did  before  the  Ways 

and  Means  Committee 
It  was  the  most  daring 
proposition  of  recent 
years. 

An  amendment  to 
the  bill  was  finally 
adopted.  It  was  not 
Mr.  Blaine’s  sugges- 
tion, but  it  was  directly 
due  to  it.  It  provides 
that  certain  articles 
shall  be  placed  upon 
the  free  list,  but  that 
after  a given  time  dutv 
should  be  reduced  upon 
goods  imported  from 
countries  that  decided 
to  make  equivalent  concessions.  Under  the  new  law, 
reciprocity  treaties  were  made  with  Brazil  and  sev- 
eral other  South  American  countries,  beside  Spain  and 
other  European  nations.  The  wisdom  of  Mr.  Blaine’s 
proposition  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  since  the  execu- 
tion of  the  first  of  these  treaties  of  trade  there  has 
been  an  extension  of  the  foreign  trade  of  the  United 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


437 


States  amounting-  to  $75,000,000,  while  taxation  has 
been  reduced  to  the  extent  of  $80,000,000. 

MUCH  SKILLFUL  DIPLOMACY. 

To  accomplish  this  great  commercial  coup  was  Mr. 
Blaine’s  chief  motive  for  entering  the  Cabinet,  but  his 
administration  of  the  other  affairs  of  State  have  been 
marked  with  sin  ocular  success.  There  have  been  few 
administrations  in  the  country’s  history  which  have 
had  to  face  so  many  subtle  international  questions, 
but  the  results  reached  were  invariably  to  the  credit 
of  the  United  States. 

As  Secretary  of  State  in  President  Harrison’s 
Cabinet  Mr.  Blaine  was  able  to  take  up  again  some 
of  the  great  policies  which  the  assassination  of  Pres- 
ident Garfield  and  the  political  consequences  of  his 
death  had  interrupted.  Legislation  having  prepared 
the  way  for  a meeting  of  a Pan-American  Congress 
in  October,  1889,  Secretary  Blaine  made  the  opening 
address  of  welcome  and  presided  over  the  sessions, 
which  were  prolonged  for  nearly  five  months.  It  was 
he  who  had  devised  this  project  four  years  before,  and 
his  was  the  master  mind  that  directed  the  deliberations 
of  this  impressive  assembly,  which  brought  about  a 
frank  exchange  of  views  on  all  questions  relating  to 
the  welfare  of  the  American  continent. 

The  most  important  results  of  this  Congress  were 
the  adoption  of  a report  favoring  the  negotiation  of 
partial  treaties  of  reciprocity,  the  authorization  of 
surveys  for  a railroad  system  on  north  and  south  lines, 


438 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  the  passage  of  a resolution  in  favor  of  compul- 
sory arbitration  as  an  expedient  for  averting  war. 

BRILLIANT  ACHIEVEMENTS. 

Mr.  Blaine  acted  promptly  upon  the  advice  of  the 
Pan-American  Congress.  As  soon  as  the  Tariff 
act  had  been  enacted  with  its  reciprocity  provisions 
inserted  at  his  suggestion,  he  negotiated  a treaty  with 
Brazil  highly  favorable  to  the  American  export  trade. 
This  was  followed  by  the  treaty  with  Spain  in  relation 
to  Cuba,  by  which  nearly  one-half  the  imported  sugar 
supply  was  regulated  to  mutual  advantage.  Subse- 
quently treaties  were  made  with  Germany,  Austria- 
Hungary,  France,  San  Domingo,  the  five  coffee  Repub- 
lics of  Central  America,  British  Guiana  and  all  the  Brit- 
ish West  Indies  except  the  Bahamas.  Experience  has 
fully  vindicated  Mr.  Blaine’s  judgment  of  Reciprocity 
as  a great  business  policy  for  the  United  States,  and 
a British  Prime  Minister’s  direct  tribute  to  its  success 
leaves  nothing  wanting  to  complete  Mr.  Blaine’s 
diplomatic  reputation. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  called  upon  to  deal  with  a large 
number  of  complex  questions  during  his  second  term 
in  the  State  Department.  He  upheld  with  inflexible 
firmness  American  rights  and  the  course  of  home  rule 
in  Samoa,  until  a treaty  of  peace  excluding  the  su- 
premacy of  any  foreign  Government  was  negotiated. 
With  equal  courage  and  splendid  argumentative  force 
he  resented  the  menaces  of  Italy  after  the  lynchings 
in  New  Orleans  ; but  as  soon  as  this  attitude  of  hostil- 
ity was  disclaimed  the  State  Department,  acting  upon 


(439) 


PLAN  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  WASHINGTON, 


440 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


a sense  of  justice  which  had  received  instant  expres- 
sion after  the  bloody  work  of  the  mob  had  been  accom- 
plished, made  reparation  in  the  form  of  an  indemnity. 

EXTRADITION  TREATY  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

With  Great  Britain  a much-needed  extradition 
treaty  was  negotiated,  by  which  Canada  was  closed  as 
a retreat  for  American  embezzlers.  At  the  same  time 
a resolute  but  not  unconciliatory  stand  was  taken  with 
reference  to  American  rights  in  Behring  Sea,  which 
showed  the  way  to  an  adjustment  of  this  controversy 
by  a tribunal  which  is  about  to  assemble. 

In  the  Chilian  complications  Mr.  Blaine  co-operated 
with  the  President  in  upholding  the  dignity  and  honor 
of  the  country  under  conditions  of  exceptional  diffi- 
culty. An  attitude  of  strict  neutrality  was  maintained 
during  the  civil  war  in  that  country.  Political 
refugees  under  the  American  flag  were  not  abandoned 
in  their  extremity;  the  Itata  was  pursued  for  violation 
of  port  and  neutrality  laws,  and  the  wanton  conduct 
of  the  police  and  public  authorities  of  Valparaiso  in 
the  assault  upon  the  Baltimore’s  men  was  so  resented 
as  to  command  universal  respect  and  to  procure  from 
Chili  a reparation  adequate  to  the  offence. 

During-  this  brilliant  administration  of  foreign  affairs, 
also,  the  unjust  and  grievous  restrictions  against  the 
importation  of  American  pork  into  European  countries 
have  been  removed,  to  the  great  and  doubtless  per- 
manent advantage  of  American  producers.  Vigorous 
as  Mr.  Blaine’s  controversial  work  was  with  Germany, 
Italy,  Great  Britain  and  Chili,  and  determined  as  was 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


441 


his  defence  of  American  rights  in  the  Barrundia  affair 
and  on  all  occasions,  his  chief  glory  is  that  of  con- 
ducting the  most  successful  business  administration 
of  the  State  Department  ever  known,  and  of  promot- 
ing the  ends  of  peace  by  putting  in  operation  as  far 
as  possible  the  policy  of  arbitration. 

LAST  APPEARANCE  IN  THE  SENATE. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  last  appearance  in  a public  capacity  at 
the  Capitol  was  made  before  the  Commerce  Commit- 
tee of  the  Senate.  His  powers  of  mind  and  body  had 
been  failing  then,  and  the  fact  had  been  remarked  by 
some  of  his  friends,  but  on  this  occasion  he  seemed  to 
feel  the  life  and  fire  of  youth,  and  his  address  to  the 
committee  was  characterized  by  the  clearness  of 
thought,  penetration,  energy,  and  vigor  of  the  Blaine 
of  old. 

The  subject  before  the  committee  was  a bill  to  grant 
a French  company  authority  to  lay  a cable  from  the 
United  States  to  San  Domingo.  The  Government  of 
Brazil  had  given  to  this  company  the  monopoly  of  the 
right  to  lay  a cable  through  Brazilian  territory  to  the 
West  Indies,  where  it  was  to  connect  with  a cable 
from  France.  Attached  to  the  Brazilian  grant  was 
a condition  that  the  cable  company  should  secure 
cable  connection  with  the  United  States,  Brazil  being 
anxious  to  have  direct  communication  with  this  coun- 
try. In  order  to  comply  with  this  condition  a new  and 
auxiliary  corporation  to  the  original  French  company 
was  organized.  It  came  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  for  permission  to  lay  a cable  from 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


443 


Charleston  or  Port  Roval  to  San  Dominoo,  where  it 
was  to  connect  with  the  cable  from  Brazil.  Mr.  Blaine, 
as  Secretary  of  State,  declined,  in  the  name  of  the 
President,  to  grant  the  privilege  requested  unless  the 
company  would  agree  to  waive  its  monopoly  rights  in 
Brazil  in  favor  of  any  American  company  which  might 
wish  to  lay  a cable. 

HE  CARRIES  HIS  POINT. 

The  company  claimed  that  it  was  impossible  to  agree 
to  such  a thing ; that  it  only  wanted  to  lay  a cable  to 
San  Domingo  and  had  no  control  over  the  other  com- 
pany, whose  line  ran  to  Brazil.  Mr.  Blaine  considered 
this  to  be  a subterfuge,  and  insisted  that  no  cable 
should  be  laid  until  the  Brazilian  Government  should 
grant  permission  to  any  cable  company  the  same  rights 
as  were  accorded  the  French  company. 

An  attempt  was  then  made  to  get  from  Congress 
what  Mr.  Blaine  had  denied,  and  a bill  granting  the 
necessary  permission  to  lay  a cable  in  territory  of  the 
United  States  was  introduced.  When  the  bill  came 
up  for  a hearing  before  the  Committee  on  Commerce, 
of  which  Senator  Frye  was  chairman,  Mr.  Jeff  Chand- 
ler appeared  in  behalf  of  the  company.  Mr.  Blaine 
replied  and  astonished  the  committee  by  the  animation 
he  displayed.  He  carried  his  point,  and  by  a unani- 
mous vote  the  committee  coincided  with  the  position 
taken  by  Mr.  Blaine. 

HE  LEAVES  THE  CABINET. 

The  term  of  President  Harrison  wore  on,  and  again 
a Republican  National  Convention  approached.  The 


441 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


name  of  Blaine  was  still  one  with  which  to  conjure, 
and  the  Secretary,  though  indifferent  personally,  was 
put  forward  by  several  leaders  of  the  party  for  the 
nomination. 

Led  by  advisers  he  resigned  the  Secretaryship  of 
State  on  Saturday,  June  4,  1892.  This  action  created 
great  excitement,  for  it  put  Mr.  Blaine  once  more  in 
the  lists.  Despite  his  resignation  from  Harrison’s 
Cabinet  he  declared  repeatedly  that  his  name  would 
not  go  before  the  convention.  But  the  presentation 
of  Mr.  Blaine’s  name  and  the  nomination  of  Harrison 
on  the  first  ballot  by  a very  decided  majority  are  easily 
recalled  by  all.  Mr.  Blaine’s  health  would  not  permit 
of  his  entering  actively  into  the  campaign,  but  he 
identified  himself  with  the  work  in  various  ways,  and 
was  always  in  sympathy  with  the  younger  and  more 
active  of  the  party  leaders.  Mr.  Blaine  passed  the 
summer  months  at  Bar  Harbor,  and  after  a few  weeks 
in  his  Augusta  home  in  the  fall  he  returned  with  his 
family  to  Washington  for  the  winter,  entering  the 
residence  in  which  he  died. 

DEFEATED  IN  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1 892. 

Chauncey  M.  Depew  gave  a detailed  account  of  the 
circumstances  under  which  he  took  the  leadership  of 
the  Harrison  forces  and  the  opposition  to  James  G. 
Blaine’s  supporters  at  the  Minneapolis  convention  of 
June,  1892.  At  that  time  Mr.  Depew  only  stated  that 
he  was  not  in  favor  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  nomination  because 
Mr.  Blaine  “was  not  a candidate.”  He  held  that  the 
Blaine  boomers  had  no  right  to  use  Mr.  Blaine’s  name, 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


445 


since  he  had  so  distinctly  stated  in  his  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Clarkson  that  he  must  be  considered  out  of  the 
race. 

But  in  spite  of  this  many  people  have  not  been  able 
to  understand  how  Mr.  Depew  could  assume  a position 
seemingly  of  aggressive  hostility  to  his  old  time-friend. 
A reporter  therefore  called  on  Mr.  Depew  and  asked 
if  he  would  not  now 
give  an  explanation. 

Mr.  Depew  thought  for 
a moment,  then  leaned 
back  in  his  big  office 
chair,  and  said  : 

You  ask  me  a ques- 
tion which  has  often 
been  put  to  me  : How 
could  you  as  a Blaine 
man  of  twenty-five 
years,  have  so  cordially 
and  strenuously  sup- 
ported the  nomination 
of  General  Harrison 
at  Minneapolis?  I pre- 
sume i have  received  john  wanamaker. 

a bushel  of  letters  on  that  subject,  most  of  them  very 
abusive.  They  charge  ingratitude,  unfaithfulness  and 
similar  crimes.  I have  been  on  terms  of  the  closest 
friendship  with  Mr.  Blaine  for  a quarter  of  a century. 
I had  supported  him  without  regard  to  personal  conse- 
quence whenever  he  was  a candidate,,  and  had  never 


446 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


asked  or  expected  any  return  from  him.  I believed  in 
the  man,  in  his  unequalled  capacity  for  public  affairs, 
in  his  leadership,  in  his  genius  for  things  American, 
and  felt  that  his  administration,  if  he  should  become 
President,  would  be  phenomenally  beneficial  to  the 
country,  and  brilliant. 

During  the  dominance  of  Mr.  Conkling  in  this 

State,  this  persistent 
and  consistent  support 
of  Mr.  Blaine  led  to 
very  unpleasant  conse- 
quences for  me.  Mr. 
Conkling  broke  rela- 
tions which  had  been 
very  cordial  and  inti- 
mate, and  whenever  I 
appeared  at  State  or 
national  conventions,  it 
was  in  the  minority  and 
opposition. 

blaine’s  positive 

DECLINATION. 

This  enthusiasm  and 
support  of  Mr.  Blaine 
for  the  Chief  Magistracy  had  in  it  no  element  of  opposi- 
tion or  enmity  to  anybody  else  or  to  anybody  else’s 
ambitions.  It  was  simply  a desire  to  have  James  G. 
Blaine  President  of  the  United  States.  When  Mr. 
Blaine  wrote  his  letter  toGeneral  Clarkson  I determined 
to  ascertain  if  that  meant  that  he  would  not  take  the 


SECRETARY  OP  STATE. 


447 


nomination  if  tenderecThim.  I sent  the  late  General 
Husted  down  to  Washington  on  this  mission.  Mr. 
Blaine  said  to  the  General : “ Say  to  Chauncey  Depew 
for  me  that  he  is  entitled,  if  any  man  is,  to  know  ex- 
actly what  my  intentions  are.  I am  not  a candidate 
and  will  not  accept  the  nomination  and  he  must,  there- 
fore, act  as,  he  thinks  best,  without  regard  to  me,  in 
selecting  the  candidate  whom  he  will  support.’’ 

I saw  Mr.  Blaine  a few  days  before  I went  to  the 
convention,  Mr.  Depew  continued,  and  I had  a con- 
ference with  him  of  an  hour  and  a half.  It  was  the 
most  delightful  of  all  the  many  charming  interviews  I 
have  had  with  him.  Our  discussion  was  mainly  of  the 
convention  and  the  party.  The  talk  about  candidates 
was  particularly  free,  and  Mr.  Blaine  was  especially 
clear  in  his  discussion  of  the  probabilities  of  success. 

HE  PREDICTED  DEFEAT. 

He  said  that  no  Republican  who  could  be  nominated 
— not  even  himself — would  be  successful  in  the  coming 
canvass.  He  indicated  the  forces  which  had  been  ac- 
cumulating ever  since  the  war  for  a change  of  the 
policy  of  the  government,  and  he  believed  the  time 
had  come  when  they  would  be  too  strong  for  the 
Republican  party.  He  said  several  times,  “ I sec  no 
prospect  of  success  in  this  canvass.  The  people  are 
determined  to  try  another  policy.” 

He  was  fully  alive  to  and  very  emphatic  on  the 
merits  of  the  Republican  policy  and  its  benefits  to  the 
country.  But  he  was  equally  clear  that  all  kinds  of 
elements  antagonistic  to  each  other  were  in  unison 


448 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


for  a trjial  of  their  theories  of  government,  hoping  that 
in  the  common  success  to  which  they  were  pledged 
each  one  would  have  an  opportunity  of  having  its 
views  tried  in  practical  legislation. 

HARRISON  DESERVED  WELL. 

During  the  conversation  he  asked  me  whom  I was 
for  and  I told  him  I was  for  General  Harrison.  He 

said  that  General  Har- 
rison’s administration 
had  deserved  the  sup- 
port of  the  country,  but 
that  no  President  would 
ever  again  be  re-elected 
to  succeed  himself.  He 
might  after  an  interval 
be  re-elected.  The  chief 
reason  Mr.  Blaine  gave 
was  that  the  patronage 
was  so  large  that  there 
would  be  enough  dis- 
appointed office-seekers 
to  defeat  the  re-election 
of  any  President  who 
might  be  renominated. 

As  I was  leaving  I asked  Mr.  Blaine  if  in  the  con- 
tingencies which  always  happen  in  a convention  his 
nomination  seemed  the  only  way  out,  would  he  accept 
if  nominated.  He  laughingly  said,  “ I can’t  be  elected,” 
but  gave  no  other  reason.  I then  said  to  him,  “ If  you 
have  any  other  answer  to  give  my  address  is  the  West 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 


449 


Hotel,  Minneapolis,”  but  at  Minneapolis  I heard  noth- 
ing from  him,  directly  or  indirectly. 

A member  of  the  present  House  of  Representa- 
tives, one  of  the  most  intimate  friends  of  Mr.  Blaine, 
told  me  recently  that  he  had  in  his  pocket  a letter 
from  Mr.  Blaine  to  be  read  in  case  he  was  nominated, 
positively  declining  the  nomination.  The  friends  of 
Mr.  Blaine  who  saw  most  of  him  and  were  nearest  to 
him  and  understood  best  his  physical  condition  felt 
what  I am  certain  he  believed,  that  the  cares  and 
anxieties  of  the  canvass  would  have  killed  him  before 
it  was  half  over, 

AT  OPHIR  FARM. 

When  he  was  at  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid’s  house,  at 
Ophir  Farm,  a few  months  ago,  he  requested  me  to 
come  up  there  because  he  said  that  he  did  not  want 
to  speak  unless  I would  speak  also.  There  were  sur- 
rounding him  there  a company  of  men  who  had  been 
his  devoted  admirers  and  steadfast  friends  always. 
His  mind  was  as  clear  as  ever,  but  the  fatal  weakness 
which  has  just  ended  in  his  death  was  so  apparent 
that  the  meeting  was  a very  sad  one.  Mr.  Blaine 
would  not  trust  himself — as  in  the  old  days  he  always 
did — to  extemporaneous  talk,  but  he  read  his  speech 
from  type-written  slips. 

He  bade  us  all  individually  an  affectionate,  rather 
more  than  usually  tender  good-night,  and  went  to  bed 
early.  He  was  not  up  when  we  left  in  the  morning 
and  none  of  us  have  ever  seen  him  since. 

There  are  no  mourners  for  his  death  more  sincere 
29 


450 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  no  men  who  will  cherish  his  memory  more  gen- 
erously and  lovingly  than  his  old-time  friends  who,  at 
Minneapolis,  believed  that  he  was  not  a candidate, 
that  he  would  not  take  the  nomination  if  nominated, 
and  that  it  would  kill  him  if  he  entered  the  canvass. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


Striking  Characteristics  of  the  Man. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  most  marked  characteristic  was  his 
manliness.  He  was  a noble  specimen  of  American 
independence,  energy  and  virility.  He  was  an  unduly 
grown  man.  He  was  constantly  reproducing  himself. 
Mentally  and  physically  he  was  a forced  man,  and  his 
years  should  have  been  eighty  instead  of  but  sixty- 
two.  His  head  was  extremely  narrow  over  the  eyes, 
and  his  brain  seemed  to  be  hung  back  of  his  ears. 
This  gave  him  a curious  power  for  quick  judgment 
from  facts  real,  or  apparent,  and  forced  him  to  quick 
conclusions  on  every  question. 

The  ease  with  which  he  met  questions  is  due  to  this 
fact.  Persons  not  well  acquainted  with  him  looked 
upon  his  quick  judgment  as  surface  capacity.  He 
was  born  with  a woman’s  power  of  quick  judgment, 
which  his  experience  increased  and  made  almost  in- 
fallible. In  the  last  twenty  years  of  his  life  he  proba- 
bly did  not  read  one  book  entirely  through.  He  had 
a habit  of  securing  the  meat  of  a book  with  what 
seemed  hurried  glances,  but  he  was  so  familiar  with 
all  topics  that  he  could  quickly  pick  the  new  from  the 
old,  which  made  study  easy  to  him.  He  was  born  a 

(451) 


452 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


business  man,  but  his  virility  and  vigor,  coupled  with 
the  faculty  of  speech,  made  the  excitement  and  flavor 
of  politics  more  acceptable  than  slow,  plodding  busi- 
ness. 

He  was  a newsgatherer,  a keen  observer,  and  some- 
thing of  a gossip.  These  combined  to  make  him  the 
rarest  of  companions.  His  stock  of  anecdotes  and 
experiences  illustrated  his  conversation,  of  which  his 
listeners  never  tired. 

PEERLESS  POLITICAL  ORATOR. 

On  the  stump  he  was  unequalled.  His  ideas  were 
arrayed  in  picturesque  language,  which,  coupled  with 
his  logic  and  force  of  statement,  carried  conviction. 
On  the  stump  Mr.  Blaine  made  votes,  a thing  few 
orators  do,  and  votes  from  the  other  side.  As  a 
writer  he  has  stood  the  test  both  in  a literary  and 
historic  sense.  In  literary  work  he  never  used 
a stenographer,  but  sat  bolt  upright  in  a straight- 
backed  chair  at  a small  table,  writing  rapidly,  in  one 
of  the  best  hands  ever  written  by  a public  man.  He 
was  untiring,  and  all  his  work  showed  thought. 

While  Mr.  Blaine  was  thought  by  some  to  be  spec- 
tacular and  was  accused  of  posing,  the  reverse  is  true. 
He  never  tried  for  effects,  and  was  impervious  to  pub- 
lic opinion  when  he  knew  that  public  opinion  was 
partisan  or  biased.  His  aim  in  life  was  to  know  the 
American  government,  and  in  this  he  succeeded  bet- 
ter,  with,  perhaps,  the  exception  of  General  Butler, 
than  any  man  of  his  time.  There  was  nothing  dra- 
matic in  Mr.  Blaine’s  nature ; there  was  in  the  effect 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN. 


453 


of  his  public  acts  at  times,  but  never  in  his  nature. 
Had  he  been  elevated  to  the  Presidency  in  1884  he 
would  have  seriously  disappointed  the  calamity  shriek- 
ers  who  poisoned  the  air  with  their  howls  against  him. 
His  pride  would  have  given  him  the  best  Cabinet 
possible,  and  he  would  have  said : “ I think  you  are 
best  fitted  for  this  position,  and  you  for  that ; ” and 
from  the  moment  of  his  inauguration  his  administra- 
tion  would  have  been  conducted  with  vigor,  firmness 
and  progress,  and  an  eye  to  the  good  of  the  whole 
people 

INTENSELY  AMERICAN. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  life,  character,  surroundings  and  habits 
were  intensely  American.  He  considered  the  United 
States  a government  the  result  of  all  the  ages  pre- 
ceding, and  his  hope  was  to  see  the  whole  Continent 
governed  under  the  same  principles  as  the  United 
States.  There  was  no  evidence  of  smallness  or 
meanness  in  his  character.  His  political  opponents — 
and  he  always  preferred  a Democrat  to  an  indepen- 
dent— were  his  friends.  He  believed  there  was  room 
in  this  country  for  two  parties,  and  they,  being  based 
on  ideas  of  perpetual  liberty,  it  was  immaterial,  in  the 
sense  of  the  country’s  security,  which  party  prevailed. 
He  was  a Whig  and  a Republican  by  choice. 

His  religion  was  as  broad  as  his  political  principles. 
He  was  almost  puritanical  in  his  faith,  and  walked 
each  day  with  the  belief  of  certain  reward  or  punish- 
ment after  death.  He  was  affectionate  to  all,  and  was 
an  especial  favorite  with  children.  When  he  rode 


454 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


through  the  streets  of  Augusta  the  little  children  came 
running-  to  the  fences  and  gates  with  “ Hello,  Mr. 
Blaine,”  and  even  the  dogs  of  the  little  city  all  seemed 
to  know  him,  and  would  come  out  and  wag  their  tails. 

1 O 

HIS  DOMESTIC  LIFE. 

As  to  his  domestic  life,  while  there  has  been  a mass 
of  false  information  and  common  assertion  made,  no 

man  ever  walked  out  of 
life  purer  in  person  or 
with  more  love  for  his 
family.  All  of  his  polit- 
ical reverses  seemed  to 
soften  him  toward  men, 
and  the  excessive  ami- 
ability of  his  character 
prevented  him  from  met- 
ing out  the  punishment 
that  the  cut-throats  that 
dogged  his  steps  de- 
served. He  never  used 
profanity,  he  never  drank 
whisky,  wine  and  very 
seldom  used  tobacco, 
and  while  never  assert- 
ing it,  he  was  a strict  moralist.  He  knew  every 
public  man’s  history,  and,  as  for  that,  many  private 
ones,  and  he  was  a walking  encyclopaedia  of  family 
history.  He  was  a little  too  fond  of  wealthy  men, 
but  caring  little  for  money  himself,  his  business  invest- 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN. 


455 


ments  were  for  the  benefit  of  his  family  or  friends, 
with  many  aids  to  charity. 

While  Speaker  of  the  House  he  was  phenomenal 
in  the  dispatch  of  business  and  his  faculty  of  control. 
This  arose  from  his  business  qualifications.  With  all 
his  political  activity  and  public  usefulness  he  found 
time  to  improve  himself,  and  to  look  out  for  and  care 
for  his  friends,  and  to  discharge  the  duties  of  an 
American  citizen.  He  was  the  most  commanding 
figure  on  the  civil  side  of  the  events  following  the  war 
after  Thaddeus  Stevens,  and  he  loses  nothing  by 
comparison  with  any  of  the  great  civic  characters  of 
America. 

NOT  TO  BE  JUDGED  NOW. 

No  adequate  judgment  of  this  man  can  be  formed 
in  the  present  century.  His  personal  character,  as 
shown  by  the  knowledge  of  his  friends,  his  public 
record,  and  the  experience  of  his  daily  life  will  all 
enter  into  a fair  judgment  as  to  his  position  as  one  of 
America’s  leading  men.  The  victim  of  heated  partisan 
onslaught,  now  is  not  the  time — nor  in  this  century — 
to  do  justice  to  the  most  striking  figure  in  the  past 
twenty-five  years  of  the  nation’s  history. 

If  any  one  wants  proof  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  greatness  as 
a leader,  let  him  observe  his  course  in  Maine  since 
1863.  Look  at  his  position  for  all  this  time,  as  a 
leader  of  his  party  in  Maine,  a State  second  to  none 
in  culture  and  men  of  capacity  and  brains.  His  re- 
tention of  the  leadership  is  pretty  good  evidence  of 
his  capacity  and  ability.  His  following  in  American 


456 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


politics  was  the  most  unique  in  American  history. 
Friends  fell  out,  but  the  ranks  were  always  filled,  and 
there  were  never  vacancies.  He  held  men  with  hooks 
of  steel.  He  was  sometimes  indifferent — the  result 
of  business  or  political  duties — but  he  never  forgot  a 
name  or  a face.  And  he  never  forgot  an  injury.  He 
was  as  sensitive  as  a child  at  unjust  criticism,  but  he 
had  the  curious  fault  of  forgiving  his  enemies  without 
being  asked  to. 

BLAINE  AT  HIS  BEST. 

At  the  best  period  of  his  life,  which  was  about  1876, 
Mr.  Blaine  was  close  to  six  feet  in  height  and  weighed 
190  pounds.  He  had  large  feet,  large  hands,  brown 
hair,  blue-gray  eyes,  a very  large  nose,  thick  at  the 
end  with  open  nostrils,  a not  too  large  mouth,  droop- 
ing at  one  corner,  a face  long  but  square,  a narrow 
head  with  what  might  be  called  a high  dome.  He 
wore  a full  beard  and  moustache.  He  Avas  very  quick 
in  talking  and  in  his  bodily  movements.  His  manner 
was  quick  and  sharp  and  his  voice  was  penetrating, 
with  a very  peculiar  cadence  and  easily  heard  by  large 
audiences.  After  1876  his  voice  became  rather  thick, 
but  until  his  last  illness  it  remained  as  distinct  as  a 
bell. 

He  always  dressed  in  black,  wearing  a Prince 
Albert  coat,  and  for  many  years  a high  silk  hat.  He 
seldom,  if  ever,  wore  any  jewelry.  He  may  have  had 
a watch,  but  I never  noticed  it.  His  personal  expenses 
were  nothing  a day.  He  was  very  abstemious  in 
drinking,  eating,  and  sleeping.  He  was  a mass  of 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN. 


457 


nervous  energy,  and  politics  was  but  an  outlet  and 
served  to  preserve  his  health. 

The  highest  earthly  honors  could  not  have  compen- 
sated for  the  death  of  his  children  and  friends.  Sel- 
dom is  it  that  any  statesman  of  any  country  in  the 
decline  of  his  life  has  met  so  hard  a fate  in  the  matter 
of  grief  as  Mr.  Blaine  met.  The  sympathy  of  the 
whole  nation  went  to  him  during  his  afflictions  of  the 
last  three  years,  but  throughout  all  he  bore  it  with  the 
patience  and  dignity  of  a good  citizen  and  God-fearing 
man.  There  is  a difference  between  character  and 
reputation,  and  to  the  few  who  knew  Mr.  Blaine  in 
truth  the  estimation  made  of  the  man  by  his  political 
opponents  reach  the  dignity  of  burlesque,  and  intensify 
the  love  and  affections  of  those  who  knew  him. 

HIS  PART  IN  LEGISLATION. 

The  criticism  has  been  made  that  Mr.  Blaine,  in  his 
congressional  career,  originated  no  particular  laws. 
This  may  be  true  in  a measure,  but  as  the  leader  of 
his  party  in  Congress  no  great  party  politics  could 
have  succeeded  without  his  aid  or  have  become  laws 
without  his  consent.  Essentially  a man  of  action,  he 
aided  any  and  every  wise  measure  proposed  by  mem- 
bers of  his  party.  His  plan  of  reciprocity  embodied 
in  the  McKinley  bill,  and  after  a fierce  fight,  was 
essentially  a further  step  growing  out  of  a home  policy 
of  protection,  and  was  patent  to  him  and  believed  by 
him  to  be  necessary  to  the  future  welfare  of  the 
Republic.  This  opinion  was  the  result  of  his  many 
years  of  experience  in  public  life,  and  was  another 


458 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


evidence  of  his  landing  on  his  feet  whenever  he  jumped 
in  a political  movement. 

He  was  the  best  all-around  politician  in  America. 
He  skimmed  the  newspapers  each  morning,  and 
watched  the  changes  of  public  opinion  with  the  eager- 
ness of  a practiced  editor.  He  was  always  abreast 
of  or  slightly  in  advance  of  the  foremost  men  of  this 
Republic.  His  motto  was  undying  principle  with 
everlasting  energy.  Self-made,  self-contained,  self- 
reliant,  he  stands  out  as  the  best  product  of  American 
manhood  in  the  last  three  decades.  In  all  political 
moves  he  kept  in  close  touch  with  his  friends  in  every 
part  of  the  Republic.  When  interested,  his  influence 
at  once  became  apparent  and  felt. 

UNDESERVED  ABUSE. 

In  his  relations  with  public  men  he  was  often  the 
subject  of  criticism  and  personal  abuse,  which  was  as 
undeserved  as  it  was  ungenerous-.  In  his  Iona-  career 
no  individual  act  of  meanness  can  be  charged  against 
him.  He  was  not  as  unique  or  as  picturesque  as 
Butler,  but  he  was  infinitely  more  useful.  He  pos- 
sessed the  least  vanity  of  any  public  man  in  the  United 
States.  Flattery  was  useless  as  an  approach  to  his 
favor,  and  when  in  conversation  he  would  pump  you 
dry,  getting  the  information  he  desired  and  filtering  it 
away  in  the  storehouses  of  his  brain  and  keeping  it 
for  a wet  day  for  use.  His  natural  ability  was  devel- 
oped, educated,  and  completed  by  his  contact  with 
men.  Human  life  and  nature  was  a book  which  he 
easily  read.  He  profited  by  experiences.  He  was 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN. 


459 


the  most  unsuspecting  of  men,  and  while  you  appar- 
ently received  his  confidence,  he  never  told  you  half 
he  knew  or  felt.  Reticent  when  necessary,  he  was 
talkative  to  an  extreme  when  in  the  society  of  pleas- 
ant companions,  and  no  one  else  in  a company  desired 
anybody  to  speak  except  Mr.  Blaine;  not  because  it 
was  Blaine,  but  on  account  of  the  manner  of  the  man 
and  the  strength  of  his  talk. 

<15 

Brilliant  is  a commonplace  word  when  applied  to 
his  marvelous  faculty  of  entertaining.  He  was  espec- 
ially fond  of  young  men,  he  was  courteous  to  women, 
he  was  deferential  to  old  men.  He  was  essentially  a 
kind-hearted  and  affectionate  man.  He  was  a unity 
in  which  none  of  the  parts  were  dwarfed.  He  was 
great  in  all  he  did,  in  the  manner  of  it,  doing  of  it,  and 
its  results. 

HOW  NEW  ENGLAND  VIEWED  HIM. 

It  is  a curious  feature  of  politics  that  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Maine  he  was  weak  politically  in  New  Eng- 
land. This  was  probably  due  largely  to  the  fact  that 
New  England  is  tenacious  of  birthright,  and  he  was  an 
emigrant  to  New  England.  And  yet,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Daniel  Webster,  no  man  in  New  England  ever 
equaled  him  in  ability,  and  in  his  morals,  public  and 
private  life,  he  represented  New  England’s  moral  sen- 
timent better  than  any  man  of  his  day.  But  he  had 
to  battle  in  his  political  ambitions  with  the  puritanism 
of  New  England,  except  Maine.  The  great  heart  of 
the  loyal  American  people  reached  out  to  and  loved 
and  believed  in  him.  Blaine’s  magnetism  was  noth- 


460 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


ing  but  the  realization  of  manhood.  Bismarck  in 
Germany,  Gladstone  in  England,  Blaine  in  America — s 
the  world’s  three  greatest  civic  men  of  the  last  quarter 
century. 

HIS  FRIENDSHIP  FOR  RANDALL. 

A warm  and  lasting  friendship  sprang  up  between 
Mr.  Blaine  and  the  late  Speaker  Samuel  J.  Randall 

which  was 
never  broken. 
He  made  the 
great  Pennsyl- 
vania Demo- 
crat his  ally  in 
his  uneven 
fight  against 
the  Force  bill, 
and  in  many 
other  ways 
demon  strated 
his  confidence 
in  him.  In  his 
library,  hang- 
ing almost 
directly  over 
john  g.  Carlisle.  the  desk  upon 

which  he  worked  in  Augusta,  was  a full  bust  picture 
of  the  late  Mr.  Randall.  He  observed  a friend  look- 
ing at  it  intently  and  said,  pointing  to  it:  “There  is 
one  of  the  truest  and  most  forceful  Americans  who 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN.  461 

has  ever  lived.  He  is  a man  to  be  relied  upon  in  any 
emergency.” 

The  compact  between  himself  and  the  man  he  was 
eulogizing  which  defeated  the  Force  bill  made  Grant’s 
administration  Blaine’s  enemy.  From  that  hour  the 
whole  power  of  the  Federal  Government  was  turned 
against  him.  To  revive  the  animosities  of  former 
years  his  old  combatant,  Senator  Conkling,  was  chosen 
by  the  Grant  forces  as  its  candidate,  and  thus  the  bit- 
ter fight  went  on. 

His  famous  tilt  with  Ben  Butler  in  1871  is  often  re- 
called by  old  Congressmen.  The  Massachusetts  states- 
man hit  him  some  pretty  hard  blows  with  words  while 
criticising  him  for  being  the  author  of  the  resolution 
for  investigating  the  illegal  outrages  in  the  South. 
Blaine  left  the  chair,  and  in  defending  himself  made  it 
exceedingly  interesting  for  the  hero  of  Fort  Fisher. 

HIS  FAME  AS  A DEBATER. 

It  was-  not  until  1874,  however,  that  Mr.  Blaine 
shone  at  his  best  as  a debater.  The  Democrats  con- 
trolled the  House,  and  the  Maine  statesman  was  the 
leader  of  the  minority.  It  was  a stormy  session,  and 
Ben  Hill,  of  Georgia;  Blackburn,  of  Kentucky,  and 
other  Southern  orators  took  the  criticism  of  Mr. 
Blaine  into  their  own  hands,  and  some  of  the  most 
acrimonious  and  brilliant  discussions  ever  heard  in 
Congress  took  place  between  the  “Plumed  Knight” 
and  the  men  who  were  resisting  the  reconstruction 
measures  of  the  day.  It  was  during  this  time  that 
Mr.  Blackburn  used  the  famous  sentence  in  bolstering 


462 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


up  Northern  Democrats,  which  has  been  so  often  re- 
peated: “ He  who  dallies  is  a dastard,  and  he  who 
doubts  is  damned.” 

While  the  discussion  on  the  general  amnesty  bill 
was  going  on  to  remove  the  political  disabilities  of  the 
participants  in  the  rebellion  Blaine  moved  to  amend 
by  making  an  exception  of  Jefferson  Davis.  Hill’s 
retort  was  exceedingly  severe,  and  Mr.  Blaine’s  re- 
marks in  reply  were  equally  incisive.  He  cited  a 
resolution,  introduced  by  Hill  in  the  Confederate 
Senate,  providing  that  every  Union  soldier  found  on 
Confederate  soil  should  be  presumed  to  come  with  in- 
tent to  incite  insurrection  and  should  suffer  the  death 
penalty. 

SOME  BITTER  DISCUSSION. 

This  was  the  firebrand  which  started  a new  burning, 
and  the  discussion  upon  the  pending  legislation  was 
intensely  bitter  and  at  times  so  intense  that  it  seemed 
as  though  personal  encounters  could  hardly  be  averted. 
They  could  not  have  been,  had  not  the  afflictions  of 
war  softened  the  angry  tempest  over  sectional  ques- 
tions which  was  aroused  by  this  debate.  A spirit  was 
manifest  that  could  not  have  been  quelled  before  the 
sword  had  done  its  work  and  taught  its  useful  lessons. 
It  is  a study  worthy  of  the  effort  of  the  present  gen- 
eration to  go  back  to  the  records  of  that  era  and  read 
them  carefully.  They  are  among  the  most  conspicu- 
ous examples  of  what  years  may  bring  to  a nation  that 
can  be  found  in  the  annals  of  any  land.  They  are 
doubly  interesting  now,  because  on  the  highest  fence 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN. 


463 


corner  of  the  close  of  that  debate  will  be  found  the 
cross  roads  where  Republican  Presidential  aspirants 
parted  in  a hunt  for  the  White  House. 

There  were  plenty  of  dogs  and  guns  on  all  sides. 
Mr.  Blaine’s  signboard  was  the  biggest  of  them  all, 
and  the  hand  pointing  for  him  in  the  direction  of  the 
Presidency  seemed  steadier  than  any  of  the  others. 
It  was  the  first  real  opportunity  that  he  had  had  to 
assert  and  announce  himself  as  the  Republican  Ajax 
defying  the  political  lightning.  The  figure  was  heroic, 
the  attitude  good,  and  the  feet  well  set  on  the  pedes- 
tal which  this  controversy  built.  All  the  years  behind 
this  hour  for  him  had  simply  been  preparation  for  the 
announcement.  Here  it  was,  and  the  uneven  fight 
began. 

HAILED  AS  A CHIEF. 

It  was  less  than  two  years  from  this  leaving  behind 
all  the  customs  and  by-play  of  preparation  for  the 
national  crown  before  he  was  to  face  all  comers  on 
the  open  field.  The  months  after  the  notable  contro- 
versy between  Mr.  Hill,  of  Georgia,  and  Blackburn, 
of  Kentucky,  were  to  Mr.  Blaine  full  of  the  fervor  of 
adulation  by  those  who  hailed  him  with  the  same  spirit 
that  had  greeted  “Harry  of  the  West”  years  before. 
Then  he  became  the  target  of  ambitious  rivals  in  his 
own  party,  but  the  legitimate  prey  of  the  Democracy, 
who  desired  a less  popular  candidate  to  meet  in  battle, 
where  all  the  chances  were  against  them.  Games 
were  put  up  to  disconcert  him  by  all  the  antagonistic 
elements,  and  not  even  Henry  Clay  faced  more  for- 


464 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


midable  intrigues  and  bitter  opposition  than  “ Blaine 
of  Maine,”  as  he  was  now  familiarly  called.  He  was 
constantly  in  the  spur  of  the  onset  on  the  floor  of  the 
House  and  in  manoeuvres  of  inside  manipulation.  In 
private,  surrounded  with  the  comfort  and  eulogy  of  a 
vast  majority  of  his  party,  he  made  a picture  that  can 
never  be  forgotten  for  its  finish. 

A GREAT  LEADER. 

Perhaps  no  man  ever  so  completely  dominated  the 
rank  and  file  of  a great  political  organization  as  did 
Mr.  Blaine  during  the  two  years  after  the  finger-board 
from  a political  discussion  pointed  him  toward  the 
White  House.  The  shifts  and  hustles  in  General 
Grant’s  administration  during  the  last  two  years  of  its 
existence  were  many.  The  effort  to  break  it  down 
and  destroy  its  influence  in  pending  issues  were  next 
to  irresistible.  The  Mugwump  tender  to  the  Democ- 
racy which  made  itself  felt  in  the  nomination  of  Hor- 
ace Greeley  gathered  rather  than  lost  force  by  the 
fact  that  the  Democracy  would  not  tolerate  the  ambi- 
tions of  the  great  editor.  This  was  a subtle  rather 
than  a manly  force,  and  in  its  hummings  about  lit  upon 
Secretary  Bristow  as  its  candidate.  This  gentleman 
had  been  brought  from  Kentucky  by  General  Grant, 
from  a district  attorney’s  office,  and  put  into  the 
Treasury  Department.  The  whiskey  ring  trials  offered 
a perch  for  his  Presidential  aspirations,  and  the  virtu- 
ous element  of  the  Republican  party  made  use  of  him 
as  a fence  against  Mr.  Blaine. 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN. 


465 


A STAR  OF  THE  FIRST  MAGNITUDE. 

It  is  said  that  on  November  8,  1572,  the  astronomer 
Tycho  Brahe  saw  a star  in  the  constellation  of  Cassio- 
peia break  into  sudden  splendor,  a splendor  so  bril- 
liant that  it  could  be  seen  even  at  noonday.  The 
observer  watched  the  unusual  spectacle  night  after 
night,  and  found  to  his  dismay  that  its  brilliancy  was 
gradually  diminishing.  For  many  months  this  light 
in  the  northern  sky  burned  more  and  more  dimly, 
until  at  last  it  went  out  altogether.  A star  had  become 
extinct. 

James  G.  Blaine  had  sturdy  friends  and  unrelenting 
enemies,  but  friends  and  enemies  alike  agree  that  he 
occupied  a conspicuous  position  in  the  constellation 
of  American  statesmen.  History  will  vindicate  his 
right  to  that  most  honorable  distinction,  for  it  would 
be  impossible  to  recite  the  events  which  threw  this 
nation  into  chaos  in  the  earlier  sixties,  or  to  name  the 
men  who  moulded  public  opinion  during  the  five  years 
when  the  country  summoned  a super-human  courage 
and  rebuilt  the  Union  on  the  graves  of  a million 
heroes,  or  to  review  the  slow  processes  which,  like  a 
hot  fire,  have  since  welded  the  States  into  a harmo- 
nious whole,  without  referring  to  James  G.  Blaine  as 
one  of  the  foremost  in  the  group  of  giants  whose  work 
is  recorded  in  that  strange  chapter  of  our  history. 

It  would  be  futile  to  place  his  character  in  the  even 
balances,  for  his  life  and  methods  so  frequently  ran 
counter  to  the  judgment  of  many,  and  he  so  often 
interfered  with  their  prejudices,  that  to  be  justly  criti- 
30 


466 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


cal  or  wholly  impartial  is  not  possible.  That  task, 
which  wiil  not  prove  an  ungrateful  one,  we  may  safely 
leave  to  the  new  generation.  We  are  all  agreed, 
however,  in  this — that  by  Mr.  Blaine’s  death  a bril- 
liant star  in  our  political  firmament,  whose  fading 
flames  were  watched  from  every  hilltop  and  valley  of 
the  land,  became  extinct. 

A TYPICAL  AMERICAN. 

And  this  also  we  may 
venture  upon  without 
being  accused  of  reck- 
1 e s s n e s s — that  Mr. 
Blaine  was  a typical 
American.  With  no 
unusual  advantages  in 
his  youth,  but  with  that 
lofty  aspiration  which 
our  free  institutions 
cherish,  he  used  the 
opportunities  of  his  day 
to  such  good  purpose 
that  fame  as  well  as 
wealth  crowned  his  per- 
sistent efforts.  He  was 
a close  student  of 
human  nature,  was  gifted  with  intuitions  as  quick  as 
the  lightning’s  flash,  saw  an  advantage  as  soon  as  it 
rose  to  the  surface,  detected  the  weak  point  in  the 
attack  of  an  enemy,  won  in  debate  by  ridicule  as  well 


CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  MAN. 


467 


as  logic,  was  master  of  himself  at  all  times,  and  thus 
generally  master  of  the  situation. 

The  eminence  he  reached  was  the  reward  of  con- 
tinuous toil.  His  career  was  made  up  of  shocks, 
cataclysms,  anxieties  and  ambitions.  So  freely  did  he 
spend  himself,  however,  that  he  has  been  a sufferer 
from  physical  ailments  during  his  last  ten  years,  and 
when  death  besieged  him  at  sixty-three,  when  he 
should  have  been  on  the  hither  side  of  his  prime,  he 
surrendered  the  citadel  and  fell  prisoner  to  fate. 
Perhaps  no  man  of  our  time  has  done  harder  work,  or 
done  it  with  more  intensity  of  feeling. 

We  may  furthermore  venture  upon  this — that  Mr. 
Blaine  in  all  the  policies  of  his  public  life  created 
unbounded  enthusiasm.  If  he  was  hated  by  some, 
even  hatred  admitted  his  sovereignty  over  the  multi- 
tude. He  had  a burning  eloquence  which  swayed  his 
audience  as  the  whirlwind  the  field  of  grain.  and  not 
the  common  people  merely,  but  his  peers  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  the  Senate.  He  has  more 
than  once  killed  a foe  with  an  epigram,  and  his  sarcasm 
in  debate  was  like  a succession  of  relentless  thunder- 
bolts. 

HIS  MATCHLESS  TRIUMPHS. 

The  golden  period  of  his  life  was  passed  in  Con- 
gress. He  was  there  his  best,  his  largest  self.  As 
Speaker  of  the  House  he  was  admirably  equipped, 
and  by  his  tact  and  diplomacy,  as  well  as  by  his  cour- 
age, he  earned  the  laurel.  In  the  old  reconstruction 
days  he  was  not  as  hot  headed  as  many  of  his  party, 


468 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  threw  his  influence  in  the  direction  of  a quick 
reconciliation  of  our  sectional  difficulties. 

The  Presidency  was  denied  him,  but  he  could  well 
afford  to  forego  that  triumph  in  the  consciousness  of 
so  many  others.  The  leader  of  his  party  during  the 
stormiest  period  of  the  Republic,  he  enjoyed  honors 
enough  to  satisfy  all  reasonable  hopes,  and  now  that 
he  has  gone  it  will  not  be  easy  to  find  another  with 
such  versatility  of  gifts  and  such  widespread  influence. 
He  has  passed  into  history  ; he  has  begun  the  journey 
to  that  bourne  from  which  no  traveller  returns.  Like 
the  star  which  Tycho  Brahe  saw  in  the  heavens,  the 
fires  of  his  great  career  have  gone  out. 

b o 


CHAPTER  XXI. 


James  G.  Blaine. 

His  Place  in  Modern  Politics — His  Leadership  and  Char- 
acter—An  Estimate  by  John  Russell  Young. 

The  death  of  Blaine  comes  as  an  incident  rather 
than  an  event.  It  has  been  expected  for  a long-  time. 
Hour  by  hour  the  flame  of  life  was  known  to  be  flick- 
ering to  the  end.  Unlike  Hayes  and  Butler,  Bishop 
Brooks  and  Judge  Lamar,  who,  as  it  were,  bear  him 
company  to  the  eternities,  he  was  denied  the  grace 
of  a sudden  death.  For  days  he  had  been  uncon- 
scious, or  at  least  spoke  no  word.  To  him  long 
watching  hours  were  appointed,  even  as  to  his  beloved 
friend  Garfield.  He  was  to  die  on  the  theatre  of  his 
fame.  That  was  fitting.  Around  him  were  the  re- 
membrances of  great  men  who  had  ruled  the  republic. 
His  deathbed  was  within  the  shadow  of  the  White 
House.  Every  association  recalled  ambition,  elo- 
quence, statesmanship  and  endeavor.  He  was  a young 
man.  In  the  course  of  nature  many  years  were  due 
him.  England  is  ruled  by  a statemsan  old  enough 
to  be  his  father,  and  those  who  loved  and  followed 
Blaine  had  reason  to  anticipate  another  generation  of 
his  leadership. 

Blaine  was  among  the  last  of  that  group  of  bril- 

(469) 


470  „ 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


liant  young  men  who,  coming  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
were  in  their  intellectual  achievements  to  be  regarded 
as  its  fruit  and  flower.  In  times  of  stress,  as  in  se- 
cession days,  history  teaches  us  that  youth  finds  oppor- 
tunity. The  young  men  of  France  governed  the  Rev- 
olution— the  young  men  of  the  Colonies  achieved 
independence.  The  statesmen  contemporary  of  Mr. 
Blaine  were  a memorable  company.  Conkling,  Mor- 
ton, Allison,  Garfield,  Marshall  Jewell,  Harrison,  Ar- 
thur, Edmunds,  Windom,  and  Wilson  of  Iowa,  were 
among  the  number. 

The  legislation  after  the  war  shows  character  and 
power.  They  had  the  intrepidity,  perhaps  the  thought- 
lessness of  youth,  or  they  would  never  have  dared 
impeachment.  With  the  exception  of  Garfield,  with 
his  old  head  on  young  shoulders,  they  believed  in  that 
experiment.  Blaine,  as  I remember,  formally  ex- 
pressed in  his  memoirs  a regret  for  his  precipitancy. 
Impeachment  we  must  regard  as  a war  system — the 
consequences  of  war.  A party  governed  by  young 
men  was  the  party  to  make  it  come  true. 

COMES  TO  THE  FRONT. 

Blaine  soon  became  the  unquestioned  leader  of  the 
Republican  party.  His  rival  for  a time  was  the  late 
Mr.  Colfax,  who  was,  however,  to  go  down  under  dis- 
tressing circumstances.  Since  the  time  of  Henry  Clay 
no  young  men  held,  at  so  early  an  age,  a party  lead- 
ership. By  the  ordinary  progress  of  events  Blaine 
should  have  gained  the  Presidency.  But  at  the  outset 
of  his  career  he  came  in  collision  with  the  military 


HIS  LEADERSHIP. 


471 

prestige  of  Grant.  History  shows  how  this  antago- 
nism affected  his  fortunes,  but  it  would  be  an  interest- 
ing study  to  weigh  its  effects  upon  the  country.  If 
Blaine  had  been  in  hearty  accord  with  Grant  recon- 
struction would  have  assumed  a new  phase,  and  we 
might  not  now  be  mourning  the  ravished  electoral 
votes  which  established  Southern  supremacy.  Blaine 
instinctively,  as  became  a man  of  peace,  shrank  from 
the  military  methods.  He  probably  felt  in  his  heart 
toward  Grant  as  the  English  statesmen  did  to  Marl- 
borough and  Wellington — a conviction  that  a military 
career  was  incompatible  with  statesmanship.  At  all 
events  the  silent  antagonism  between  the  civilian  and 
the  soldier  prevented  reconstruction  and  destroyed 
Blaine’s  hopes  for  the  Presidency. 

The  strength  of  Blaine’s  leadership  lay  in  his  com- 
mon sense.  He  was  learned  in  the  occult,  capricious 
laws  of  human  nature.  He  knew  that  two  and  two 
make  four,  and  that  even  the  strongest  minds  will 
have  a craving  for  cakes  and  ale.  He  believed  in  the 
nation’s  growth.  Independent  and  at  times  lawless 
in  his  convictions  in  his  political  methods,  without  fear 
or  regrets,  his  heart  went  out  to  the  newer  States. 
The  loyal  support  ever  given  to  Blaine  by  the  great 
Western  Commonwealths  was  because  he  was  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  builders  of  empires.  His  own  modest 
life  of  adventure,  the  floating  as  a schoolmaster  be- 
tween the  States  of  Kentucky,  Pennsylvania  and 
Maine,  had  given  him  an  appreciation  of  the  adven- 
turers who  were  pressing  Republican  domination  to 


472 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  This 
done,  and  the  chain  of  States  welded  together,  not 
alone  by  the  political  tie  of  union,  but  by  rail  and 
steam,  and  Blaine  looked  toward  what  the  fancy  of 
Dickens  calls  “ the  golden  South  America.” 

ENTHUSIASTIC  FOR  RECIPROCITY. 

Blaine  had  the  imperial  dream  of  reciprocity.  There 
were  statesmen  when  Garfield  came  into  power  who 
regretted  that  our  American  policy  did  not  embrace 
the  Pacific.  This  had  been  the  urgent  wish  of  Grant, 
which,  in  a measure,  he  had  inherited  from  Burlin- 
game. During  the  brief,  tragic  Garfield  episode,  and 
subsequently  under  Harrison,  this  Asiatic  policy  was 
pressed  upon  Blaine.  It  was  pointed  out  that  Amer- 
ican influence  should  dominate  Asia  as  far  as  Singa- 
pore, that  the  great  Asiatic  nations  were  craving  our 
commercial  alliance,  that  the  growth  and  endurance 
of  the  Pacific  commonwealths  were  involved  in  a p-en- 

o 

erous  policy  toward  Asia.  Grant,  like  Burlingame, 
had  formed  these  conclusions  by  study  of  the  East. 

To  Blaine,  however,  the  East  was  little  more  than 
a romance  or  a poem.  He  had  neither  seen  nor  felt 
it.  His  conceptions  of  Chinese  civilization  were  based 
upon  the  police  reports  of  San  Francisco  and  the  note 
books  of  hurried  travellers  like  the  late  Bayard  Tay- 
lor. Lord  John  Russell  said  it  took  Parliament  seven 
years  to  pass  a bill.  Blaine  believed  that  an  adminis- 
tration could  do  but  one  thing  in  four  years.  To  at- 
tempt two  things  meant  a failure  in  both.  “I  mean,” 
he  said  to  the  writer  two  years  ago,  “ to  complete  the 


HIS  LEADERSHIP. 


473 


work  of  reciprocity,  which  will  be  as  much  as  Harri- 
son can  do.  That  done,  we  can  think  about  Asia.” 

BROTHERHOOD  OF  NATIONS. 

There  were  those  of  us  who  were  impatient  with 
this  resolution,  but  we  must  needs  admire  the  splen- 
dor of  the  conception  of  reciprocity.  A federation 
of  commonwealths  over  the  whole  American  conti- 
nent ! What  a superb  way  we  opened  to  the  twen- 
tieth century ! Why  waste  time  picking  up  coral 
islands  in  the  Pacific  or  jabbering  with  African  kings 
over  flannel  and  beads,  when  we  had  the  roads  to  des- 
tiny spreading  toward  Greenland  and  Patagonia ! 
Seward  had  made  Alaska  a pawn  in  the  fascinating 
game.  Grant  had  tried  San  Domingo  as  a second 
move,  to  be  defeated  by  purblind  jealousy.  Blaine 
would  make  a royal  move  and  advance  the  queen  be- 
yond the  Andes  and  to  the  Amazon. 

As  I have  said,  it  was  an  imperial  dream,  recalling 
what  Henry  Clay  believed  possible  as  an  outcome  of 
his  Panama  Congress.  With  what  success  it  is  too 
soon  to  say.  It  may  be  the  unfinished  window  in  the 
tower  as  we  read  in  the  “Arabian  Nights.”  Even  as 
these  high  purposes  came  within  his  reach,  when  at 
last  standing  as  it  were  on  the  steps  of  the  throne  he 
was  enabled  to  mould  the  throne’s  decrees,  there  came 
upon  him,  as  upon  no  public  man  in  my  time,  the 
inscrutable  hand  of  God.  His  children  were  to  die. 
Disease  was  to  strike  him  even  unto  death.  Every 
promise,  joy  and  hope  was  to  sink  into  cloud  and 
night.  No  sadder  mystery  in  the  ways  of  God  as  we 


474 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


see  them  among  man  than  this  of  Blaine.  And  I can 
well  believe  that  out  of  it  all  there  came  at  times  the 
feeling  that  death  was  a benediction,  and  that  in  the 
end  alone  was  peace. 

A KING  AMONG  MEN. 

It  will  be  difficult  to  assign  Blaine  a place  in  our 
history.  This,  however,  is  the  work  of  another  gener- 
ation. I knew  him  for  many  years  on  terms  of  intimacy, 
more  especially  while  he  was  a member  of  the  House 
and  before  political  differences  brought  rifts  into  the 
party.  I have  worked  with  him  for  hours  in  Wash- 
ington, and  had  his  companionship  at  my  fireside. 
I found  him  always  an  original,  sincere,  intrepid  man, 
amiable,  sympathetic,  with  a Napoleonic  instinct  for 
the  kernel  of  a subject.  In  a flippant  way  he  has  been 
called  “ magnetic.”  This  meaningless  word  seems 
especially  so  when  applied  to  Blaine.  He  had  that 
perfect  courtesy  which  is  shown  in  absolute  respect 
for  the  feelings  of  those  around  him.  Sovereign  or 
serf  had  equal  kindness  at  his  hands.  He  had  no  fear, 
no  resentments,  and  friends  were  often  impatient  at 
his  forgiveness  of  enemies. 

It  is  difficult  also  to  estimate  his  intellectual  standard. 
He  was  not  a supreme  orator  like  Conkling.  He 
wanted  Morton’s  lucidity  of  expression.  He  was  not 
learned  in  the  books  like  Garfield.  He  had  not 
enjoyed  the  legal  training  of  Edmunds.  He  missed 
the  cogent,  rifle  ball  aptness  of  Harrison  as  a speaker. 
But  he  had  a quality  in  which  he  surpassed  any  man 
of  his  time.  It  is  hard  to  describe  it,  but  I presume 


HIS  LEADERSHIP. 


475 


it  should  be  called  the  genius  of  leadership.  He 
would  be  a brave  man  or  one  with  a gnarled,  rugged 
nature,  who  could  come  within  the  gleam  of  that 
magnificent  eye,  or  under  the  spell  of  that  persuasive 
voice  and  not  be  prone  to  follow.  And  in  this  leader- 
ship was  the  arrogance  of  genius.  Blaine,  like  Grant, 
never  called  a council  of  war  to  fight  his  political 
battles.  It  was  go  and  he  goeth,  or  come  and  he 
cometh,  to  his  followers,  as  I have  heard  many  an 
eminent  statesman  say  when  speaking  of  service  with 
the  “Plumed  Knight”  of  Maine. 

LIKELY  TO  BE  UNDERRATED. 

In  the  way  of  mere  achievements,  that  is  to  say, 
speeches,  legislation  or  the  development  of  high 
policies,  the  life  of  Blaine  may  be  regarded  as  a 
disappointment.  Critics  may  ask  us  to  study  him  as 
we  do  some  of  those  stupendous  ruins  which  show 
what  it  was  in  the  mind  of  man  to  attempt,  but  not  in 
the  heart  of  man  to  do.  He  will  be  called  a Coleridge 
among  statesmen — his  life  strewn  with  the  wrecks  of 
magnificent  opportunities.  This,  however,  would  be 
an  unfair  criticism.  Blaine  dies  in  what  would  be  the 
youth  of  a public  man.  The  time  to  do  his  work  was 
denied  him.  He  had  more  sorrows  than  are  common. 
He  had  battles  to  fight  such  as  devolved  upon  no 
American  statesman.  There  was  the  mighty  personal- 
ity of  Grant,  the  haughty  personality  of  Conkling,  the 
majestic  personality  of  Edmunds.  There  was  the 
uncompromising  hostility  of  the  critical  conservative 
Republicanism — theorists  and  dreamers,  especially  of 


476 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  New  England  school.  There  was  the  South. 
Alone  he  fought  them,  and  in  every  battle  he  was 
triumphant.  No  political  antagonist  ever  beat  him 
down. 

My  heart  was  not  with  him  in  some  of  these  con- 
tests, but  I never  ceased  to  admire  the  fertility  of  his 
genius,  his  courage  and  his  will.  He  was  ever  a 
knight  in  the  terror  of  his  blows,  in  the  swift  amplitude 
of  his  forgiveness.  I think  of  it  all  now  that  he  lies 

o 

in  his  coffin,  and,  recalling  of  Blaine  so  many  years  of 
admiration  and  friendship,  his  loyalty  to  his  party,  his 
chivalry  to  woman,  his  gentleness  to  children,  his 
haughty  Americanism  and  supreme  power  of  intellect 
which  made  him  almost  an  object  of  worship  to  so 
many  millions  of  his  countrymen,  give  him  my  sorrow- 
ing farewell.  A great  man  has  gone  and  a nation 
mourns  an  untimely  fate. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


Blaine  as  a Man  Among  Other  Men. 

The  eminent  journalist,  E.  J.  Gibson,  who  was  inti- 
mately acquainted  with  Mr.  Blaine,  furnishes  the  fol- 
lowing interesting  sketch  : 

Although  Mr.  Blaine  was  so  highly  regarded  because 
of  his  rare  ability  and  brilliant  attainments,  yet  his  so- 
called  magnetic  manner  gave  him  much  of  his  popu- 
larity. He  rarely  forgot  a face  or  name,  and  he  had 
the  faculty  of  giving  every  person  with  whom  he  came 
in  contact  the  impression  that  he  was  really  glad  to 
see  him,  something  which  can  be  said  of  very  few  men 
in  public  life.  My  own  experience  with  Mr.  Blaine 
w'as  probably  similar  to  that  of  a multitude  of  others. 
When  a reporter  on  a New  York  newspaper,  doing 
some  campaign  work  in  Philadelphia,  I happened  to 
be  in  the  city  on  the  afternoon  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  to 
deliver  a campaign  address  in  the  Academy  of  Music 
in  the  Fall  of  1878.  Wishing  to  meet  him  personally 
I sent  up  my  card  to  him  at  the  Continental  Hotel.  I 
was  invited  up  at  once,  and  much  to  my  surprise  was 
taken  into  his  room,  where  many  of  the  leading  Re 
publicans  of  the  city  were  gathered,  and  taking  me  by 
the  arm  Mr.  Blaine  introduced  me  to  every  man  pres- 
ent. I had  never  been  treated  so  well  by  a public 

" (477) 


478 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


man,  and  I certainly  went  away  entertaining  a feeling 
of  the  highest  regard  personally  for  Mr.  Blaine. 

Some  years  afterward  when  he  was  nominated  for 
President,  I went  to  Maine  to  represent  the  same 
newspaper  and  remained  with  Mr.  Blaine  during  the 
entire  campaign.  I then  had  an  opportunity  to  be- 
come thoroughly  well  acquainted  with  him,  and  this 
acquaintance  was  renewed  by  a similar  experience  for 
six  weeks  during  the  State  campaign  in  Maine  in 
1886,  and  afterward  in  Washington.  During  a good 
deal  of  the  time  I was  in  Maine  and  in  the  country  in 
1884  I traveled  with  Mr.  Blaine  alone  and  we  went 
into  every  nook  and  corner  of  Maine  that  could  be 
reached  by  railroad. 

HE  KNEW  ALMOST  EVERYBODY. 

We  never  entered  a town  that  Mr.  Blaine  did  not 
recognize  apparently  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants. 
He  seemed  to  know  everybody  in  the  State,  and  he 
never  went  into  a town  or  city  elsewhere  in  the 
country,  within  my  knowledge,  without  meeting  some 
one  that  he  knew,  so  extensive  was  his  acquaintance. 

I never  knew  but  one  other  man  who  had  a like 
faculty  of  remembering  persons  whom  he  had  met 
before,  and  that  was  Vice-President  Hamlin,  of  the 
same  State.  Mr.  Hamlin  accompanied  us  on  a trip 
at  one  time  to  Presque  Isle,  a village  in  the  extreme 
northeastern  part  of  Maine.  The  Vice-President  had 
not  been  in  the  same  town  for  seventeen  years,  but 
when  he  got  off  from  the  train  he  shook  hands  with 
three  persons  whom  he  had  met  in  the  same  place  on 


A MAN  AMONG  MEN. 


479 


his  visit  there  seventeen  years  before  and  called  each 
one  by  name,  although  he  had  never  seen  them  but 
once.  Mr.  Blaine  at  the  same  time  recognized  per- 
sonally a large  number  of  the  citizens  whom  he  had 
met  only  once,  and  that  a good  many  years  before. 

At  a reception  given  by  Governor  Smith  at  his 
house  in  New  Hampshire,  I stood  a few  feet  away 
from  Mr.  Blaine  and  heard  him  personally  greet  by 
name  200  or  300  persons,  many  of  whom  he  had 
never  met  but  once.  One  man,  after  shaking  hands 
with  Mr.  Blaine,  remarked : “ I suppose  you  do  not 
remember  me,  Mr.  Blaine,  as  it  is  twelve  years  ago 
since  I saw  you.”  Mr.  Blaine  quickly  replied:  “Oh. 
yes,  I remember  you  well.  You  were  at  Mr.  Blank’s 
house  when  I was  there  in  1872.”  I afterward  asked 
Mr.  Blaine  in  regard  to  that  particular  person  and  he 
said  that  he  met  him  at  a reception  in  another  city 
twelve  years  before,  which  illustrates  his  wonderful 
memory  of  faces. 

QUICK  TO  SEE  A POINT. 

One  of  the  most  notable  things  in  regard  to  Mr. 
Blaine’s  skill  as  a party  leader  was  his  alertness  in 
seizing  upon  a position  on  difficult  or  exciting  public 
questions  that  would  be  likely  to  receive  the  support 
of  his  party  and  to  be  popular  in  the  country.  A mis- 
take by  an  opponent  would  be  seen  by  Mr.  Blaine 
almost  immediately,  and  he  was  not  slow  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  it.  Perhaps  this  could  not  be  illustrated 
better  than  in  his  celebrated  statement  on  the  tariff 
question  sent  from  Europe  in  reply  to  Mr.  Cleveland’s 


480 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


message  in  1887.  Mr.  Blaine  gave  the  keynote  of 
the  campaign  to  his  party  in  that  message. 

In  the  hundreds  of  speeches  which  I have  heard 
him  deliver  he  always  made  an  effort  to  bring  out  one 
central  point  that  would  fix  the  attention  of  his 
hearers.  He  did  not  like  to  deliver  long  speeches. 
He  preferred,  as  he  told  me  himself,  to  handle  one 
topic  in  such  a way  as  to  make  an  impression  and 
leave  to  others  the  work  of  entertaining  the  audience. 
For  that  purpose  he  generally  took  with  him  a speaker 
who  could  put  an  audience  in  good  humor,  and  Mr. 
Blaine  would  confine  himself  to  one  or  two  of  the  cen- 
tral issues  of  the  campaign.  Many  of  his  speeches 
were  delivered  with  a view  of  reaching  the  entire 
country,  rather  than  the  audience  to  which  he  was 
speaking.  He  had  a clear  voice  and  a direct,  simple 
manner  of  stating  questions  that  always  made  it  easy 
for  the  people  to  understand  him. 

Mr.  Blaine  rarely  wrote  out  a speech.  I remember 
only  one  speech  in  the  campaign  of  1884  that  he  wrote 
out  in  advance,  and  then  he  had  been  grossly  misrep- 
resented, and  he  desired  to  put  himself  right  in  such 
a way  that  there  would  be  no  excuse  for  continuing 
the  misstatements.  The  speech  I refer  to  was  deliv- 
ered in  the  State  Fair  grounds  at  Manchester,  New 
Hampshire,  and  I held  the  manuscript  in  my  hands 
while  Mr.  Blaine  spoke,  and  I found  that  he  did  not 
deviate  hardly  a word  from  what  he  had  written, 
although  he  did  not  write  the  speech  more  than  an 
hour  before  it  was  delivered,  and  had  had  no  oppor- 


A MAN  AMONG  MEN. 


481 


tunity  to  do  more  than  read  it  after  he  had  completed 
the  manuscripts. 

HIS  LITERARY  STYLE. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  literary  style  has  been  criticised  by 
some  of  the  men  who  posed  as  critics  on  such  mat- 
ters, but  most  of  the  people  generally  will  agree  with 
Senator  Hoar  in  the  statement  that  the  dead  leader 
had  “a  marvelous  literary  instinct.”  His  style  was 
free  from  exaggeration  and  excess,  and  the  little  poses 
of  phrase  so  often  affected  by  writers.  Mr.  Blaine 
was  a splendid  Latin  student,  and  yet  none  would 
ever  be  aware  of  the  fact  so  far  as  the  use  of  Latin 
phrases  in  his  speeches  and  writings  are  concerned. 

I asked  him  once  if  he  thought  it  was  worth  while 
for  a boy  to  spend  his  time  learning  the  dead  languages. 
He  replied  that  he  did  not  think  that  Greek  was  of 
any  particular  advantage,  excepting  to  men  who  in- 
tended to  pursue  a literary  life  or  special  callings  that 
would  make  researches  into  the  works  of  ancient  au- 
thors necessary.  But  he  said  that  Latin,  in  his  opinion, 
was  decidedly  necessary  in  the  formation  of  a correct 
English  style,  and  he  added  that  whatever  there  was 
of  good  in  his  style  he  attributed  to  his  study  of  Latin. 
As  to  modern  languages,  he  thought  them  an  advan- 
tage in  some  cases,  but  to  the  great  majority  of  men 
he  thought  the  time  might  be  more  advantageously 
employed  than  in  studying  modern  languages,  outside 
of  the  English.  In  the  case  of  his  own  sons,  however, 
he  said  that  he  had  Walker  and  Emmons  both  learn 
French  and  German,  and  had  given  them  an  opportu- 
31 


482 


LIFE  OF  IION.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


nity  to  perfect  themselves  in  the  languages  by  study 
abroad. 

HIS  EULOGY  ON  GARFIELD. 

Senator  Hoar  in  speaking  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  literary 
works,  says  that  his  eulogy  on  Garfield  has  always 
seemed  to  him  (Mr.  Hoar)  one  of  the  most  exquisite 
productions  of  the  class  to  which  it  belonged.  This 
recalls  to  mind  the  fact  that  Mr.  Blaine  in  giving  me  a 
bound  copy  of  that  eulogy,  with  an  autograph  inscrip- 
tion in  it,  remarked  that  he  took  as  much  pride  in  that 
address  as  in  anything  he  had  ever  delivered  or 
written. 

The  death  of  Garfield  was  a great  blow  to  Mr. 
Blaine.  He  told  me  that  had  Garfield  lived  he  had  no 
doubt  before  the  end  of  his  term  that  the  Republican 
party  would  be  thoroughly  united,  and  the  animosity 
that  had  grown  out  of  the  effort  to  renominate  Gen- 
eral Grant  fora  third  term  would  have  died  out  under 
the  kindly  influences  of  Garfield’s  administration.  Al- 
though Mr.  Blaine  is  everywhere  known  for  his  aggres- 
siveness in  politics,  yet  he  was  in  no  sense  a vindictive 
man,  and  was  personally  anxious  to  live  on  terms  of 
peace  and  good-will  with  everybody.  He  was  anxious 
to  be  reconciled  to  Conkling,  and  the  fact  that  they 
never  were  reconciled  was  not  Mr.  Blaine’s  fault,  as  I 
know  of  my  own  personal  knowledge. 

WOULD  HAVE  SOLIDIFIED  THE  PARTY. 

Although  the  nomination  of  Judge  Robertson  for 
Collector  of  New  York  by  Garfield  was  ascribed  to 
Blaine,  there  is  good  reasons  for  saying  that  Blaine 


A MAN  AMONG  MEN. 


483 


did  not  dictate  it.  But  even  had  he  done  so,  there  was 
no  good  reason  for  Conkling  pursuing  the  course  that 
he  did  in  the  matter.  Judge  Robertson  was  quoted 
in  a recent  interview  as  saying  that  General  Arthur 
made  a great  mistake  when  he  did  not  keep  Mr. 
Blaine  in  his  Cabinet,  as  it  would  have  solidified  the 
party  and  insured  President  Arthur’s  renomination. 

That  recalls  a remark  that  Mr.  Blaine  made  to  me 
in  discussing  the  same  subject.  He  said  that  he  did 
not  care  to  remain  in  President  Arthur’s  Cabinet,  but 
that  he  would  have  done  so  if  it  had  been  insisted 
upon,  and  he  thought  that  President  Arthur  had  an  op- 
portunity to  unite  the  party  and  to  bring  about  an  era 
of  good  feeling,  such  as  would  not  be  likely  to  occur 
again  in  a long  time.  President  Arthur  took  the  other 
course  and  made  the  great  mistake  of  going  to  Albany 
to  try  and  re-elect  Mr.  Conkling,  and  as  Judge  Rob- 
ertson says,  “President  Arthur  got  no  thanks  for  it.” 

During  the  campaign  of  1884  efforts  were  made  by 
mutual  friends  to  bring  Mr.  Conkling  and  Mr.  Blaine 
together,  and  also  to  bring  Mr.  Arthur  to  New  York 
to  preside  at  a meeting  where  Mr.  Blaine  was  presid- 
ing. But  so  far  as  Mr.  Conkling  and  Mr.  Arthur  were 
concerned,  the  efforts  were  a failure.  Although  Mr. 
Arthur  was  spending  a short  vacation  at  the  residence 
of  Mr.  Frelinghuysen,  in  New  Jersey,  only  a short 
distance  from  New  York,  yet  he  refused  to  attend  the 
meeting,  and  I know  that  Mr.  Blaine  felt  hurt  as  a 
result  of  that  failure. 


484 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


A good  deal  has  been  written  and  said  about  Mr. 
Blaine’s  return  to  New  York  after  his  visit  to  the 
West  in  the  campaign  of  1884,  and  in  regard  to  the 
dinner  he  attended  gotten  up  by  the  late  Cyrus  W. 
Field,  and  the  consequent  Burchard  incident  which 
would  not  have  happened  if  Mr.  Blaine  had  carried 
out  his  original  intentions  of  not  returning  to  New 
York  city. 

THAT  FATAL  NEW  YORK  DINNER. 

I discussed  that  matter  at  a good  deal  of  length 
with  Mr.  Blaine  two  years  afterward,  and  he  told  me 
then,  as  he  told  me  at  the  time,  that  he  did  not  want 
to  return  to  New  York  city,  and  was  persuaded  against 
his  will  to  do  so.  He  said  that  he  could  not  refuse  to 
attend  the  dinner  given  by  Cyrus  W.  Field  without 
offending  some  of  the  prominent  managers  in  his  can- 
vass. Mr.  Field  had  been  very  active  in  assisting  in 
the  work  of  the  campaign,  and,  as  a result,  Mr.  Blaine 
allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  by  ex-Senator  Platt 
and  others  to  return  to  New  York,  which  unquestion- 
ably caused  him  the  loss  of  the  Presidency. 

As  to  the  Burchard  incident,  I was  present  in  the 
hotel  at  the  time  the  speech  was  delivered.  I did  not 
myself  notice  Mr.  Burchard  make  the  remark  that 
was  attributed  to  him.  But . a few  minutes  later 
ex-Collector  Murphy,  of  New  York,  who  is  himself  a 
Roman  Catholic,  came  to  me  in  the  corridor  of  the 
hotel  and  remarked  that  if  something  was  not  done 
right  away  to  offset  what  Burchard  had  said  in  his 
speech  that  it  would  do  great  harm,  because  the  Demo- 


A MAN  AMONG  MEN. 


485 


cratic  newspaper  correspondents,  who  were  there 
within  a few  feet  of  us  at  that  moment,  were  preparing 
to  make  the  most  of  it. 

mr.  blaine’s  unconcern. 

I immediately  went  up  to  Mr.  Blaine’s  room  to  see 
him  about  it,  and  found  that  he  was  not  aware  that 
anything  of  the  kind  had  been  said.  But  he  remarked 
that  an  attempt  to  correct  an  alleged  statement  of  that 
kind  might  do  as  much  harm  as  good,  as  it  would 
offend  the  Protestants,  particularly  those  of  the  bigoted 
kind.  He  did  not  seem  to  think  that  the  matter  was 
of  any  particular  importance. 

Two  hours  later  when  I had  learned  that  the  Demo- 
crats were  preparing  to  circulate  this  “Rum,  Roman- 
ism, and  Rebellion  ” alleged  statement  of  Dr.  Burch- 
ard,  in  the  form  of  handbills  and  in  other  ways,  I again 
saw  Mr.  Blaine  about  the  matter,  but  found  that  he 
was  not  much  concerned.  It  was  not  until  late  in  the 
next  day  that  his  friends  persuaded  him  to  make  the 
statement  that  he  did  in  regard  to  the  matter.  Many 
persons  have  blamed  Mr.  Blaine  for  not  replying  to 
Dr.  Burchard  at  the  time  the  remark  was  made,  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  he  never  heard  the  remark  if  it 
was  ever  made,  and  although  I was  listening  to  the 
speech,  though  not  with  much  care,  I did  not  hear  it. 
With  Mr.  Blaine’s  extraordinary  alertness  and  skill  in 
making  use  of  any  incident  of  that  kind  if  he  had  heard 
it,  he  would  undoubtedly  have  been  prompt  to  reply. 
A good  many  persons  have  undertaken  to  ridicule  state- 
ments to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  defeated  for 


486 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  Presidency  by  the  use  Democrats  made  of  that 
alleged  remark  on  the  part  of  Dr.  Burchard.  I have 
good  reason  for  saying  that  it  is  capable  of  proof  that 
enough  votes  were  changed  in  that  way  to  account 
for  his  defeat  in  New  York. 

MANY  VOTES  CHANGED. 

Handbills  were  circulated  at  every  Catholic  Church 
in  New  York  on  the  following  Sunday,  headed,  “See 
what  Blaine  says,”  and  then  the  remark  was  ascribed 
to  Mr.  Blaine  himself.  A handbill  of  that  kind  was 
delivered  at  nearly  every  house  in  Brooklyn,  and, 
among  others,  at  my  own.  Some  time  after  the  elec- 
tion a considerable  number  of  men  were  placed  at  my 
disposal,  and  I was  charged  with  the  duty  of  investi- 
gating to  see  if  I could  ascertain  whether  or  not  any 
votes  actually  had  been  changed  as  a result  of  the  use 
the  Democrats  made  of  that  alleged  remark  of  Dr. 
Burchard.  I found  a number  of  men  who  were  willing 
to  acknowledge  that  they  changed  their  votes  on  that 
account.  One  of  these  was  the  president  of  a large 
Catholic  educational  institution  in  the  upper  part  of 
New  York  city.  He  told  me  that  he  intended  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Blaine,  but  he  changed  his  mind  and  voted  for 
Mr.  Cleveland,  because  the  Catholic  Church  had  been 
insulted  in  Mr.  Blaine’s  presence  and  he  had  not 
resented  it. 

Passing  a certain  jewelry  store  the  same  day  I met 
an  ex-State  Senator  who  lived  in  Flushing  who  told 
me  of  several  persons  who  had  similarly  been  influ- 
enced. He  went  with  me  into  the  jewelry  store,  and 


A MAN  AMONG  MEN. 


487 


the  proprietor  told  us  of  a German  shoemaker  in  the 
basement  of  the  building  who  had  been  influenced  in 
the  same  way.  I saw  that  shoemaker,  and  he  said 
that  he  had  changed  his  vote  on  that  account,  and 
gave  the  names  of  several  of  his  friends  who  had  done 
the  same  thing.  I found  a Catholic  priest  in  West- 
chester county  who  had  advised  the  members  of  his 
flock  to  vote  against  Mr.  Blaine  as  the  only  way  of 
repelling  the  insult  that  had  been  offered  to  the  church. 

Pursuing  the  matter  further,  I gathered  a large 
number  of  names  of  persons  who  were  willing  to 
acknowledge  that  they  had  been  influenced  in  the  same 
way.  Patrick  Ford  showed  me  hundreds  of  letters 
from  different  parts  of  the  State  telling  of  votes  that 
had  been  changed  in  that  way,  and  he  expressed  the 
opinion  that  thousands  of  votes  had  been  lost  to  Blaine 
on  account  of  the  Burchard  incident.  As  Mr.  Cleve- 
land only  had  1047  plurality  in  New  York  a change 
of  550  votes  would  have  elected  Mr.  Blaine.  I have 
never  had  any  doubt  in  my  own  mind  after  that  inves- 
tigation that  he  would  have  been  elected  had  he  not 
returned  to  New  York,  after  his  trip  from  the  West, 
contrary  to  his  own  judgment. 

DID  NOT  SEEK  THE  NOMINATION. 

Mr.  Blaine  told  me  in  August  of  1884  that  he  had 
not  sought  the  nomination  for  President  that  year,  and 
he  seemed  to  think  that  it  was  not  a good  year  for  a 
Republican  to  run  in.  He  told  mein  1886  that  he  did 
not  believe  that  any  Republican  could  be  elected  in 
1888,  but  after  Mr.  Cleveland’s  celebrated  tariff  mes- 


488 


LIFE  OF  IiON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


sage  Mr.  Blaine  changed  his  mind  and  he  did  think 
there  was  a good  opportunity  then  for  the  Republicans 
to  elect  their  candidate.  He  had  said  before  that  he 
would  not  be  a candidate.  But  when  it  became  evi- 
dent that  the  campaign  was  to  turn  on  the  tariff,  and 
Mr.  Blaine  had  in  letters  from  Europe  expressed  the 
opinion  that  a Republican  would  be  elected,  his  friends 
made  an  effort  to  get  him  to  consent  to  accept  the  nom- 
ination. His  health  was  not  good,  however,  and  he 
was  depressed  in  spirits  at  that  time.  Still  Mr. 
Boutelle  and  others  who  were  concerned  in  that  effort 
believe  that  he  would  have  accepted  had  he  been  nom- 
inated. 

Mr.  Boutelle  holds  to  the  opinion  that  if  it  had  not 
been  for  telegrams  sent  from  Chicago  to  Mr.  Blaine 
by  a United  States  Senator  and  some  others  supposed 
to  be  close  in  his  confidence  that  Mr.  Blaine  would 
have  been  nominated  and  elected.  But  in  view  of  his 
health  during  the  past  four  years,  and  the  organic 
disease  with  which  he  was  suffering,  everybody  must 
now  concede  that  it  would  have  shortened  his  life  had 
he  been  made  President. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  very  tenacious  of  life,  and  I never 
traveled  with  a man  who  was  more  concerned  about 
his  safety  on  railroads.  He  was  extremely  nervous, 
and  if  anything  happened  in  the  way  of  a slight  acci- 
dent to  a train  it  upset  him  at  once.  He  was  very  fond 
of  company,  and  always  liked  to  have  some  one  to  talk 
to,  and  when  left  to  himself  was  very  apt  to  be  moody 
and  melancholy.  He  may  have  had  some  premonition 


A MAN  AMONG  MEN. 


489 


of  his  organic  trouble,  but  it  was  very  evident  to  any 
person  brought  much  in  contact  with  him  that  good 
company  and  cheerful  surroundings  were  necessary  to 
his  health. 

There  was  a vein  of  something  approaching  super- 
stition in  him  which  has  always  made  me  wonder  that 
he  consented  to  move  into  the  old  Seward  mansion, 
considering  the  mishaps  that  have  befallen  its  former 
occupants. 

When  Mr.  Blaine  went  out  of  the  Cabinet  at  the 
death  of  Garfield  his  physicians  told  him  that  it  would 
be  necessary  for  him  to  take  up  some  work  that  would 
keep  his  mind  occupied,  and  that  was  how  he  came  to 
undertake  the  work  of  writing  a history  of  his  “ Twenty 
Years  in  Congress.”  It  was  a kind  of  work  that  was 
congenial  to  him,  and  no  man  in  the  country  was  prob- 
ably so  well  fitted  to  perform  it.  His  acquaintance 
with  the  political  history  of  the  country  and  his  knowl- 
edge of  public  men  and  events  were  second  to  that  of 
no  other  man.  He  devoted  a great  deal  of  time  to 
that  work,  and  told  me  that  it  gave  him  more  satisfac- 
tion than  anything  that  he  had  ever  done.  But  it  is  not 
at  all  improbable  that  it  did  much  to  shorten  his  life. 

DID  NOT  CHERISH  ENMITY. 

Mr.  Blaine  did  not  cherish  enmity.  He  was  very 
sensitive  to  criticism  which  reflected  on  his  honor  as  a 
man.  In  the  campaign  of  1884  ex-Secretary  Bayard, 
who  was  associated  with  Mr.  Blaine  in  business  enter- 
prises, and  for  whom  Mr.  Blaine  had  high  regard,  de- 
livered a speech  in  Brooklyn  in  which  he  attacked  Mr. 


490 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Blaine’s  character  personally  on  account  of  the  Mul- 
ligan letters.  When  I read  the  speech  the  next  day  I 
spoke  to  Mr.  Blaine  about  it.  He  had  not  seen  it  and 
said  he  could  hardly  believe  that  Mr.  Bayard  would  do 
a thing  of  that  kind,  and  requested  me  to  point  out 
the  part  of  the  speech  to  which  I referred.  I got  the 
paper  and  showed  it  to  him.  He  read  it,  dropped  the 
paper  on  the  floor  and  sat  looking  out  of  the  window 
in  a most  dejected  manner  for  at  least  fifteen  minutes, 
evidently  feeling  deeply  hurt. 

Some  years  later,  when  Mr.  Blaine  was  Secretary 
of  State,  I chanced  to  be  passing  down  the  corridor  of 
the  Department  just  as  Mr.  Bayard  stepped  out  of  the 
elevator  into  which  Mr.  Blaine  was  about  to  enter. 
“ Hello,  Tom,  how  are  you  ? ” was  Mr.  Blaine’s  hearty 
greeting,  which  was  met  with  a similarly  friendly  re- 
sponse on  the  part  of  Mr.  Bayard,  and  the  two  locked 
arms  and  walked  off  together.  Remembering  the 
incident  in  regard  to  the  speech  some  years  before,  I 
was  strikingly  impressed  with  the  fact  that  Mr.  Blaine 
was  a very  forgiving  man.  That  was  evident  also  in 
the  impartial,  not  to  say  charitable  manner,  in  which 
he  spoke  of  his  worst  opponents  in  this  “Twenty 
Years  of  Congress.” 

While  Mr.  Blaine  had  a good  business  faculty,  he 
was  very  careless  of  details  in  money  matters.  I re- 
call a curious  incident  in  that  respect.  One  time 
while  on  his  way  to  a town  in  the  extreme  northeast- 
ern part  of  Maine  to  deliver  a speech,  to  reach  which 
it  was  necessary  to  make  a long  detour  by  rail 


A MAN  AMONG  MEN. 


491 


through  New  Brunswick,  some  ill-informed  friends 
advised  him  to  break  the  journey  by  stopping  all  night 
at  a little  village  not  far  from  the  New  Brunswick 
frontier.  My  own  experience  with  village  inns  led  me 
to  endeavor  to  persuade  Mr.  Blaine  against  making 
the  stop.  But  he  thought  his  friends  must  know  the 
place  well,  or  they  would  not  have  advised  him  ; and 
so  we  started  together  from  Augusta  in  the  afternoon 
and  reached  the  place  where  we  were  to  stop  over 
night  about  io  o’clock. 

It  was  very  dark,  and  there  was  no  conveyance  at 
the  station ; and  we  had  to  get  a man  with  a lantern 
to  pilot  us  to  the  inn,  about  a quarter  of  a mile  off. 
When  we  got  there  we  found  a regular  old-fashioned 
country  inn.  As  there  was  to  be  a circus  in  town 
next  day,  all  the  rooms  were  engaged,  which  was  a 
sorry  outlook  for  Mr.  Blaine  and  myself.  But  the 
proprietor  said  that  he  would  have  a couple  of  rooms 
fixed  up,  and  so  we  sat  down  to  wait.  It  seems  that 
he  routed  out  a couple  of  his  guests,  and  made  them 
get  out  of  the  rooms  so  that  we  could  have  them. 

When  we  finally  got  to  our  rooms  Mr.  Blaine  came 
into  mine  just  as  I was  making  a tour  of  inspection  to 
ascertain  the  number  of  bed-fellows  I would  have.  I 
found  the  bed  was  well  peopled  in  its  way,  and  Mr. 
Blaine  was  horrified.  I then  went  with  him  to  his 
room,  and  while  we  were  not  able  to  discover  any 
like  inhabitants,  there  were  suspicious  evidences  of 
them  about.  Mr.  Blaine  insisted  on  my  remaining 


492 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


with  him  in  his  room,  and  we  did  not  enjoy  what  might 
be  called  a tranquil  night’s  rest. 

When  we  came  to  settle  up  in  the  morning  I found 
that  Mr.  Blaine  had  come  away  from  home,  expecting 
to  be  gone  some  days,  without  having  thought  to 
bring  with  him  any  money,  which  illustrates  his  dis- 
regard of  details. 

But  in  his  larger  business  transactions  he  was  very 
successful.  His  first  entry  into  the  newspaper  busi- 
ness in  Maine  brought  him  a profit,  so  he  told  me,  of 
$i 8,000.  He  got  the  money  all  in  cash  and  took  it 
home  and  put  it  out  on  the  table  and  showed  it  to  his 
wife,  with  the  proud  satisfaction  of  saying  that  it  all 
belonged  to  them.  That  was  the  first  money  that  he 
ever  got  together  as  a surplus,  and  he  managed  to 
invest  it  to  good  account.  He  lost  money  in  some  of 
his  enterprises,  but  as  a rule  they  were  successful,  and 
it  will  be  no  surprise  if  his  estate  foots  up  in  the 
neighborhood  of  a million. 


$ 


1 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


Home  Life  and  Personal  Traits. 

No  more  fascinating  spot  exists  in  Washington 
to  the  average  sightseer  than  the  late  home  of  Sec- 
retary Blaine.  Mr.  Blaine  had  had  several  homes  in 
Washington — a modest  three-story  residence  on  Fif- 
teenth street ; the  towering  mansion  on  Dupont  circle  ; 
an  elegant  house  on  Lafayette  square  ; and  the  big, 
rambling  structure  which  decorative  art  had  trans- 
formed into  a most  luxurious  residence. 

No.  17  Madison  place  boasts  of  a career  as  diver- 
sified as  that  of  a modern  politician.  It  has  been  in 
turn  dwelling  house,  boarding  house,  government 
office  and  twice  the  home  of  the  premier  of  the  ad- 
ministration. The  third  floor  under  the  slanting  roof 
sheltered  a Chief  Executive  of  the  nation,  President 
Polk  having  lived  there  for  the  four  months  of  the 
White  House  repairs.  In  Secretary  Seward’s  occu- 
pancy it  was  the  social  headquarters  of  the  wealth  and 
distinction  of  the  day.  On  the  memorable  night  of  his 
attempted  assassination  a scene  of  horror  was  enacted 
under  its  roof,  the  memory  of  which  seems  as  fresh  as 
if  it  were  an  incident  of  yesterday.  After  years  of 

(493) 


494 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


service  as  a government  office  the  house  was  finally 
vacated  and  leased  by  Secretary  Blaine. 

He  made  it  one  of  the  cosiest  of  homes — not 
spacious  enough  for  large  entertainments,  but  just  the 
thing  for  the  conveniences  and  smaller  hospitalities 


SECRETARY  BLAINE’S  DINING-ROOM. 


that  Mrs.  Blaine  had  contemplated.  It  has  a cheerful 
look  at  night,  with  the  light  streaming  from  every 
window,  and  particularly  from  the  kitchen  and  the 
servants’  quarters,  which,  after  the  style  of  the  old 
days,  stretch  out  in  a long  L at  the  back. 


HOME  LIFE. 


495 


INTERIOR  ARRANGEMENTS. 

On  one  side  of  the  hall  is  a small  parlor,  decorated 
in  white  and  gold,  where  Mr.  Blaine  saw  his  callers. 
It  is  furnished  in  antique  mahogany  in  a comfortable 
and  pleasing  style.  The  family  are  welcomed  there, 
and  occasionally  breakfast  is  served  there,  so  that  the 
room  does  not  at  all  take  on  the  look  of  a regular 
workshop.  The  dining-room  is  on  the  other  side  of 
the  hall,  facing  the  street,  and  is  rather  small,  since 
the  table  will  only  accommodate  eighteen  persons.  It 
is  furnished  in  antique  oak,  and  is  bright  and  cheerful, 
in  keeping  with  all  the  rest  of  the  house.  Upstairs 
the  drawing-room  occupies  the  entire  width  of  the 
house.  It  is  light  and  delicate  in  coloring,  and  pale 
olive,  with  a touch  of  crimson,  as  the  predominating 
tint.  Adjoining  on  one  side  was  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Blaine’s  bedroom,  and  opposite,  at  the  other  side  of 
the  hall,  is  the  library. 

The  library  is  the  favorite  sitting-room  of  the  house- 
hold. Their  intimate  friends  join  them  there,  and  in 
the  late  afternoon  the  young  ladies  are  sure  to  be 
found  there  with  such  of  their  friends  who  drop  in. 
They  keep  up  the  English  custom  of  offering  a cup  of 
tea  and  a sweet  bite  to  those  who  come  in.  After 
dinner  Mr.  Blaine  always  joined  his  family,  and  the 
group  about  that  library  table  was  generally  one  of 
unusual  distinction.  The  room  has  a good  north 
light.  It  is  finished  in  mahogany.  The  walls  are 
lined  with  low  bookshelves,  there  are  several  splendid 
canvases,  in  nearly  every  corner  are  writing  tables 


496  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

and  desks,  piles  of  books  are  on  tables  and  mantels, 
and  there  is  always  an  air  lingering  of  the  mental  and 
social  relaxation  that  the  room  witnesses. 

COLONIAL  TASTES. 

The  furniture  throughout  the  house  is  in  harmony 
with  the  colonial  style  predominating  in  its  architec- 
ture. Much  of  it  was  brought  from  the  Blaines’ 
Augusta  home,  but  most  of  it  was  selected  by  Mrs. 
Blaine  in  New  York.  There  are  many  fine  pictures 
on  the  walls,  a few  that  they  bought  during  their  last 
trip  to  Europe,  and  many  old  engravings  and  prints 
that  are  familiar  to  all  who  remember  the  look  of  the 
Augusta  home. 

It  was  considered  rather  an  unusual  thing  for  Sec- 
retary Blaine  to  take  up  his  home  in  a house  tainted 
by  the  history  of  an  attempted  murder,  and  people 
with  a superstitious  turn  of  mind  indulged  in  many  re- 
marks when,  to  let  more  light  and  sun  into  the  house, 
Mr.  Blaine  had  four  windows  cut  into  the  south  wall. 

The  Blaine  home  in  Augusta  is  not  extravagantly 
furnished.  It  is  simply  comfortable  and  artistic.  The 
house  and  inclosed  grounds  are  richly  shaded  with 
apple  trees,  and  all  the  surroundings  are  after  the 
neat  but  plain  New  England  style.  The  summer 
residence  at  Bar  Harbor  is  quite  a pretentious  cottage. 
It  is  called  the  “ Stanwood,”  for  the  family  name  of 
Mrs.  Blaine.  Mr.  Blaine  never  gave  up  his  home  nor 
his  home  life  in  Maine,  but  for  nearly  thirty  years  he 
maintained  a 'home  in  Washington.  A few  years  after 
first  entering  Washington,  he  purchased  the  residence 


HOME  LIFE. 


497 


at  821  West  Fifteenth  Street,  where  he  lived  while  in 
Washington  for  about  ten  years.  Early  in  the  seven- 
ties he  had  built  a fine  new  residence  in  Dupont  Circle. 
The  death  of  Garfield  changing  his  plans,  he  leased 
this  house,  and  returned  to  Maine. 

THE  SEWARD  HOUSE. 

About  the  beginning-  of  President  Harrison’s  Ad- 
ministration,  after  he  had  begun  his  duties  as  Secre- 
tary of  State,  Mr.  Blaine  purchased  his  late  home, 
which  has  always  been  known  as  the  Seward  House, 
described  above.  The  old  place  had  been  unoccupied 
for  some  time,  and  was  in  a dilapidated  condition. 
Mr.  Blaine  gave  it  a thorough  overhauling,  and,  with- 
out destroying  the  quaint  features  of  the  old-fashioned 
architecture,  he  changed  it  into  an  elegant  home,  with 
modern  equipments  and  facilities. 

The  house  has  some  very  gloomy  associations.  Its 
first  occupant  was  Secretary  Spencer,  whose  son,  a 
young  lieutenant  in  the  navy,  was  hanged  at  sea  early 
in  the  forties  for  an  alleged  attempt  at  mutiny.  Dur- 
ing Buchanan’s  Administration  the  Washington  Club 
occupied  it,  and  it  was  from  it  that  Philip  Barton  Key 
walked  out  into  the  sunny  street  just  before  he  was 
shot  and  killed  by  General  Daniel  E.  Sickles. 

Secretary  Seward  was  the  next  to  occupy  it.  And 
on  April  14,  1865,  Louis  Payne  forced  his  way  into 
one  of  its  chambers  where  the  Secretary  was  lying  ill 
and  stabbed  him  nearly  to  death.  For  four  years  after 
this  the  War  Department  kept  a patrol  there  day  and 
night  and  this  did  not  add  to  the  reputation  of  the  house. 

32 


498 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


After  Secretary  Seward,  Secretary  Belknap  was  the 
tenant  and  he  had  hardly  got  his  household  settled 
when  his  wife  died  very  unexpectedly.  He  soon  re- 
moved and  after  this  the  house  remained  unoccupied 
until  1889,  when  Mr.  Blaine  established  himself  and 
family  in  it.  Within  two  years  and  a half  Mr.  and 


BLAINE’S  FAVORITE  SEAT  AT  HIS  BAR  HARBOR  VILLA. 


Mrs.  Blaine  lost  their  three  eldest  children  and  the 
Secretary  himself  died  in  the  house.  Gloomy  tradi- 
tions have  hung  over  the  house  for  a half  century,  and 
the  latest  death  within  its  walls  will  not  tend  to  dispel 
them. 

LIFE  AT  BAR  HARBOR. 

During  the  summer  Mr.  Blaine  lived  on  his  porch  at 


HOME  LIFE. 


499 


Bar  Harbor,  Maine,  a great  deal  of  the  time  and 
seemed  to  enjoy  immensely  having  his  grandchildren 
about  him  to  talk  with.  This  Bar  Harbor  cottage  is 
a large  building  and  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  its  great 
veranda,  which  completely  encircles  the  house.  A 
beautiful  view  can  be  had  from  its  porches,  on  which 
the  family  almost  lived  in  the  summer  time.  It  is 
about  twenty  feet  wTide  where  it  overlooks  Mount 
Desert  Bay. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  very  fond  of  Bar  Harbor,  and  occa- 
sionally, when  in  a reminiscent  mood,  would  tell  his 
visitors  of  the  time  when  he  might  have  bought  the 
whole  island  for  $500.  Mr.  Blaine  said  that  when  he 
was  in  the  Maine  Legislature  he  had  for  a seat  mate 
Old  Man  Rodick,  the  original  settler  and  proprietor 
of  the  island.  This  was  in  1856.  The  two  men  be- 
came well  acquainted,  and  one  summer  Rodick  asked 
Mr.  Blaine  up  to  his  home.  Rodick  lived  alone  on 
the  island.  Mr.  Blaine  went  there  and  admired  the 
place  greatly,  whereupon  Rodick  offered  to  sell  it  tc 
him  for  $500. 

HIS  SOCIAL  QUALITIES. 

Personally  Mr.  Blaine  was  a delightful  man  ; whether 
at  his  home  or  at  his  position  of  duty  his  caller  was 
always  received  with  dignified  courtesy  and  consider- 
ation, and  it  was  a charming  trait  of  his  that  all  those 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact  were  made  to  feel  that 
he  always  felt  in  them  and  their  affairs  the  interest  of 
a friend.  Thousands  recall  brief  association  with  him 
with  delight,  and  many  are  the  stories  that  can  be  told 


500 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


of  Mr.  Blaine’s  remarkable  memory  of  faces  and 
names. 

High  as  his  position  in  Washington  became,  Mr. 
Blaine  always  kept  in  close  touch  with  all  his  old 
friends  in  Augusta  and  throughout  Maine,  and  always 
on  his  visits  to  the  State  upon  which  he  cast  so  much 
honor,  his  hand  was  ready  and  willing  to  grasp  the 
hands  of  all  those  whom  he  met.  His  home  was  al- 
ways open  to  all  the  citizens  of  Augusta.  He  was 
idolized  by  the  Republicans  of  his  State  and  admired 
and  often  voted  for  by  the  men  of  other  parties.  In 
his  life  as  a citizen  there  was  never  the  slightest  osten- 
tation,  no  display  of  money,  no  assumption  of  social 
supremacy. 

When  Mr.  Blaine  returned  home  from  a season  in 
Washington  with  his  family  to  Augusta,  he  and  his 
entered  into  the  life  of  the  little  city  as  heartily  as  did 
any  of  the  inhabitants.  Mr.  Blaine  was  often  on  the 
street  and  he  seldom  rode.  Mrs.  Blaine  was  promi- 
nent in  church  work  and  mingled  freely  among  many 
friends,  while  the  sons  and  daughters  did  not  hold 
themselves  off  from  the  other  youth  of  the  city,  but 
enjoyed  what  they  enjoyed. 

FAVORITE  IN  SOCIETY. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  exceedingly  popular  in  society,  and 
his  fame  reached  across  the  Atlantic.  The  London 
World  published  a sketch  of  him  immediately  after 
his  appointment  as  Secretary  of  State  in  the  Garfield 
Cabinet,  part  of  which  is  worthy  of  reproduction  in 
this  notice.  After  describing  his  political  career  and 


HOME  LIFE. 


501 


paying  a just  tribute  to  his  statesmanlike  attributes, 
the  article  thus  depicts  his  daily  life  at  Washington 
during  the  session  of  Congress : “ Mr.  Secretary 
Blaine’s  house  is  incontestably  the  most  popular  in 
Washington.  On  Wednesday  afternoon,  the  day  in 
Washington  when  during  the  session  the  wives  of 
Cabinet  Ministers  and  those  of  foreign  ambassadors 
receive,  there  is  no  house  in  the  American  capital  so 
crowded.  Whatever  the  weather,  however  thin  the 
attendance  in  other  drawing  rooms,  there  is  always  a 
throng  at  Mr.  Blaine’s.  Nor  is  this  due  to  the  im- 
portance of  his  present  position  as  Secretary  of  State. 
It  was  the  same  when  he  was  in  Congress,  whether  as 
member  or  Speaker  of  the  House.  It  was  the  same 
when  he  was  in  the  Senate.  It  would  be  the  same  if 
Mr.  Blaine  were  not  in  politics.  People  go  there  be- 
cause they  like  Mr.  Blaine  and  all  his  family,  which 
consists  of  his  intellectual  and  ladylike  wife,  a kins- 
woman of  brilliant  reputation  in  American  letters  who 
uses  the  nom  de  plume  of  ‘ Gail  Hamilton,’  and  six  fine 
and  promising  children. 

“In  the  examination  of  the  drawing  rooms  at  Mr. 
Blaine’s  we  find  among  other  valuable  possessions 
one  very  interesting  picture — a large  canvas  by  Sir 
Peter  Lely,  representing  Charles  II.  and  his  Court.  It 
is  signed  with  the  date  1658.  It  was  painted  by  Sir 
Peter  for  Lord  Baltimore  and  was  bought  by  Mr. 
Blaine  for  a sum  of  comparative  unimportance  at  the 
sale  of  the  Calvert  estate,  Riverdale,  Md.,  some  few 
years  ago.  There  is  not  an  art  gallery  in  Europe, 


502 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


public  or  private,  which  would  not  be  enriched  by  this 
large  historical  picture,  full  of  portraits  and  executed 
in  Lely’s  most  delicate  and  yet  most  animated  style. 

“ Near  at  hand  on  a pedestal  stands  a fine  life-size 
bust  of  Mr.  Blaine,  as  good  a likeness  of  the  states- 
man as  could  perhaps  be  obtained  in  this  form  of  a 
man,  the  charm  of  whose  features  lies  principally  in 
their  mobility  and  ever  changing  play.  Portraits  of 
men  of  letters  abound  here.  Thackeray,  Dickens, 
Disraeli,  Washington  Irving,  Hawthorne  and  many 
others  gaze  down  from  the  walls,  principally  in  the 
last  of  the  suite  of  drawing  rooms — the  one  in  which 
the  Premier  sits  of  a morning-  before  going-  to  the  De- 
partment  of  State,  examining  such  letters  as  impera- 
tively demand  his  attention  at  home.  Routine  cor- 
respondence was  carried  on  by  secretaries  in  a vast 
room  at  the  top  of  the  house,  and  was  an  enormous 
and  never  ceasing  task.” 

HIS  PERSONAL  APPEARANCE. 

As  to  personal  appearance,  there  is  one  adjective 
which  best  describes  Mr.  Blaine.  He  was  command- 
ing, not  only  in  stature,  but  particularly  so  in  features, 
up  to  the  close  of  his  life.  Mr.  Blaine  was  a splendid 
type  of  manhood.  Straight  as  a Maine  pine,  broad- 
shouldered  and  stout,  yet  as  light  of  step  as  an  athlete, 
he  was  a man  who  would  compel  attention,  even  from 
the  few  who  might  not  recognize  him.  He  had  a full, 
high  forehead,  large,  keen,  observant  eyes,  of  a liquid 
magnetism,  a nose  aquiline  and  slightly  prominent, 
and  of  the  sort  to  emphasize  the  strength  of  character 


HOME  LIFE. 


503 


of  its  owner.  His  short,  cropped  beard,  which  half 
concealed  the  lower  portion  of  his  face,  gave  him  a 
semi-military  air.  . 

In  speech,  Mr.  Blaine  was  rapid,  but  distinct  in 
utterance  and  clear  cut  in  expression.  It  was  his 
masterly  arrangement  of  the  facts  and  his  grasp  of  the 
logic  of  the  situation,  rather  than  eloquence,  that  made 
what  he  said  so  effective.  He  was  never  superfluous. 
He  seldom  sought  occasion  to  speak,  and  almost 
always  spoke  extemporaneously,  his  wonderful  knowl- 
edge of  the  minutest  portions  of  the  country’s  political 
history  and  his  retentive  memory  making  prepared 
efforts  quite  unnecessary,  save  on  most  important  oc- 
casions. The  greatest  oration  of  his  life  was  undoubt- 
edly  his  eulogy  of  Garfield.  There  are  few  more 
eloquent  or  beautiful  tributes  in  print  in  the  English 
language. 

SOME  OF  HIS  HABITS. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  always  a hard  personal  worker. 
This  may  be  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  in  the  corre- 
spondence with  the  authorities  of  Italy  in  reference  to 
the  New  Orleans  affair,  he  wrote  all  the  letters  himself, 
not  even  using  an  amanuensis.  The  cares  of  his  high 
position  ever  rested  lightly  on  him,  and  it  was  not  un- 
til domestic  sorrows  came  crowding  in  upon  him  thick 
and  fast  that  Mr.  Blaine  began  to  need  the  services 
of  physicians,  and  that  the  country  became  fearful  for 
his  health. 

A gentleman  who  was  intimately  acquainted  with 
Mr.  Blaine  said  that,  in  his  opinion,  Mr.  Blaine  broke 


504 


LIFE  OF  HON'.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Hon  Jim ES 

WM^e  T SHOWING  il 


Pop,  the 

KSrRUCTlON  OF  THE  6LIN3 
"OS  S 3=~ 


himself  down  by  intemperate  work  and  irregular  hab' 
its  of  eating.  Mr.  Blaine  was  a high-pressure  worker. 
Whenever  he  became  deeply  interested  in  a subject,  Mr. 
Blaine  would  shut  himself  up  in  his  room,  would  not 
allow  himself  to  be  disturbed,  and  would  not  eat,  sleep, 

or  rest  until  he  had 
finished  his  task.  He 
seemed  to  have 
adopted  the  motto 
which  the  great  elec- 
trician, Edison,  who 
works  in  much  the 
same  way,  gave  to  a 
youth,  “ Don’t  look 
at  the  clock.” 

An  example  of  Mr. 
Blaine’s  habit  of  con- 
tinued, uninterrupted 
labor  was  furnished 
in  the  early  part  of 
the  Behring  Sea  cor- 
respondence. He 
became  intensely 


Pi/\T E OfJ 


BLAINE’S  CHAIR  in  the  blind  absorbed  in  carrying 
asylum.  on  this  correspond- 

ence with  Great  Britain,  and  would  retire  to  his  room 
where  he  worked  with  law  books,  diplomatic  corrsepond- 
ence,  and  papers  piled  high  around  him.  He  would 
start  in  after  breakfast,  and  sometimes  would  work  on 
steadily,  without  rest  or  food,  until  nine  or  ten  o’clock 


HOME  LIFE. 


505 


at  night.  Then  he  would  be  too  fatigued  to  eat,  and 
the  next  morning  would  make  up  for  it.  These  fits 
of  labor  would  use  him  up  for  a week. 

He  was  not  a large  eater,  but  he  was  very  irregular 
in  his  eating.  Apparently  he  had  no  marked  fond- 
ness for  any  kind  of  food.  He  did  not  care  for  fancy 
dishes,  and  when  traveling  seldom  consulted  the  menu, 
but  told  the  waiter  to 
bring  him  a good  meal. 

He  liked  plain,  old-fash- 
ioned cooking.  When- 
ever he  did  taste  any- 
thing which  greatly 
pleased  him  it  was  hard 
to  get  him  to  quit,  and 
he  would  continue  to 
eat,  despite  his  watchful 
wife’s  admonitions.  In 
former  years  he  was 
fond  of  horseback  riding 
and  took  considerable 
exercise,  but  afterward 
he  showed  much  disinclination  to  bodily  exertion. 

DELIGHTFUL  MANNERS. 

The  personality  of  James  G.  Blaine  was  peculiar  to 
an  extent  which  distinguished  him  from  the  vast 
majority  of  politicians.  He  was  a man  with  remark- 
ably charming  manners,  an  easy  and  agreeable  dis- 
position, and  a refinement  and  cultivation  far  above 
the  average.  It  is  said  that  no  man  could  meet  him 


BLAINE’S  FAVORITE  READING- 
CHAIR. 


506 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


without  being  fascinated  by  him,  and  he  had  a recol- 
lection for  names  and  faces  which  has  become  pro- 
verbial. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  a man  with  what  Chesterfield  would 
have  called  “a  distinguished  manner;”  not  that  he 
was  ceremonial  or  pompous,  but  he  possessed  that 
grace  and  smoothness  which  is  generally  supposed  to 
bespeak  a lofty  and  cultivated  mind.  No  one  could 
meet  him  without  knowing  instinctively  that  he  was  a 
man,  not  only  of  thought,  but  of  reading.  The  char- 
acteristic of  his  mind  was  that  he  looked  at  every  sub- 
ject from  the  very  broadest  standpoint.  On  all 
subjects  of  a political,  economic,  or  historical  nature 
he  was  accustomed  to  generalize  about  the  great 
results  before  coming  down  to  the  minute  details,  and 
it  was  this  which  fitted  him  for  leadership. 

IDOL  OF  THE  RURAL  POPULATION. 

Energetic  and  active,  he  was  possessed  of  a restless 
nature  which  inspired  life  in  every  enterprise  which 
he  undertook.  The  enthusiasm  and  devotion  which 
he  inspired  among  his  followers  was  a phenomenon 
without  a parallel  in  American  politics.  It  was  a sin- 
gular fact  that  this  feeling-  of  enthusiasm  for  Mr. 
Blaine  was  strongest  among  that  section  of  the  people 
to  which  we  have  been  taught  to  look  for  the  truest 
exemplars  of  the  homely  and  uncorrupted  virtues  of 
American  citizenship. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  emphatically  the  candidate  of  the 
rural  voters,  in  contrast  to  the  people  of  the  great 
cities.  The  most  earnest  opponents  of  machine  poli- 


HOME  LIFE. 


507 


tics  had  been  the  most  zealous  in  laboring  for  his 
advancement.  Fifty  years  ago  this  rural  popularity 
would  have  been  enough  to  insure  his  election  by  a 
large  majority.  But  in  the  last  half  century  the  per- 
centage of  the  civic  element  in  the  United  States  has 
increased  so  rapidly  that  a candidate  now  has  to  sat- 
isfy another  class  of  voters. 

A MAN  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

While  thoroughly  conversant  with  the  abstract  prin- 
ciples of  political  economy,  Mr.  Blaine  was  essentially 
a man  of  the  people,  fond  of  human  society  and  com- 
panionship and  wide  in  his  feelings  and'  sympathies. 
From  early  childhood  he  had  been  accustomed  to 
popularity  among  his  acquaintances,  When  he  entered 
Congress  without  much  reputation  his  magnetism  at 
once  made  itself  felt  in  that  political  clearing-house, 
and  he  easily  became  the  most  popular  member  of 
that  body.  Mr.  Blaine  was  always  generous  in  his 
sympathies,  and  he  overflowed  with  animal  spirits, 
which  made  him  the  life  of  every  assemblage.  In  the 
society  of  the  capital  he  was  equally  at  home  and 
universally  run  after. 

At  first  it  was  thought  that  this  ease  and  grace  of 
mind  and  body  were  all  that  made  up  his  political 
capital,  but  that  idea  was  quickly  dispelled  when  he 
began  to  display  capacities  for  leadership.  The  Blaine, 
however,  of  1892  was  far  different  from  the  Blaine  who 
came  to  Congress  as  a simple  Maine  journalist  and 
ex-State  legislator.  He  was  constantly  improving 
through  observation,  reading,  and  experience,  and 


508 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  Bl.AINE. 


drawing  much  that  was  helpful  from  those  with  whom 
he  came  in  contact. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  range  of  knowledge  extended  far 
beyond  the  domain  of  politics.  He  was  fond  of  poetry 
and  works  of  fiction,  laid  down  a novel  to  pick  up  a 
descriptive  sketch  of  a remote  period,  and  was  inter- 
ested in  music  and  painting. 

HIS  HIGH  TEMPER. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  principal  characteristics  of 
Mr.  Blaine’s  intellectual  make-up  were  those  which  he 
derived  from  his  Celtic  ancestry.  He  was  highly 
developed  on  the  side  of  his  imagination  and  sympa- 
thies, and  possessed  a nimbleness  and  facility  of  mind 
that  was  rare.  These  were  joined  to  fascinating  per- 
sonal qualities  that  would  distinguish  any  man  from 
his  fellows. 

Mr.  Blaine  occasionally  lost  his  temper.  He  would 
get  very  angry  now  and  then  without  warning,  but 
this  as  quickly  subsided  and  he  would  resume  his 
cheerful,  social  manner.  He  had  the  quality  of  humor 
which  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence  in  many  another 
American  statesman.  Mr.  Blaine  never  was  dull. 
Mere  association  with  him  lifted  people  out  of  their 
commonplace  lives  and  excited  heroic  emotions.  He 
could,  it  seemed,  instill  life  into  the  deadest  subjects, 
and  even  the  most  stupid  men  felt  the  intoxication  of 
his  presence. 

It  has  been  said  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  so  far  superior 
to  the  general  average  in  this  country  that  he  could 
not  logically  claim  an  office  like  the  Presidency,  which 


HOME  LIFE. 


509 


ts  supposed  to  be  representative  of  the  American 
people.  Intellectually  he  was  the  superior  of  most 
of  the  Presidents.  Mr.  Blaine  had  many  of  the  quali- 
ties of  Garfield,  and  the  two  were  in  long  and  intimate 
association  before  the  latter  was  nominated.  He  dif- 
fered in  almost  every  respect  from  Roscoe  Conkling. 

Henry  Clay  is  believed  at  Washington  to  have  been 
the  only  man  in  American  history  peculiar  for  the 
qualities  which  distinguished  Blaine,  but  it  is  likewise 
believed  that  Blaine  was  the  greater  of  the  two  in  the 
possession  and  exercise  of  these  qualities.  The  careers 
of  the  two  men  show  many  singular  parallels. 

HIS  PERSONAL  MAGNETISM. 

The  great  charm  of  this  man  lay  in  what  has  been 
so  often  called  his  personal  magnetism.  Great  orator, 
debater,  statesman  as  he  was,  he  would  never  have 
numbered  his  friends  by  the  million  had  these  been 
his  only  striking  qualities.  What  made  him  really 
great  was  the  strong  power  which  he  possessed  over 
men,  both  as  masses  and  individuals.  As  an  orator 
he  stood  in  the  first  rank.  In  his  speeches  action 
played  a leading  part.  He  rarely  stood  in  front  of 
his  desk,  but  was  wont  to  move  out  into  the  aisle,  and 
often  advanced  toward  his  opponent  with  uplifted 
menacing  finger.  Wit  and  sarcasm  were  favorite 
weapons  with  him,  and  his  sallies  were  invariably 
greeted  with  hearty  laughter.  There  was  common 
sense  in  all  his  utterances  and  snap  in  his  mode  of 
expression.  During  the  winter  of  1875-76  he  had 
many  bouts  with  political  opponents,  and  not  only  did 


BLAINE  AND  GRANT  STARTING  FOR  A WALK. 

(510) 


HOME  LIFE. 


511 


he  hold  his  own  most  gallantly,  but  he  also  won  ap- 
plause from  unprejudiced  audiences  and  adverse 
majorities.  To  account  for  such  influence  all  that 
can  be  said  is  that  quickness  and  personal  magnetism 
constituted  the  quintessence  of  the  powerful  impres- 
sion produced  by  his  speeches. 

Great,  too,  was  his  power  of  ridicule,  as  the  few  who 
ventured  to  expose  themselves  to  his  withering 
sarcasm  learned  to  their  cost.  How  many  apt  nick- 
names he  invented  for  his  political  opponents  ! Early 
in  his  career,  incensed  at  Conkling’s  over-bearing 
manner  and  excessive  pomposity,  he  applied  to  him 
the  epithet  of  “Turkey  gobbler.”  Soon  afterward 
Senator  Conkling  was  asked  if  he  would  never  forgive 
Blaine.  “Never,”  he  replied,  “so  long  as  memory 
finds  a place  in  this  distracted  brain  of  mine ! ” Cox, 
of  New  York,  owed  to  Blaine  his  sobriquets  of  “Sun- 
set” and  “ Dewdrop,”  and  Blaine  has  also  been  charged 
with  describing  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  as  “a  lamen- 
tably successful  cross  between  a fox  and  a hog ! ” 

HE  WAS  A MILLIONAIRE. 

As  to  Mr.  Blaine’s  wealth,  it  is  not  easy  to  form 
an  approximately  exact  estimate.  He  was  among  the 
list  of  millionaires.  His  holdings  of  coal  lands  in 
Western  Pennsylvania,  which  he  inherited  from  his 
father,  are  very  large  and  have  been  very  profitable. 
He  was  associated  with  a number  of  men  of  wealth 
in  various  enterprises,  and  his  sagacity  and  business 
foresight  kept  him  from  wasting  much  money  on 
brilliant  but  illusory  speculative  projects.  He  was 


512 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


interested  with  Secretary  Elkins  years  ago  in  a silver 
mine,  out  of  which  he  made  considerable  money.  He 
owned  valuable  real  estate  in  Washington. 

Mr.  Blaine  bought  his  Dupont  Circle  property,  now 
almost  in  the  heart  of  the  fashionable  Northwest,  when 
Stewart  Castle,  which  is  across  the  way,  was  thought 
to  be  out  in  the  suburbs.  The  grounds  and  the  house 
cost  him  approximately  $85,000.  Two  or  three  years 
ago  he  sold  a number  of  the  lots  in  the  rear  of  his 
house  for  $75,000.  The  house  and  the  remaining 
ground  is  valued  by  competent  judges  at  $150,000. 
Mr.  Leiter,  Mr.  Blaine’s  tenant,  originally  paid  $12,- 
000  a year  rent,  which  has  been  reduced  to  $8,000  in 
consideration  of  Mr.  Leiter  making  certain  repairs 
necessary  after  the  fire,  which  came  near  consuming 
it.  The  house  on  Lafayette  square  he  at  first  rented 
for  three  years,  with  an  option  of  purchasing  for  $65,- 
000.  He  took  advantage  of  the  option  and  bought 
the  property  after  six  months  residence. 

OTHER  PROPERTIES. 

He  also  owned  some  valuable  ground  on  P street 
and  a considerable  area  of  ground  of  a less  well- 
established  but  increasing  value  on  what  is  known  as 
Meridian  Hill.  This  property  is  just  beyond  the  old 
city  limits  and  overlooks  the  town.  Mr.  Blaine  bought 
it  very  cheap,  paying  in  the  neighborhood  of  ten  cents 
a foot.  A boom  in  it  a few  years  ago  makes  it  salable 
now  at  from  fifty  cents  to  $1  per  square  foot,  and 
some  of  the  choicest  lots  are  held  at  $1.50.  Mr. 
Blaine  also  owned  residence  property  in  Augusta  and 


HOME  LIFE. 


513 


Bar  Harbor,  Me.  He  was  associated  with  Mr.  C.  P. 
Huntington  and  President  Ingalls,  of  the  Chesapeake 
and  Ohio  Railroad  Company,  in  the  ownership  of 
lands  along  the  line  of  that  road.  He  was  also  one 
of  the  directors  in  the  West  Virginia  Central  Railroad 
Company,  in  which  ex-Senator  Davis,  Secretary 
Elkins,  ex-Secretary  Bayard  and  others  are  interested. 

Charming  as  Mr.  Blaine  was  in  ordinary  social  inter- 
course, it  was  in  the 
family  circle  that  he 
was  seen  at  the  best. 

No  man  in  public  life 
was  more  fortunate  in 
his  domestic  relations. 

He  was  the  companion 
and  confidant  of  his 
children,  and  they  feared 
him  no  more  than  they 
feared  one  of  their  own 
number.  Mrs.  Blaine 
was  a model  wife  and 
mother,  and  more  is 
due  to  her  strong  judgment,  quick  perception  and 
heroic  courage  than  the  world  will  ever  know. 

HIS  VISIT  TO  HIS  OLD  HOME. 

Many  years,  nearly  two  score,  after  Mr.  Blaine’s 
father  had  removed  from  West  Brownsville  to  Wash- 
ington, Mr.  Blaine  returned  to  the  place  of  his  birth. 
He  had  left  it  when  a boy  of  12.  He  returned  gray- 
haired and  full  of  honors,  accompanied  by  his  sons 
33 


MISS  HATTIE  BLAINE. 


514 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Emmons  and  James,  and  Stephen  B.  Elkins.  The 
party  passed  the  day  in  going  about  the  little  town 
and  made  a long  stay  in  the  quiet,  quaint  cemetery  in 
which  lie  Mr.  Blaine’s  parents. 

While  Mr.  Blaine’s  visit  to  his  birthplace  was  the 
most  dramatic  event  of  the  day,  it  was  preceded  and 
followed  by  others  of  almost  equal  interest.  He  and 
Mr.  Elkins  took  a long  walk  before  breakfast  down 
the  eastern  river  bank,  and  after  breakfast  a Iona-  line 
of  people  filed  into  the  hotel  to  shake  hands.  Among 
them  was  an  old  man  with  tangled  white  beard  reach- 
ing  nearly  to  his  waist.  He  grasped  Mr.  Blaine’s 
hand,  saying:  “Don’t  you  know  me?”  Mr.  Blaine 
gazed  straight  into  his  eyes  for  nearly  a minute. 

“Don’t  you  remember  John  Harb — ” the  old  man 
began,  when  Mr.  Blaine  exclaimed:  “John  Harbison 
— of  course  I remember  you  and  your  partner  John 
Paul.  I remember,  too,  how  good  the  grapes  were  in 
your  back  yard  and  how  I used  to  climb  the  fence  to 
get  them.” 

A wrinkled  old  Irishman  with  weazened  face  rushed 
up  exclaiming,  “ Me  God  ! Misther  Blaine,  but  it’s 
moighty  glad  I am  to  see  you.” 

“How  are  you,  Johnny  Malone?”  was  the  quick 
reply.  Johnny  was  a farm  hand  who  worked  over  the 
whole  region  when  Blaine  was  a boy.  Then  an  aged 
and  very  black  negress  pressed  up  and  seized  Mr. 
Blaine’s  hand  in  both  hers.  The  tears  poured  over 
her  cheeks  and  she  sobbed  violently. 

“Why,  Aunt  Hetty!”  Mr.  Blaine  exclaimed,  and 


HOME  LIFE. 


515 


calmed  her  agitation.  Henrietta  Harbison  worked  in 
Neil  Gillespie’s  family  when  a little  wench,  and  she 
cooked  the  dinner  that  President-elect  Harrison  ate 
when  journeying  to  take  his  inauguration.  Mr.  Blaine 
slipped  a yellow  coin  into  the  old  woman’s  hand  as  she 
turned  to  go,  exclaiming:  “God  bless  you;  may  you 
have  health  and  happiness  in  this  world  and  a home 
in  Heaven  hereafter.” 

AN  INSTANCE  OF  HIS  MEMORY. 

Another  man,  who  was  a playmate  of  Mr.  Blaine  in 
his  early  boyhood,  now  a Western  Pennsylvania  mer- 
chant, speaking  of  Blaine’s  remembrance  of  his  early 
friends,  tells  this  story : “ Many  years  after  our  early 
boyhood  days  I occasionally  saw  in  print  some  remark 
of  Congressman  Blaine,  of  Maine,  that  had  so  much 
the  ring  of  my  old  schoolmate  that  I thought  there 
must  be  some  relationship.  I knew  Blaine  was  smart 
enough  to  be  a Congressman,  but  you  know  a boy 
will  never  be  more  than  a boy  to  one  who  has  not 
seen  him  in  years.  One  day,  however,  I read  a speech 
containing  some  of  my  old  schoolmate’s  pet  expres- 
sions. Then  I sat  down  and  wrote  a letter,  telling 
who  I was  and  asking  if  he  was  really  my  old  com- 
panion. 

“ Only  a few  days  afterward  I received  a long  letter 
from  Mr.  Blaine,  written  from  the  Senate  Chamber, 
expressing  the  greatest  satisfaction  at  hearing  from 
me  and  recalling  acquaintances  and  happenings  of 
thirty  years  ago.  A year  or  two  later  he  came  to 
Ohio  to  speak  and  I,  being  near  Massillon,  went  over 


516 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


there  to  hear  him.  I got  there  late.  Jim  was  already 
on  the  platform,  with  a crowd  of  prominent  men 
around  him,  waiting  for  the  time  to  begin.  The  sight 
of  him  made  me  forget  my  age  for  a moment  and  his 
too.  I was  a boy  again,  and  stretching  my  arms  over 
the  crowd  I tapped  him  on  the  head  with  my  cane. 

“ He  looked  around  and  caught  my  eye.  He  hadn’t 
seen  me  in  over  thirty  years,  mind  you,  when  we  were 
both  beardless  boys,  but  it  wasn’t  half  a minute  be- 
fore he  had  broken  loose  from  the  political  big  bugs 
who  were  talking  to  him,  elbowed  his  way  through 
the  crowd  and  had  both  my  hands  in  his.  His  hand 
had  a powerful  grip,  too.  We  exchanged  notes  for  a 
few  minutes,  when  the  committee  called  him  to  come 
to  the  front.  ‘ Confound  it ! ’ says  he,  ‘ it’s  always  the 
way ; now  I must  be  Mr.  Blaine  again,  I suppose.  ’ ” 

A STORY  BY  BOUTELLE. 

Mr.  Blaine  always  had  the  admiration  and  hearty 
co-operation  of  his  colleagues.  Congressman  Boutelle, 
a day  or  two  since,  told  the  following  story  as  illus- 
trating Blaine’s  subtlety  in  matters  of  State:  “Mr. 
Blaine’s  versatility  is  wonderful.  I remember  in  the 
administration  of  Governor  Garcelon,  when  the  Dem- 
ocrats were  trying  to  vote  the  State  from  us,  and 
when  Maine  was  in  fever  heat  and  civil  war  seemed 
impending,  Mr.  Blaine  was  the  chairman  of  the  State 
Committee,  and  had  charge  of  the  Republican  fight. 
We  had  been  endeavoring  to  get  the  Governor  to 
submit  the  questions  at  issue  to  the  Supreme  Court, 
but  had  not  succeeded. 


HOME  LIFE. 


517 


“Mr.  Blaine  led  the  fighting;  was  aggressive  and 
unyielding,  and  of  course  nothing  that  he  could  say 
would  be  listened  to  by  the  other  side.  Presently 
there  appeared  a letter  to  the  Governor,  signed  by 
Lot  M.  Morrill,  who  was  known  otherwise  as  a peace- 
loving,  conservative  Republican,  asking  the  Governor 
to  lay  before  the 
Supreme  Court  the 
questions  at  issue.  The 
letter  was  mild  in  tone, 
frank  and  fair  in  its 
expressions,  and  adroitly 
put  upon  the  Democrats 
the  onus  of  refusing-  to 
submit  the  dispute  to 
arbitration. 

“ Public  sentiment  at 
once  changed.  The 
Governor  was  obliged  to 

o 

submit  the  matter,  and 
the  decision  was  in  favor 
of  the  Republicans. 

For  years  Mr.  Morrill 
, received  the  praise  of  hundreds  of  men,  not  only 
in  Maine,  but  throughout  the  United  States,  for  his 
' wisdom  and  tact. 

“ Mr.  Blaine  wrote  that  letter.  Mr.  Morrill  simply 
copied  it  and  signed  his  name.” 

HIS  DOMESTIC  SORROWS. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Blaine  had  six  children,  three  sons 


MRS.  J.  G.  BLAINE,  JR. 


518  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

and  three  daughters.  Two  years  and  a half  before 
his  death  all  his  children  were  living.  On  Janu- 
ary 15,  1890,  Walker,  the  eldest  son,  died  in  Wash- 
ington after  a very  brief  illness.  At  the  time  he  was 
an  Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  and  a young  man  of 
most  brilliant  promise.  He  had  achieved  distinction 
by  able  service  on  several  occasions,  He  was  a grad- 

o 

uate  of  Yale,  and  in  many  respects  he  was  the  proto- 
type of  his  father.  He  inherited  the  brow  and  eye 
of  his  father,  and  resembled  him  closely  mentally  and 
in  his  tastes  and  habits.  He  was  very  dear  to  his 
father’s  heart,  and  his  sudden  death  was  the  real 
cause  of  the  beginning  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  collapse. 

On  February  2,  less  than  a month  after  the  death 
of  Walker,  the  eldest  daughter  died.  She  was  Mrs. 
John  J.  Coppinger,  wife  of  a colonel  in  the  army.  On 
June  18  of  this  year,  very  soon  after  the  Minneapolis 
Convention,  Emmons  Blaine,  the  second  son,  died, 
and  the  fact  that  his  death  was  superinduced  by  his 
tremendous  exertions  to  secure  the  nomination  of  his 
father  only  served  to  increase  the  sorrow  of  his  parents. 
Emmons  Blaine  three  years  ago  married  Miss  Anita 
McCormick,  whose  fortune  was  $3,000,000,  and  his 
life  had  been  passed  since  leaving  Harvard  in  the 
affairs  of  Western  railroads. 

Bereavements  so  many  and  in  such  proximity  served 
to  undermine  the  health  of  the  rugged  physique,  and 
to  these  sorrows  was  added  another  which,  perhaps, 
caused  more  grief  than  all  the  rest.  The  sensational 

o 

marriage  and  still  more  sensational  married  life  of  his 


HOME  LIFE. 


519 


youngest  son,  James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.,  in  all  the  details, 
are  still  fresh  in  the  public  mind. 

In  all  these  sorrows  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Blaine  ever  had 
the  sympathy  of  the  whole  people  of  the  country. 
Three  children  are  living,  Mrs.  Walter  Damrosch, 
Miss  Hattie  Blaine,  and  James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.  The 
unfortunate  marriage  of  the  latter,  and  the  subse- 
quent  separation  of  himself  and  wife,  form  a painful 
chapter  in  the  family  history.  Mr.  Blaine  wrote  an 
open  letter  which  was  intended  to  suppress  public 
gossip  and  justify  himself  and  wife  in  the  part  they 
acted  in  this  unfortunate  affair. 

THE  WASHINGTON  HOME. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  house  has  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
interiors  in  Washington.  It  was  from  the  first  a beau- 
tiful  home,  where  sorrows,  frequent  and  heavy  though 
they  had  been,  never  once  shut  out  the  sunlight.  Mrs. 
Blaine  would  have  it  so,  and  Mr.  Blaine  liked  it. 
While  in  deepest  suffering  for  those  who  had  been 
taken  away,  the  devoted  wife  and  mother  never  ceased 
to  keep  the  home  bright  and  beautiful  for  those  who 
were  left.  Crape  was  never  on  the  door,  and  at  no 
time  after  the  death  of  Walker,  and  two  weeks  later 
the  death  of  Alice,  were  the  blinds  closed  against  the 
sunlight. 

o 1 

The  wedding  of  Margaret  Blaine  and  Walter 

o o 

Damrosch  will  long  be  remembered  as  the  most 
beautiful  house  wedding  Washington  had  seen  for 
many  a day.  Mrs.  Blaine  was  determined  to  cast  no 
shadow  over  her  daughter’s  happiness.  The  windows 


520 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


were  thrown  open  on  that  perfeet  May  day,  and  the 
whole  house  seemed  filled  with  sunshine,  while  the 
outlook  on  Lafayette  Square  showed  the  first  foliage 
and  blossoms  of  spring. 

The  drawing-room  is  the  whole  width  of  the  spacious 
old-fashioned  house,  and  is  finished  in  white  with 
delicate  gold  lines.  The  beautiful  room  was  decked 
with  roses,  and  beneath  the  portraits  of  her  children, 
Walker  and  Alice,  Mrs.  Blaine  had  set  masses  of 
violets.  For  the  first  time  mother  and  daughters  laid 
aside  their  black  gowns.  Before  the  bride  and  her 
sister  appeared  in  their  white  gowns,  Mrs.  Blaine 
came  in  to  greet  the  wedding  guests.  All  the  morn- 
ing the  suffering  woman  had  been  in  the  seclusion  of 
her  own  room,  making  the  bravest  struggle  to  lift 
herself  above  and  out  of  the  grief  which  weighed  so 
heavily  upon  her. 

It  was  not  strange  that  Mrs.  Blaine’s  nearest  friends 
doubted  her  strength  to  endure  the  ordeal.  But  when 
she  came  to  the  drawing-room  that  morning  there  was 
no  sign  of  the  struggle  she  had  undergone.  She  had 
laid  off  her  black  gown  for  one  of  soft  gray  satin  and 
black  lace,  and  with  a gracious  sweetness  of  manner 
none  will  ever  forget,  she  welcomed  the  guests.  Mrs. 
Blaine  again  put  on  her  black  gown,  but  their  home 
life  went  on  with  no  outward  sign  of  mourning.  Until 
Mr.  Blaine’s  last  illness  their  friends  always  found 
them  in  the  drawing-room  in  the  late  afternoon  daily, 
where,  around  a simple  tea  table,  Mrs.  Blaine  and  Miss 
Dodge  were  the  cleverest  talkers. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 


Reminiscences  of  the  “Plumed  Knight.” 

James  G.  Blaine  was  a country  boy.  He  had  the 
pre-eminent  advantages  of  fresh  air  ; of  bare  feet  in 
summer ; of  sleeping  in  an  old-time,  healthy  house  ; 
of  working  in  the  harvest  fields ; and  of  throwing 
snow-balls  in  winter.  His  early  life  was  not  artificial, 
fashionable,  “ dudeish,”  and  effeminate  ; like  the  Titans 
of  old  he  husbanded  strength  by  contact  with  mother- 
earth.  He  was  a manly  boy.  He  did  not  grow  in  a 
city  back-yard  ; he  was  an  oak  of  the  mountains. 

He  is  remembered  at  Brownsville,  Pennsylvania, 
where  he  spent  some  part  of  his  early  life,  and  many 
incidents  are  related  by  the  residents  of  that  locality 
which  show  the  character  of  the  boy.  What  he  was 
then  in  the  commendable  qualities  of  his  character  he 
Was  in  after  years,  and  his  broad  manhood  was  only 
an  enlargement  of  his  boyhood,  the  mind  mature,  the 
judgment  formed,  the  conscience  quickened,  the  mag- 
nificent faculties  developed. 

The  interest  which  the  old  friends  and  neighbors 
take  in  a lad  they  have  known  and  the  pride  they  feel 
in  his  successes  are  pleasantly  illustrated  in  the  inci- 
dents narrated  concerning1  Mr.  Blaine’s  early  life. 

(521) 


522 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


A LEADER  IN  THE  GAME. 

“He  was  a master  boy,”  says  one  old  lady  of 
Brownsville,  “ to  lead  off.  He  would  get  together  a 
lot  of  youngsters  and  propose  a frolic  in  the  hills,  a 
game  of  hall,  or  a fishing  jaunt,  and  all  agreed  to  his 
suggestion  and  joined  in  whatever  he  proposed. 

“It  was  enough  to  always  insure  the  sport  that 
Jimmy  Blaine  had  charge  of  the  game  or  the  frolic,  for 
it  was  understood  he  would  not  fail  to  do  his  part  for 
the  general  entertainment.  He  protected  the  younger 
boys  against  the  older,  but  taught  them  all  to  rely  upon 
themselves  as  much  as  possible.  He  was  cheerful, 
generous,  and  truthful,  and  always  ready  to  do  a good 
turn  for  friend  or  neighbor.  He  came  to  our  house 

o> 

to  borrow  a net  one  morning,  and  father — that’s  what 
I called  my  husband — chdn’t  want  to  let  it  go.  ‘I’ll 
bring  it  back  to-morrow,'  said  Jimmy.  ‘It  isn’t  bring- 
ing it  back  that  I’m  talking  about,  but  letting  it  go,’ 
said  father.  Jimmy  thought  a minute  ; then  he  re- 
plied, ‘You’d  better  lend  it  to  me  than  to  somebody 
that’ll  never  brings  it  back.’  Father  laughed,  and  then 
I knew  he  would  give  in.  Jimmy  got  the  net,  and,  of 
course,  returned  it  according  to  agreement. 

“ Once  I got  him  to  stand  still  long  enough  to  am 
swer  a few  questions.  He  was  so  full  of  life  and  fun 
that  it  was  hard  work  to  keep  hin\  quiet  for  any 
length  of  time.  I asked  him  some  questions  in  his- 
tory,  geography,  and  the  catechism,  and  he  answered 
all  correctly — that  is,  if  I knew  the  correct  answers — 
and  then  I asked  him  what  he  expected  to  follow  when 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT. 


523 


he  grew  up.  ‘ Maybe  I’ll  be  a preacher  or  a steam- 
boat captain,’  he  replied,  ‘ but  I’d  rather  be  a member 
of  Congress.’  He  hadn’t  forgotten  this  reply  when 
he  was  here  a few  years  ago,  and  acknowledged  that 
he  had  had  his  preference.” 

GENEROUS  TO  A FAULT. 

Another  aged  dame  remembered  him  as  the  most 
charitable  boy  she  ever  knew.  “ Why,  he  would  give 
away  his  dinner  rather  than  have  any  one  else  go 
hungry.  He  gave  his  pennies  and  his  fruit  and  his 
candy  to  the  children  of  poor  parents,  and  did  this 
so  often  that  it  was  talked  about  in  the  town.  He 
played  jokes  upon  some  of  his  mates,  but  only  upon 
his  equals  in  strength  and  opportunity.  He  seemed 
to  despise  everything  in  the  way  of  a mean  advan- 
tage.” 

“ When  we  were  boys,”  said  a bright-eyed  old 
gentleman,  “down  on  Indian  Hill  farm,  Jim  Blaine  was 
a lively  chap.  He  kept  the  whole  township  in  arms. 
Once  I got  even  with  him.  I was  down  in  the  meadow 
pitching  hay.  He  knew  that  I was  going  to  do  that 
job,  and  he  went  down  there  a day  or  two  before  and 
fixed  one  of  the  haycocks  so  it  could  not  be  lifted. 
He  ran  a long  wire  through  it  in  such  a way  as  to 
hold  it  together,  and  then  fastened  it  under  the  mid- 
dle of  the  stack  to  a post  which  he  had  driven  in  the 
ground.  Some  of  the  other  boys  knew  about  the 
game,  and  they  stood  around  looking  kind  of  sneaking 
and  smiling  a little. 

“ I tackled  the  doctored  stack  early  in  the  day.  I 


524 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


drove  my  fork  into  the  top,  and,  spitting  on  my  hands, 
bore  down  upon  it.  It  didn’t  budge.  I tried  it  once 
more,  with  a little  extra  strength,  and  broke  the  fork 
clean  off  at  the  handle.  A boy  sitting  on  a rail  fence 
snickered,  and  I knew  something  was  up.  A mo- 
ment’s examination  convinced  me  that  the  stack  was 
tied  down,  and  just  then  the  boy  who  had  laughed 
pointed  in  the  direction  of  another  stack  not  far 
away. 

“ I felt  in  my  bones  that  Jim  Blaine  was  hiding  there. 
So  I crawled  up  kind  of  easy,  and  finding  him  watch- 
ing the  performance  on  his  hands  and  knees,  with 
some  of  the  grass  thrown  over  him,  I got  behind  him 
and  raised  him  one  with  my  boot.  I was  mad,  and  I 
put  a good  deal  of  heft  into  that  kick,  for  he  shot  out 
of  the  stack  head  first,  as  if  he  had  been  fired  from  a 
cannon.  It  humped  him  for  a while,  I tell  you,  and 
there  was  a lively  scattering  amqng  the  rest  of  the 
boys. 

HOW  HE  TURNED  THE  TABLES. 

“ He  was  always  great  in  learning  some  good  piece 
for  speaking  in  school.  It  was  nothing  for  him  to  get 
it  by  heart,  as  the  boys  called  it.  He  generally  told 
the  boys  what  he  was  going  to  speak,  so  that  none  of 
them  would  get  the  same ; but  once  a fellow,  whose 
name  was  .Ames  or  Amos,  pitched  upon  the  same 
piece  that  Jim  had,  just  for  a joke,  and  as  his  name  was 
called  first,  he  took  all  the  wind  out  of  Jim’s  sails  by 
pretty  good  speaking.  Jim  didn’t  appear  to  mind  it 
much,  but  the  teacher  remarked  that  they  had  better 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT. 


525 


have  an  understanding  in  future,  and  avoid  repetition. 
The  time  came  pretty  soon  when  they  had  a school 
exhibition,  and  each  one  who  took  part  had  to  write 
his  own  piece.  Blaine  was  given  his  choice  between 
the  first  and  last  speeches,  and  he  chose  the  first.  It 
was  grand.  I don’t  think  he  has  made  a better  one 
since. 

“ When  Ames’s  name  was  called  he  wasn’t  there, 
although  a few  minutes  before  he  was  seen  in  his  seat. 
‘ Gone  home,  sick,’  said  one  of  the  boys.  It  finally 
leaked  out  that  Ames  lacked  either  the  ability  or  the 
disposition  to  write  a piece  for  himself  and  had  gone 
to  Blaine  for  help,  and  that  Jim,  not  caring  to  keep  all 
the  good  things,  and  remembering  Ames’s  favor  on  a 
former  occasion,  had  copied  and  given  him  most  of  his 
own  speech,  and  had  only  followed  Ames’s  example 
in  using  it  first.  Ames  left  the  school  and  this  part  of 
the  country  shortly  afterward.” 

DAILY  LIFE  IN  WASHINGTON. 

From  a distinguished  correspondent  who  has 
known  Mr.  Blaine  intimately  for  many  years,  we 
gather  the  following  interesting  details  of  his  daily  life 
and  habits : 

At  first  he  lived  in  Washington  in  a nomadic 
way — in  hotels  or  boarding-houses,  as  do  most  Con- 
gressmen— but  when  he  was  elected  Speaker  he 
bought  a*  house  on  Fifteenth  Street,  in  the  best  quarter 
of  the  town.  Opposite  lived  Hamilton  Fish,  then 
Secretary  of  State  ; next  door  lived  Fernando  Wood  ; 
General  Sherman’s  house  was  only  a few  doors  dis- 


526 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


tant,  and  General  Butler  could  be  found  just  around 
the  corner. 

Blaine’s  house  was  thought  a handsome  one  at  that 
time,  but  it  was  only  a plain  brick  structure  in  a row, 
and  it  cuts  no  sort  of  a figure  in  these  days  when  big 
mansions  in  the  Queen  Anne,  Elizabethan,  Norman, 
and  I know  not  how  many  other  styles  abound  at  the 
capital.  There  were  two  big  parlors  on  the  first  floor, 
and  back  of  them  a sitting-room  and  dining-room,  and 
all  four  rooms  connected  by  folding  doors,  so  that  the 
crowds  that  used  to  surge  in  at  the  Speaker’s  official 
receptions  were  measurably  well  accommodated.  In 
the  belongings  of  this,  his  first  Washington  home, 
Blaine  showed  a fondness  for  engravings,  for  substan- 
tial furniture,  and  for  books. 

WIT  AND  HUMOR. 

He  was  much  given  to  hospitality,  and  never  ap- 
peared so  happy  as  when  entertaining  a congenial 
dinner  party  at  his  big  round  table.  For  his  dinner- 
table  talks  he  had  an  inexhaustible  fund  of  anecdotes 
and  witticisms.  I never  heard  him  tell  the  same  story 
twice.  He  did  not  resemble  in  the  least  the  hand- 
organ  type  of  man  who  has  only  one  little  set  of  tunes. 
No  matter  what  the  topic  may  be,  he  is  sure  to  con- 
tribute to  the  conversation  something  particularly 
bright  and  entertaining. 

When  not  entertaining  friends  at  his  own  house  he 
usually  dined  out.  I remember  to  have  warned  him 
once  of  the  perils  of  the  diner-out — how  an  eminent 
man  had  come  to  an  untimely  end  by  eating  big  din- 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT. 


527 


ners.  He  said  he  observed  a strict  rule  at  dinner 
parties — he  took  soup  and  roast  beef,  but  no  prepared 
dishes ; no  dessert,  except  a little  ice  cream.  By 
sticking  closely  to  this  dietary  programme,  he  could 
dine  out  every  day  in  the  week  without  injuring  his 
digestion. 

In  those  days  Blaine  was  not  a great  letter-writer, 
either  with  his  own  hand  or  vicariously  through  that 
of  his  secretary.  He  did  not,  like  Garfield,  reply  to  all 
the  letters  he  received.  He  was  a great  newspaper 
reader,  and  always  knew  the  attitude  of  evefy  really 
important  journal  in  the  country  on  the  dominant 
issues  of  the  day.  He  knew  the  history  of  these 
journals,  too,  and  something  of  the  men  who  made 
them,  and  if  there  was  any  power  behind  the  chairs 
of  their  editors  he  was  pretty  sure  to  be  informed 
about  it. 

“wasn’t  quite  sure.” 

He  was  not  accessible  at  all  times  and  to  all  the 
world,  as  many  men  who  cherish  great  political  ambi- 
tion think  it  necessary  to  be.  The  impassable  black 
guardian  of  the  hall  door  was  never  quite  sure  that 
Mr.  Blaine  was  in,  but  he  would  see.  If  the  visitor 
was  not  welcome  he  would  manage  to  make  him 
believe  that  the  Speaker  had  just  gone  out  a few 
minutes  before.  This  colored  person  had  a fine  in- 
stinct for  discerning  the  men  whom  his  master  would 
probably  wish  to  receive.  They  were  shown  into  the 
front  parlor ; others  waited  in  the  hall. 

In  the  Fifteenth  Street  house  Blaine  lived  while  in 


528 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Washington  until  after  the  death  of  Garfield.  He  had 
previously  begun  to  build  a huge,  expensive  red-brick 
pile  out  on  the  P Street  Circle,  deeming  himself  com- 
fortably rich  at  the  time,  and  thinking  the  position  of 


blaine’s  Washington  mansion. 


Secretary  of  State  carried  with  it  duties  of  enlarged 
hospitality.  The  house  was  a mistake  as  he  soon 
found.  He  lived  in  it  only  about  a year.  As  a private 
citizen  it  was  much  too  large  for  his  needs ; besides,  a 
considerable  share  of  his  fortune  melted  away  in  the 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT.  529 

great  shrinkage  in  stocks,  and  he  did  not  feel  able  to 
support  the  expensive  establishment  which  the  house 
demanded.  He  considered  himself  very  fortunate  to 
be  able  to  lease  it  for  a sum  which  amounted  to  six 
per  cent,  on  its  cost. 

' Then  he  condensed  his  household  into  a dwelling 
of  moderate  capacity,  facing  on  Lafayette  Square. 
From  his  front  window  he  could  see  the  White  House 
through  the  trees  in  the  pretty  park.  Not  many  of 
his  own  belongings  came  with  this  house  save  his 
books  and  a few  pictures.  In  it  he  did  most  of  the 
work  on  his  “Twenty  Years  of  Congress,”  living  as 
retired  as  his  friends  would  let  him,  and  getting  his 
exercise  mainly  from  a daily  morning  walk  to  the 
Capitol,  whither  he  went  to  consult  the  books  in  the 
Congressional  Library. 

THE  OLD  HOMESTEAD. 

All  this  time  his  real  home,  if  the  attachments  of 
himself  and  the  members  of  his  family  were  consid- 
ered, was  the  large,  old-fashioned,  broad-fronted  white 
house,  with  its  green  blinds,  its  maples,  and  its  grassy 
yard,  which  stands  on  a quiet,  shady  street  near  the 
State  Capitol,  in  Augusta,  Me.  This  house  typifies 
the  well-to-do  phase  of  village  life  in  New  England, 
as  it  expressed  itself  in  architecture  before  the  recent 
mania  for  colors,  angles,  balconies,  and  fanciful  forms 
came  in.  It  represents  the  plainness,  solidity,  and 
conservatism  of  the  last  generation. 

Mr.  Blaine  modified  it  very  little,  and  not  at  all  at 
the  expense  of  its  sober,  old-time  appearance.  He 
34 


530 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


added  two  or  three  rooms  in  the  rear — one  large 
library,  which  was  his  work-room,  and  which  during 
the  many  hard  fights  he  waged  with  the  Democrats 
when  he  was  chairman  of  the  State  Republican  Com- 
mittee used  to  be  a rendezvous  for  his  lieutenants 
from  all  parts  of  the  State.  In  the  course  of  two 
Maine  campaigns  I saw  a good  deal  of  Mr.  Blaine. 
He  was  the  busiest  man  in  the  State,  hurrying  from 
county  to  county  to  address  mass-meetings,  writing 
telegrams  on  the  trains,  getting  a pocketful  of  dis- 
patches at  every  town,  dictating  letters  at  night  to  his 
secretary,  yet  always  cheerful  and  companionable,  and 
with  a good  joke  or  anecdote  ready  to  enliven  every 
occasion. 

A STILL  HUNT. 

He  knew  the  whole  State  as  well  as  his  own  door- 
yard,  and  was  acquainted  with  the  leading  men  in 
every  town.  He  brought  the  canvass  down  to  the 
school  districts.  The  hurrah  work  of  processions, 
banners,  and  big  meetings  he  estimated  at  its  proper 
value,  but  he  never  depended  on  it  to  produce  results. 
The  real  business  of  a campaign  was  to  perfect  local 
organization,  ascertain  who  were  the  doubtful  voters, 
and  bring  argument  and  personal  influence  to  bear 
upon  them  through  the  efforts  of  their  Republican 
neighbors. 

Saturdays  we  special  correspondents  used  to  man- 
age to  get  back  to  Augusta  if  we  could,  to  spend  a 
quiet  Sunday  afternoon  with  Blaine  at  his  house.  In 
the  evening  some  musical  friends  of  the  family  would 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT. 


531 


usually  come  in,  and  we  had  a good  time  singing  old- 
fashioned  Church  tunes,  for  which  Blaine  had  a fond- 
ness, and  in  which  he  would  join  with  his  children  and 
with  all  the  members  of  the  company  who  could  make 
any  show  of  a voice. 

PIE  STOOD  CLOSE  TO  THE  PEOPLE. 

On  the  floor  of  the  House,  in  the  Speaker’s  chair, 
again  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  hence  in  the  Senate, 
and  during  political  campaigns,  on  the  stump  in  almost 
every  Northern  State,  Mr.  Blaine  was  emphatically 
with  the  people  and  of  the  people.  His  opinions  on 
all  questions  were  pronounced,  sometimes  to  aggres- 
siveness, and  his  worst  enemy  never  accused  him  of 
evading  or  avoiding  any  responsibility  or  the  expres- 
sion of  his  conviction  on  any  public  issue. 

“What  great  measure  did  Mr.  Blaine  ever  origi- 
nate?” asks  the  unfledged  but  omnipotent  chamber 
statesman,  and  might  go  on  indefinitely  asking  what 
great  measure  did  Mr.  Sherman,  or  Mr.  Thurman  ever 
originate,  or  Mr.  Edmunds,  or  Mr.  Conkling,  or  Mr. 
Webster,  or  Mr.  Gallatin?  Such  critics  and  such 
criticisms  are  equally  shallow.  Great  measures  grow 
in  the  minds  of  the  people.  Specie  payment  came 
after  long  public  discussion,  and  now  Senators  are 
quarreling  as  to  who  it  was  that  drafted  the  bill 
passed  in  1875. 

So  it  is  with  all  measures  of  great  public  moment. 
They  do  not  spring  from  the  mind  of  one  man  sitting 
behind  his  Congressional  desk.  The  duty  of  the 
statesman  is  to  shape,  mould,  guide,  direct  in  a Re- 


532 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


publican  government.  The  creative  power  is  in  the 
minds  of  many,  and  the  cause  of  action  is  necessity. 
The  great  lawyer  does  not  create  his  case.  He 
argues  it,  develops  it,  applies  principles  to  it. 

A FAMOUS  SPEECH. 

To  say  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  a power  in  Congress  is 
simply  to  affirm  history.  Though  entering  very  young, 
he  made  his  mark  at  once.  At  the  period  of  darkest 
depression  in  the  war,  when  anxiety  brooded  every- 
where and  boded  everything,  Mr.  Blaine  delivered  a 
speech  on  “ The  Ability  of  the  American  People  to 
Suppress  the  Rebellion,”  which  has  been  cited  for  the 
great  attention  and  commendation  it  received.  Its 
value  lay  not  alone  in  its  timeliness,  for  after  its  first 
wide  circulation  it  was  reprinted  as  a campaign  docu- 
ment in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1864. 

It  was  the  delivery  of  this  speech,  and  some  discus- 
sions which  took  place  shortly  after,  that  caused  Thad- 
deus  Stevens  to  say  that  “ Blaine  of  Maine  has  shown 
as  great  aptitude  and  ability  for  the  higher  walks  of 
public  life  as  any  man  that  had  come  to  Congress 
during  his  period  of  service.” 

VALUABLE  SERVICE. 

During  the  first  session  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  service  as 
member  of  the  Post  Office  Committee  he  took  an  ac- 
tive part  in  co-operation  with  the  chairman,  Hon.  John 
B.  Alley,  and  the  late  James  Brooks  of  New  York,  in 
encouraging  and  securing  the  system  of  postal  cars 
now  in  universal  use.  Distribution  on  the  cars  had 
not  been  attempted  on  any  great  scale,  and  the  first 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT. 


533 


appropriations  for  the  enlarged  service  were  not 
granted  without  opposition. 

Following  the  war,  and  throughout  the  period  of 
reconstruction,  Mr.  Blaine  was  active,  energetic,  and 
intelligent.  He  was  especially  prominent  in  shaping 
some  of  the  most  important  features  of  the  Four- 
teenth Amendment,  particularly  that  relating  to  the 
basis  of  representation.  The  discussions  on  this 
great  series  of  questions,  in  which  Blaine  figured 
largely,  are  among  the  most  interesting  and  valuable 
in  the  history  of  the  American  Congress. 

OFF  TO  EUROPE. 

Mr.  Blaine  became  a leader  in  legislation  as  he  be- 
came the  leader  of  men  generally,  by  virtue  of  his 
comprehensiveness  of  mind,  his  quick  perception  of 
objective  points,  and  his  devotion  in  advocating  what 
he  felt  was  right  and  duty. 

In  1867  Mr.  Blaine  sought  a temporary  relaxation- 
from  official  cares  and  labors,  and  for  the  first  time 
paid  a short  visit  to  Europe.  While  he  was  out  of 
the  country  the  theory  of  paying  the  public  debt  in 
greenbacks  was  started  in  Ohio  by  Mr.  Pendleton, 
and  in  Massachusetts  by  General  Butler.  Just  after 
his  return  in  the  autumn,  at  a special  or  adjourned 
session  of  Congress  in  November,  Mr.  Blaine  as- 
saulted the  proposition  in  a speech  of  great  research, 
logic,  and  force.  It  thus  happened  that  he  was  the 
first  man  in  either  branch  of  Congress  who  spoke 
against  the  financial  heresy  that  in  subsequent  years 
has  engrossed  so  much  of  public  attention.  From 


534 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


that  time,  both  in  Congress  and  before  the  people, 
Mr.  Blaine  was  indefatigable  in  bringing  the  public 
opinion  of  the  country  to  the  right  standard  of  finan- 
cial and  national  honor. 

THE  YOUNGEST  SPEAKER. 

Six  years  in  Congress  had  made  him  so  conspicuous 
as  a leader,  and  so  noted  as  a parliamentarian,  that  he 
was  made  Speaker  of  the  House,  a position  that  he 
filled  with  marked  ability  for  six  years,  when  the 
Democrats  obtained  control  of  that  body.  Mr.  Blaine 
was  perhaps  the  youngest  man  who  ever  occupied  the 
Speaker’s  chair,  being  then  39  years  of  age.  He  pre- 
sided over  some  of  the  most  important  and  exciting 
sessions  of  the  House,  and  by  his  just  rulings,  admir- 
able tact,  and  magnetic  influence,  he  passed  through 
the  long  and  trying  period  with  the  approbation  of 
both  friend  and  foe. 

A MEMORABLE  EVENT. 

Even  more  marked,  at  least  in  the  popular  eye, 
than  his  career  as  Speaker,  was  Mr.  Blaine’s  course 
in  the  House  when  he  returned  to  the  floor  at  the 
close  of  his  Speakership.  Few  have  forgotten  the 
sudden  tilt  by  which,  in  a day,  a victorious  and  exult- 
ant Democratic  majority  was  changed  into  a surprised, 
subdued,  and  saddened  crowd,  under  Mr.  Blaine’s  ag- 
gressive and  unexpected  tactics. 

The  debates  of  that  memorable  session  on  the  prop- 
osition to  remove  the  disabilities  of  Jefferson  Davis 
are  still  fresh  in  all  minds,  and  more  likely  to  be  appre- 
ciated perhaps  to-day  than  at  any  time  within  the  last 


REMINISCENCES  OF  THE  PLUMED  KNIGHT.  535 

three  years.  Mr.  Blaine’s  speeches  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  success  in  the  campaign  of  1876,  though  he 
was  not  selected  as  the  standard-bearer.  The  excite- 
ment growing  out  of  this  exciting  session  with  all  its 
attendant  events  brought  Mr.  Blaine  more  prominently 
before  the  country  than  any  other  citizen. 

His  congressional  career  embraced  the  most  trying 
period  of  his  country’s  history,  the  sombre  years  of  the 
rebellion,  the  reconstruction  period,  and  the  perilous 
time  when  the  election  of  President  Hayes  aroused  an 
apparently  triumphant  Democratic  party  almost  to  the 
verge  of  madness. 

A GREAT  DEBATER. 

A good  example  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  powers  as  a debater 
is  found  in  a speech  delivered  in  the  Senate,  April  14, 
1879,  when  an  effort  was  made  by  the  Democrats  to 
strike  out  the  words  from  a section  of  the  Revised 
Statutes  which  provided  for  the  use  of  soldiers  to  keep 
peace  at  the  polls.  In  reply  to  the  charge  that  the 
soldiers  were  used  to  intimidate  Southern  voters, 
Mr.  Blaine  said: 

“The  entire  South  has  1,155  soldiers  to  intimidate, 
overrun,  oppress  and  destroy  the  liberties  of  15,000,- 
0.00  people  ! In  the  Southern  States  there  are  1,203 
counties.  If  you  distribute  the  soldiers,  there  is  not 
quite  one  for  each  county.  If  you  distribute  them 
territorially,  there  is  one  for  every  seven  hundred 
square  miles  of  territory,  so  that  if  you  make  a terri- 
torial distribution,  I would  remind  the  honorable  Sena- 
tor from  Delaware,  if  I saw  him  in  his  seat,  that  the 


536 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


quota  for  his  State  would  be  three.  ‘ One  ragged 
sergeant  and  two  abreast,’  as  the  old  song  has  it. 
That  is  the  force  ready  to  destroy  the  liberties  of 
Delaware.” 

He  was  a member  of  the  Thirty-eighth,  Thirty- 
ninth,  Fortieth,  Forty-first,  Forty-second,  Forty-third, 
and  Forty-fourth  Congresses,  and  became  the  acknowl- 
edged leader  of  the  party  in  the  House,  and  his 
speeches  during  the  period  which  he  served  in  Con- 
gress are  a glowing  tribute  to  his  ability,  his  acute 
sagacity,  his  broad  and  sound  statesmanship,  and  un- 
flinching patriotism. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


In  the  Valley  of  Death. 

The  doubt  in  which  the  country  was  kept  with  re- 
gard to  Mr.  Blaine’s  physical  condition  by  exagger- 
ated and  conflicting  reports  was  at  last  mournfully  dis- 
pelled, and  his  fellow-citizens  were  aware  that  the 
career  of  the  most  distinguished  of  our  contemporary 
statesmen  was  nearing  its  end.  There  was  still  some 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  precise  phase  which  the 
illness  from  which  he  was  suffering  had  reached,  and 
as  to  the  imminence  of  its  apprehended  conse- 
quence. 

There  were  those  who  said  that  a rally  of  some- 
thing more  than  a transient  kind  was  not  past  hoping 
for,  while  others  insisted  that  the  final  issue  had  be- 
come a question  of  hours  or  at  most  of  days.  The 
one  point  to  which  the  American  people  paid  attention 
and  attached  importance  was  that' Mr.  Blaine  was  in- 
disputably stricken  with  a fatal  sickness,  from  which 
there  was  no  hope  of  his  recovery,  and  that  while  he 
might  linger  for  a greater  or  shorter  length  of  time, 
according  to  circumstances  which  could  not  be  fore- 
seen, the  death  sentence  had  been  pronounced. 

It  is  not  merely  the  lapse  of  time  that  measures  life 

(537) 


538 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  consumes  it,  and  at  sixty-two  Mr.  Blaine  had  lived 
as  much  as  many  a one  twenty  years  his  senior.  Al- 
ways a man  of  correct  and  abstemious  habits,  and  in 
his  later  years,  at  least,  solicitous  for  the  preservation 
of  his  health,  the  relatively  early  decay  of  his  physical 
powers  was  a striking-  instance  of  the  sword  wearing 
out  the  scabbard. 

A HARD  WORKER. 

He  had  all  his  life  been  a hard  worker  at  the  most 
exhausting  kind  of  toil,  and  to  the  demands  made  by 
his  brilliant  and  restless  intellect  upon  a body  never 
more  than  ordinarily  robust  were  added  the  exactions 
of  a singularly  nervous  and  emotional  temperament. 
Happiness,  with  the  peace  of  mind  which  it  implies, 
was  the  tonic  which  he  needed,  the  elixir  of  life  to 
have  prolonged  his  years. 

If  his  ambitions  could  have  been  satisfied  and  his 
affections  spared,  he  would  not  in  all  human  probabil- 
ity have  been  stricken  in  the  very  fulness  of  his  man- 
hood ; but  the  medicine  which  alone  might  have  saved 
him  he  could  not  have,  and  the  accumulation  of  sorrow, 
anxiety  and  disappointment  bore  him  down. 

On  December  18,  1892,  the  announcement  was 
made  that  James  G.  Blaine’s  death  at  any  hour  would 
be  no  surprise  to  those  acquainted  with  his  critical 
condition.  About  the  only  assurance  given  by  his 
physician  was  that  his  immediate  death  was  not  ex- 
pected. The  sick  man  had  a sinking  spell  in  the 
morning,  which  was  of  a most  alarming  character,  and 
from  which  he  rallied  with  the  greatest  difficulty.  A 


IN  THE  VALLEY  OP  DEATH. 


539 


return  of  the  prostration,  it  was  feared,  would  find  his 
vitality  too  low  for  recovery. 

THE  TOTTERING  OAK. 

Mr.  Blaine  had  not  been  a well  man  for  more  than 
a year.  When  he  returned  from  Bar  Harbor  about  a 
year  before  and  took  up  his  winter  residence  in  Wash- 
ington, he  showed  a marked  improvement  over  what 
had  been  his  condition  when  he  left  New  York  for 
Bar  Harbor  in  the  previous  June.  He  took  up  his 
work  in  the  State  Department,  but  it  was  noticed  that 
his  old  time  energy  was  lacking.  He  was  not  regular 
in  his  attendance  at  the  office. 

The  least  inclement  weather  usually  kept  him  from 
going  over  to  the  Department,  and  he  would  transact 
the  routine  business  of  his  office,  such  as  the  signing 
of  his  mail,  at  his  residence.  He  would  be  troubled 
very  frequently  with  what  was  believed  to  be  tempor- 
ary sick  spells,  which  would  last  perhaps  for  a day  and 
sometimes  for  several  days.  He  was  in  the  hands  of 
a physician  most  of  the  time,  and  at  no  time  within  the 
preceding  twelve  months  could  he  have  been  con- 
sidered a thoroughly  well  man. 

After  resigning  from  the  State  Department  he  went 
away  and  the  rest  and  freedom  seemed  to  benefit 
him. 

His  appearance,  however,  when  he  returned  to 
Washington  in  the  fall  was  not  reassuring.  His 
trouble  seemed  to  return  with  greater  frequency  until 
he  was  practically  confined  to  the  house.  A short 
drive,  a couple  of  weeks  previous,  was  the  last  time 


540 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


he  was  outside  of'  his  house,  and  it  was  believed  the 
last  time  he  was  outside  his  chamber. 

CONCEALMENT  FINALLY  ABANDONED. 

It  had  been  believed  for  more  than  a year  by  ob- 
servers that  he  suffered  from  some  organic  trouble. 
The  family  and  physicians  would  never  admit  it  until 
the  above  date,  when  the  attending  physician  made  the 
statement  that  “ evidences  of  local  organic  disease  have 
been  manifested  recently,  and  it  is  believed  that  his 
present  condition  is  due  to  this  cause.”  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  the  family  were  aware  of  Mr. 
Blaine’s  precarious  condition,  but,  as  in  the  case  of 
other  great  public  men,  there  was  a disposition  to 
conceal  the  exact  state  of  the  patient’s  health  from 
those  outside  the  family  circle. 

A SYMPATHETIC  CROWD. 

The  scenes  about  the  Blaine  mansion  were  sad,  and, 
at  times,  almost  dramatic.  The  news  of  his  sinking 
spell  in  the  morning  soon  spread  on  the  streets  and 
about  the  hotels,  and  all  day  long  groups  of  sym- 
pathetic and  anxious  watchers  stood  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  “ Red  House,”  waiting  for  tidings  from  the  sick- 
room. It  was  not  surprising  then  that  about  8 o’clock 
in  the  evening  one  of  the  local  papers  put  out  an 
edition  telling  of  the  statesman’s  near  approach  to 
death.  Many  on  reading  the  extra  hastened  toward 
Mr.  Blaine’s  house.  The  crowd  gathered  to  such  an 
extent  that  its  presence  was  made  known  to  the 
inmates. 

James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.,  about  half  past  8,  came  out  of 


IN  THE  VALLEY  OF  DEATH 


541 


the  front  door,  and  hurriedly  approaching  a group 
standing  on  the  pavement,  said  with  some  emotion  i 
“ What  does  this  mean  ? What  are  you  standing 
about  here  for  ? ” 

“Mr.  Blaine,”  said  one 
and  have  read  in  an 
evening  paper  that  your 
father  was  dying.” 

“That  is  untrue,” 
said  young  Mr.  Blaine 
excitedly.  “ My  father 
is  very  ill,  but  it  is  un- 
true that  he  is  dying.” 

“We  are  very  glad 
to  hear  you  say  so,” 
answered  the  gentle- 
men, and  the  group  dis- 
persed. 

Approaching  a news- 
paper correspondent, 

Mr.  Blaine,  somewhat 
softened  by  the  sympa- 
thetic tone  of  the  gentlemen  whom  he  had  just  ques- 
tioned, asked:  “What  has  caused  this  excitement?” 

He  was  told  the  news  had  spread  over  the  city  that 
his  father  was  critically  ill,  if  not  dying,  and  that  such 
a statement  had  been  published  in  an  extra  edition  of 
an  evening  paper.  He  asked  for  and  was  handed  a 
copy.  He  opened  it  and  as  the  headline  “ Near 
Death  ” caught  his  eye,  he  exclaimed  : 


of  those  present,  “ we  heard 


WALKER  BLAINE. 


542 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  ELAINE. 


“That  is  absolutely  unjustifiable.  No  information 
has  been  given  from  this  house  or  by  Mr.  Blaine’s 
physicians  that  would  warrant  that  line.  Mr.  Blaine 
is  very  sick,  but  at  no  time  have  I said  that  he  was 
critically  ill,  and  any  publication  to  that  effect  is  un- 
true. The  physicians  have  just  left  and  have  assured 
us  that  Mr.  Blaine  is  better  than  he  was  this  morning, 
and  is  likely  to  pass  a comfortable  night.”  With  this 
he  hurried  into  the  house. 

Two  police  officers  quietly  dispersed  the  crowd 
from  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  house,  but  late 
into  the  night  small  groups  of  newspaper  men  and 
others  watched  at  a respectful  distance. 

THE  LAMP  FLICKERING. 

The  truth  is  that  all  day  long  the  life  of  Mr.  Blaine 
hung  trembling  in  the  balance.  For  more  than  an 
hour  in  the  forenoon  hope  was  abandoned  and  the 
end  was  momentarily  expected  by  physicians,  family 
and  friends.  All  simulation  was  thrown  aside  in  the 
apparently  imminent  presence  of  death,  and  the 
suppressed  facts  of  his  illness — the  long  denied  but 
now  admitted  Bright’s  disease,  the  occasional  intervals 
of  delirium,  the  long  hours  when  he  had  lain  incapable 
of  speech  or  motion,  these  and  other  distressing  fea- 
tures of  his  illness  all  incidental  to  the  one  overpow- 
ering organic  trouble,  Bright’s  disease — aggravated 
as  this  had  been  by  a cold  contracted  while  impru- 
dently venturing  out  driving  two  weeks  before,  and 
by  malarial  fever,  and  confronted  by  a constitution 


IN  THE  YALLET  OF  DEATH. 


543 


impaired  by  nearly  two  years  of  continuous  sickness — 
all  these  facts  were  now  tacitly  admitted. 

The  physicians  declared  that  there  had  not  been 
any  hemorrhages  as  had  been  asserted,  but  this  was 
almost  the  only  alarmi'ng  symptom  which  was  denied. 
The  first  crisis  was  reached  between  ioand  n o’clock 
this  morning,  when  a 
sinking  spell  set  in,  from 
w h i c h the  worst  was 
feared.  His  family  were 
called  round  the  bed- 
side and  his  physicians 
sent  messenger  after 
messenger  to  the  near- 
est drug  store,  with 
prescriptions  requiring 
hasty  attention.  The 
distinguished  patient  lay 
unconscious  and  to  all 
appearances  dying,  until 
shortly  before  i o’clock, 
when  a slight  rally  set 
in.  His  pulse,  which 
had  almost  ceased  to  beat,  became  again  perceptible, 
and  partial  consciousness  was  restored.  The  rally 
continued  during  the  day  and  into  the  night. 

NO  IMMEDIATE  APPREHENSION. 

While  the  improvement  in  Mr.  Blaine’s  condition 
was  but  slight  and  not  sufficient  to  afford  any  great 
amount  of  encouragement  to  his  family  and  friends, 


544 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  reaction  had  seemed  to  modify  the  feeling  of  ap- 
N prehension  for  the  immediate  future.  James  G.  Blaine, 
Jr.,  and  Walter  J.  Damrosch,  the  ex-Secretary’s  son-in- 
law,  walked  down  the  avenue  in  the  evening. 

All  day  representatives  of  the  press  patrolled  Madi- 
son Place  and  carefully  watched  the  old  red  mansion 
which  has  become  celebrated  for  its  historical  associa- 
tions, and  the  fatality  with  which  misfortune  has  fol- 
lowed its  occupants.  From  the  Sickels-Keyes  tragedy, 
more  than  a third  of  a century  ago,  followed  by  the 
attempted  assassination  of  Secretary  Seward,  during 
the  last  year  of  the  civil  war,  down  to  the  present 
time,  the  pall  of  ill  fate  has  hung  over  the  mansion. 
During  the  less  than  four  years’  occupancy  of  this 
house  by  the  Blaine  family,  his  daughter,  the  wife  of 
Colonel  Coppinger ; Walker  Blaine  and  Emmons 
Blaine,  the  Secretary’s  promising  sons,  died. 

VISITED  BY  PRESIDENT  HARRISON. 

President  Harrison,  accompanied  by  his  private 
secretary,  Mr.  E.  J Halford,  walked  over  from  the 
White  House  to  the  ex-Secretary’s  residence  in  the 
evening,  to  personally  inquire  as  to  his  condition,  and 
expressed  relief  and  gratification  at  being  informed 
that  there  had  been  some  abatement  of  the  more 
alarming  symptoms. 

From  an  intimate  friend  of  the  family  it  was  learned 
that  it  was  only  when  Mr.  Blaine  was  suddenly  seized 
with  the  sinking  spell  in  the  morning  which  threatened 
for  some  minutes  to  terminate  in  heart  failure,  that 
his  family  fully  realized  how  near  he  was  to  death’s 


IN  THE  VALLEY  OF  DEATH. 


545 


door.  For  a few  seconds  he  seemed  to  be  in  extremis 
and  the  watchers  bent  anxiously  over  him.  The  ema- 
ciated face  of  the  dying  statesman  was  white  as  marble 
and  his  features  sadly  drawn.  At  times  he  scarcely 
seemed  to  breathe,  and  at  others  gasped  for  breath. 
The  physicians  who  had  been  hastily  summoned  were 
in  the  meantime  not  idle.  They  plied  him  with  stimu- 
lative cordials,  the  trained  nurses  chafed  his  extremi- 
ties, and  it  was  only  after 
working  over  the  patient 
for  upward  of  thirty  min- 
utes and  the  application 
of  every  art  known  to 
the  medical  profession 
that  Mr.  Blaine  slowly 
revived. 

mrs.  blaine’s  wonder- 
ful will. 

The  family  gathered 
around  the  bedside  were! 
all  in  tears,  except  Mrs 

Blaine.  She  maintained  mrs.  james  g.  blaine. 
outward  composure  throughout  the  trying  scene,  and 
calmly  gave  such  directions  to  the  attendants  as  were 
necessary.  Her  will  power,  when  in  fact  her  heart 
was  breaking,  is  described  as  something  pathetic  and 
marvelous.  It  has  been  her  cheerfulness  that  has 
soothed  her  husband’s  despondency.  Mr.  Blaine’s 
physical  condition  was  such  that  he  at  times  gave 
away  to  despondency.  While  manifesting  no  fear 
35 


546  life  OF  SON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

of  death,  Mr.  Blaine  often  said  he  did  not  want  to 
die. 

Shortly  after  1 1 o’clock  p.  m.  a closed  carriage  was 
driven  rapidly  to  the  front  of  the  Blaine  mansion  from 
which  alighted  Miss  Hattie  Blaine,  Miss  Abigail  Dodge 
(Gail  Hamilton)  and  Mrs.  Damrosch.  The  ladies 
were  closely  veiled  and  ran  through  the  crowd  of 
correspondents  and  others  gathered  in  front  of  the 
house  into  the  mansion,  followed  by  James  G.  Blaine, 
Jr.,  who  had  just  returned  from  a few  minutes’  walk. 
Mr.  Blaine,  in  response  to  an  inquiry,  said  his  father 
was  about  the  same. 

DR.  JOHNSTON  DESCRIBES  THE  ATTACK. 

At  9.30  o’clock  the  next  evening  a reporter  had  an 
interview  with  Mr.  Blaine’s  attending  physicians,  Drs. 
W.  W.  Johnston  and  Frank  Hyatt.  Speaking  for 
both  of  them,  Dr.  Johnston  said : 

“ Blaine  is  distinctly  better  to-night  than  he  was  last 
night,  and  much  better  than  he  was  this  morning.” 

“ What  was  the  nature  of  the  attack  to-day, 
Doctor  ? ” 

“ It  was  a failure  of  his  heart  to  perform  its  func- 
tions satisfactorily.” 

“ His  trouble  is  not  in  his  heart  ? ” was  asked. 

“ No,  it  is  not.  But  in  the  general  weakness  from 
which  he  is  suffering,  all  the  organs  are  affected,  and 
the  heart  makes  manifest  the  weakness  of  the  whole 
system.  Blaine’s  condition  has  been  such  that  when 
he  takes  cold,  as  he  did  ten  days  or  two  weeks  ago, 
fever  followed,  causing  a deterioration  of  the  system. 


IN  THE  VALLEY  OF  DEATH. 


54? 


MRS.  WALTER  DAMROSCH. 


For  some  days  prior  to  and  including  yesterday,  how- 
ever, he  was  recovering  from  the  effects  of  the  cold 
and  fever,  and  last  night  he  was  entirely  free  from 
fever,  his  pulse  beating  strongly  and  his  condition 


548 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


quite  gratifying.  This  morning,  however,  he  had  an 
ill  turn,  his  heart-beats  became  more  indistinct  and 
irregular,  and  he  was  more  languid  and  less  observant. 
However,  he  rallied  from  that  condition,  those  symp- 
toms disappeared,  he  has  taken  nourishment  during 
the  afternoon,  and  to-night,  as  I said,  he  is  better  and 
brighter.  His  pulse  is  stronger  and  the  reaction 
quite  marked.” 

It  was  the  general  impression  throughout  the  coun- 
try that  Mr.  Blaine  was  in  his  last  sickness,  and  the 
end  was  not  far  distant.  For  a long  time  alarming 
reports  concerning  his  impaired  health  had  been  cir- 
culated ; no  one  considered  him  a well  man ; his  her- 
culean labors  had  told  heavily  on  his  strong  constitu- 
tion, and  now  the  majestic  tower  was  trembling  and 
giving  ominous  sign  of  its  final  downfall. 

The  intense  sympathetic  interest  felt  everywhere 
testified  to  the  distinguished  statesman’s  popularity. 
In  the  House  and  Senate  expressions  of  solicitude  and 
grief  were  heard  on  all  sides.  Democrats  joined  Re- 
publicans in  their  sympathy  for  the  family  and  expres- 
sions of  regret  that  the  life  of  one  of  America’s  most 
brilliant  statesmen  was  evidently  drawing  to  a close. 
The  chaplains  of  both  branches  referred  feelingly  to 
the  serious  illness  of  Mr.  Blaine  in  their  morning 
invocations. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

The  Closing  Scenes. 

On  the  morning  of  January  27,  1893,  at  eleven 
o’clock,  James  G.  Blaine  died.  Gathered  about  his 
bedside  when  death  came  were  all  those  he  loved 
best.  In  thirty  minutes  from  the  time  of  the  an- 
nouncement that  the  end  had  come  the  historic  man- 
sion where  he  breathed  his  last  became  the  one  object 
of  special  interest  to  the  civilized  world.  The  sad 
news  flew  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

Mr.  Blaine  sank  to  his  final  rest  like  a tired  child  in 
its  mother’s  arms.  In  fact,  the  anxious  watchers  at 
the  bedside  knew  not  when  the  end  had  come. 

The  first  warning  that  the  end  was  at  hand  came  at 
nine  o’clock  in  the  morning,  when  Mr.  Blaine  suffered 
a totally  unexpected  relapse.  Both  of  the  physicians 
who  had  been  constantly  in  attendance  upon  him  were 
hastily  summoned.  Dr.  Johnston  was  the  first  to 
arrive,  Dr.  Hyatt  following  a few  minutes  later.  They 
did  all  that  could  be  done  for  the  dying  man,  but  soon 
realized  that  Mr.  Blaine  was  beyond  human  aid. 

It  was  at  half-past  ten  that  the  family  were  sum- 
moned, and  Dr.  Johnston,  as  gently  as  he  could,  in- 
formed them  that  the  end  was  close  at  hand. 


(549) 


550 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Then  the  family  entered  the  sick-chamber,  and 
waited  for  death  to  come.  Mrs.  Blaine  had  been 
with  the  sufferer  all  the  morning.  In  fact,  to  her  de- 
votion and  constant  attention  was  largely  due  Mr. 
Blaine’s  great  battle  for  life.  When  he  died  there 
were  present  at  his  bedside  his  wife,  his  two  daugh- 
ters, Mrs.  Walter  Damrosch  and  Miss  Harriet  Blaine  ; 
Mr.  James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.;  Mr.  Walter  Damrosch  and 
Miss  Abigail  Dodge. 

WATCHED  FOR  DEATH 
IN  SILENCE. 

From  the  time  the 
family  gathered  about 
the  bedside  of  the  dying 
statesman  until  his  spirit 
had  departed  no  word 
was  spoken.  Now  and 
then  the  doctors  or  the 
professional  nurse  would 
move  about,  seeking  to 
ease  the  sufferer  as  best 
they  could. 

Mrs.  Blaine  sat  by  the  head  of  the  bed,  holding  one 
wasted  hand  of  the  sufferer  and  smoothing  back  his 
hair.  His  two  daughters  knelt  at  either  side  of  the 
bed,  weeping  silently,  their  heads  buried  in  their  hands. 

That  the  end  had  been  so  long  expected  robbed  it 
of  none  of  its  horrors.  During  the  last  half  hour  of 
Mr.  Blaine’s  life  it  was  simply  a weary  waiting  for  the 
departing  spirit  to  take  its  flight. 


DR.  JOHNSTON. 


CLOSING  SCENES. 


551 


Dr.  Johnston  at  eleven  o’clock  felt  the  patient’s 
pulse,  then  bent  down  in  the  vain  hope  of  hearing 
some  faint  echo  of  life.  Then  he  knew  the  end  had 
come.  Without  a word  he  placed  the  sufferer’s  hands 
across  his  chest  and,  motioning  to  Dr.  Hyatt,  quietly 
left  the  room. 

A few  moments  later  the  physicians  left  the  house. 
Walking  up  to  the  newspaper  men  who  were  in  wait- 
ing Dr.  Johnston  said:  “Gentlemen,  Mr.  Blaine  is 
dead.” 

Mr.  Blaine  had  been  critically  ill  for  weeks,  and 
there  was  no  hope  of  his  recovery.  Notwithstanding 
this  fact  the  news  of  his  death  came  suddenly  and 
almost  unexpectedly.  For  several  days  he  had  been 
somewhat  better,  and  it  was  confidently  expected  that 
he  would  live  for  many  days.  The  return  of  pleasant 
weather,  it  was  thought  by  the  physicians,  would 
materially  aid  Mr.  Blaine. 

FOR  MANY  YEARS  AN  INVALID. 

Mr.  Blaine  had  been  in  bad  health  since  1887.  The 
first  serious  symptoms  were  caused  by  what  is  tech- 
nically known  as  arterial  fibrosis — that  is,  a hardening 
of  the  walls  of  the  arteries.  This,  as  time  wore  on, 
developed  into  a form  of  Bright’s  disease.  It  also 
impaired  other  organs,  notably  the  heart  and  lungs. 

The  stroke  of  paralysis  from  which  Mr.  Blaine  suf- 
fered while  travelling  in  Milan,  some  years  ago,  was 
directly  traceable  to  this  illness.  No  remedies 
appeared  to  be  of  avail.  The  family  became  alarmed, 
and  consulted  distinguished  specialists.  In  no  instance 


552 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


was  other  than  temporary  relief  afforded.  The  gen- 
eral system  became  impaired,  and  three  years  after 
the  first  alarming  indications  Mr.  Blaine  became  a 
confirmed  invalid. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  vitality  was  so  great,  his  mind  was  so 
active,  and  his  spirit  so  high  that  the  members  of  his 
family  hoped  that  death  could  be  averted  for  many 
years.  This  hopeful  spirit  was  manifested  all  through 
the  time  when  Mr.  Blaine  succumbed  to  the  slightest 
shock.  Cold  settled  in  his  throat  and  chest  fre- 
quently, and  on  every  occasion  he  was  forced  to  either 
take  to  his  bed  or  suspend  his  daily  pursuits.  The 
repetition  of  these  attacks  finally  resulted  in  a species 
of  nervous  depression,  and  towards  the  last  Mr.  Blaine 
became  a hypochondriac. 

Despite  this  fear  that  every  weak  spell  would  be 
his  last,  his  spirit  and  ambition  never  left  him. 

A HARD  FIGHT  FOR  LIFE. 

His  fight  for  life  during  the  last  six  weeks  was 
regarded  in  local  medical  circles  as  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  examples  of  physical  endurance  to  be 
found  in  the  records  of  medical  science. 

All  the  doctors  could  do  was  to  endeavor  to  keep 
life  in  the  frame  as  long  as  possible.  Time  and  time 
again  death  had  appeared  inevitable,  but  the  use  of 
heroic  remedies  was,  until  the  last,  able  to  postpone 
the  inevitable  end  for  a time. 

The  local  physicians  had  been  most  Constantin  their 
attendance  at  the  bedside  of  the  sick  man.  Profes- 
sional nurses  and  the  members  of  the  family  had 


CLOSING  SCENES. 


553 


exhausted  every  means  at  their  command  to  ease  the 
weary  hours. 

Even  at  nine  o’clock  in  the  morning  a hope  was 
entertained  that  Mr.  Blaine  might  be  pulled  through 
this  relapse.  Nitro-glycerine  was  administered,  but 
not  with  the  usual  result  of  easing  the  pressure  upon 
the  heart  and  restoring  comparative  calm  to  his  throb- 
bing nerves.  His  pulse  became  intermittent.  For  a 
time  it  would  beat  furiously,  and  then  stop  altogether 
for  several  moments. 

Then  oedema  of  the 
lungs  set  in.  Mucous 
secretions  began  to  fill 
the  air  spaces.  The 
breathing  became  la- 
bored and  finally  ster- 
torous. Mr.  Blaine  was 
at  this  point  unable  to 
move.  He  seemed  con- 
scious that  the  end  was 
rapidly  drawing  near. 

The  expression  of  the 
face,  the  twitching  of  the  facial  muscles,  were  evidence 
that  he  was  conscious.  The  lamp  of  his  life  and 
the  light  of  his  great  intellect  were  extinguished 
simultaneously. 


MIND  CLEAR  TO  THE  LAST. 

A remarkable  feature  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  entire  illness 
lies  in  the  fact  that  his  brain  was  at  all  times  clear. 
Physical  exhaustion  frequently  intervened  and  reduced 


554 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


him  to  a semi-comatose  condition,  but  at  no  time,  it  is 
believed,  did  his  brain  wander. 

In  the  latter  stages  of  the  illness  with  which  Mr. 
Blaine  suffered  softening  of  the  brain  is  not  an  uncom- 
mon symptom.  This  case  is  said  to  be  an  exception. 
To  the  last  he  retained  his  mental  penetration.  At 
times  he  was  keenly  alive  to  his  condition  and  sur- 
roundings and  at  other  times  dimly  conscious,  but  no 
mental  delusions  and  no  wanderings  of  the  mind  were 
ever  noticed. 

The  news  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  death  spread  like  wild- 
fire. Crowds  gathered  on  the  corner  and  visitors 
flocked  to  the  house.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Hamlin,  who  was 
passing  the  house  when  the  announcement  of  death 
was  made,  at  once  entered  and  remained  with  the 
family  for  some  time. 

PRESIDENT  HARRISON  INFORMED. 

Word  was  sent  to  the  President  immediately  after 
the  death,  and  at  twenty-five  minutes  after  eleven 
President  Harrison,  accompanied  by  Private  Secretary 
Halford  and  Lieutenant  Parker,  walked  over  to  the 
Blaine  mansion.  The  President  showed  marked  signs 
of  grief.  Postmaster-General  Wanamaker  followed 
the  President,  and  then  the  other  members  of  the 
Cabinet  and  many  prominent  people  followed. 

The  President  received  warning  of  Mr.  Blaine’s 
approaching  end  through  a bulletin,  which  informed 
him  that  Mr.  Blaine  could  not  live  through  the  day. 
He  immediately  had  the  substance  of  the  despatch 
telegraphed  over  the  departmental  wires  to  the  vari- 


CLOSING  SCENES. 


655 


ous  Cabinet  officers.  It  was  a few  minutes  later  only 
that  Mr.  Montgomery,  the  operator  at  the  White 
House,  received  another  message  addressed  to  the 

President.  “ Blaine  is  ” is  all  he  waited  to  hear, 

and  he  started  on  a run  for  the  room  of  Private  Sec- 
retary Halford.  The  final  word  “ dead  ” reached  him 
as  he  was  in  the  hallway  separating  the  telegraph 
room  from  Mr.  Halford’s  office. 

The  Cabinet  was  immediately  notified,  and  came  to 
the  Cabinet  meeting  at  the  usual  hour  fully  prepared. 

THE  OFFICIAL  PROCLAMATION. 

The  President  at  two  o’clock  issued  the  following 
proclamation : 

“ Executive  Mansion, 
“Washington,  January  27,  1893. 

“It  is  my  painful  duty  to  announce  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  the  death  of  James  Gillespie 
Blaine,  which  occurred  in  this  city  to-day  at  eleven 
o’clock. 

“ For  a full  generation  this  eminent  citizen  has 
occupied  a conspicuous  and  influential  position  in  the 
nation.  His  first  public  service  was  in  the  Legislature 
of  his  State.  Afterward  for  fourteen  years  he  was  a 
member  of  the  National  House  of  Representatives, 
and  was  three  times  its  chosen  Speaker.  In  1876  he 
was  elected  to  the  Senate.  He  resigned  his  seat  in 
that  body  in  1881  to  accept  the  position  of  Secretary 
of  State  in  the  Cabinet  of  President  Garfield. 

“ After  the  tragic  death  of  his  chief  he  resigned 
from  the  Cabinet,  and  devoting  himself  to  literary 
work,  gave  to  the  public  his  ‘Twenty  Years  of  Con- 
gress,’ a most  valuable  and  enduring  contribution  to 
our  political  literature. 


556 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


In  March,  1889,  he  again  became  Secretary  of 
State,  and  continued  to  exercise  this  office  until  June, 
1892. 

His  devotion  to  the  public  interests,  his  marked 
ability  and  his  exalted  patriotism  have  won  for  him 
the  gratitude  and  affection  of  his  countrymen  and  the 
admiration  of  the  world.  In  the  varied  pursuits  of 
legislation,  diplomacy  and  literature  his  genius  has 
added  new  lustre  to  American  citizenship. 

As  a suitable  expression  of  the  national  apprecia- 
tion of  his  great  public  services  and  of  the  general 
sorrow  caused  by  his  death  I direct  that  on  the  day  of 
his  funeral  all  the  departments  of  the  executive  branch 
of  the  government  at  Washington  be  closed  and  that 
on  all  public  buildings  throughout  the  United  States 
the  national  flag  shall  be  displayed  at  half-staff,  and 
that  for  a period  of  thirty  days  the  Department  of 
State  be  draped  in  mourning. 

By  order  of  the  President. 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON,  President. 

John  W.  Foster,  Secretary  of  State. 

CONGRESS  ADJOURNED. 

As  soon  as  the  reading  of  the  journal  was  ended  in 
the  Senate  the  announcement  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  death 
was  made  by  Mr.  Hale,  of  Maine,  who  was  for  many 
years  one  of  the  closest  personal  and  political  friends 
of  the  dead  statesman,  and  who  said  that  the  dread 
event  would  carry  sadness  and  mourning  throughout 
all  the  United  States  and  would  awaken  interest  and 
sorrow  wherever  civilized  men  lived. 

His  remarks  were  followed  by  a motion  by  Mr. 
Cockrell,  of  Missouri,  that  the  Senate  adjourn  out  of 


CLOSING  SCENES. 


557 


respect  to  the  memory  of  the  deceased,  and  the  mo- 
tion was  declared  carried. 

The  adjournment  made  the  sixth  interruption  of 
business  in  the  Senate  caused  by  death  within  the 
few  preceding  weeks. 

The  death  of  ex-Speaker  Blaine  also  brought  the 
business  of  the  House  to  a sudden  termination.  A few 
committee  reports  were  made,  including  a bill  to  re- 
peal the  federal  election  laws,  and  then,  after  brief  and 
affecting  speeches  by  Mr.  Milliken,  who  represents 
Mr.  Blaine’s  old  district,  and  Holman,  who  served 
many  years  with  him  in  the  House  and  who  had 
always  been  his  personal  friend,  the  House  out  of  re- 
spect to  the  memory  of  the  dead  statesman  adjourned. 

SENATOR  HALES  EULOGY. 

In  announcing  Mr.  Blaine’s  death  to  the  Senate, 
Mr.  Hale  delivered  the  following  appreciative  eulogy 
upon  the  dead  statesman  : 

“Mr.  President:  We  are  a^ain  summoned  into 

o 

the  presence  of  death.  A very  great  man  has  passed 
from  this  earth.  Mr.  James  G.  Blaine  died  in  his 
house  in  this  city  at  ti  o’clock  this  morning.  His 
long  illness  had  in  some  measure  prepared  us  for 
that,  but  the  dread  event  will  carry  sadness  and 
mourning  throughout  all  the  United  States  and  will 
awaken  interest  and  sorrow  wherever  civilized  man 
lives  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 

“ Mr.  Blaine’s  career  was  so  remarkable  and  his 
public  services  were  so  great  that  in  all  histories  which 
may  be  written  of  his  times  he  will  stand  as  a central 


558 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


figure,  not  only  as  to  his  own  country,  but  on  policies 
and  subjects  that  affected  other  great  nations.  He 
belonged,  Mr.  President,  not  to  any  one  State  but  to 
all  the  country,  and  Pennsylvania,  which  gave  him 
birthplace  and  nurtured  him,  and  Maine,  where  he 
made  his  home  and  where  he  became  her  first  citizen 
and  which  filled  his  lap  with  all  the  honors  which  she 
could  bestow,  mourn  him  no  more  to-day  than  do  the 
dwellers  by  the  shores  of  the  great  gulf  and  in  the 
cabins  of  the  far  Sierras. 

“ This  is  no  time  nor  place  for  me  to  speak  in  detail 
of  his  distinguished  public  life.  He  was  for  years  a 
distinguished  member  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  nation,  and  for  six  years  pre- 
sided as  its  Speaker.  His  services  in  this  chamber 
covered  years.  He  was  twice  Secretary  of  State  and 
was  until  of  late  a member  of  the  present  Adminis- 
tration. I do  not  think  there  is  one  Senator  here  who 
would  not  deem  it  fitting,  in  view  of  these  facts  and  of 
the  fact  that  he  died  where  his  last  peaceful  look  from 
his  chamber  window  might  embrace  this  Capitol,  where 
his  voice  had  been  so  many  times  heard,  that  we  make 
a precedent  at  this  time,  and  that,  although  Mr.  Blaine 
was  at  the  time  of  his  death  a private  citizen,  this  body 
take  immediate  adjournment.” 

IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

When  the  House  met  the  Chaplain  referred  to  Mr. 
Blaine  in  his  prayer  in  these  words: 

“ O eternal  God,  we  stand  before  thee  profoundly 
moved  as  the  news  comes  to  the  Capitol  and  flies 


CLOSING  SCENES. 


559 


through  the  land  that  a great  man  and  a prince  among 
the  people  has  ended  his  earthly  career.  Rich  in  the 
manifold  gifts  with  which  thou  hadst  endowed  him, 
tireless  in  energy,  devoting  himself  for  a generation 
to  the  service  of  the  land,  holding  men  to  him  by  bonds 
stronger  than  steel,  winning  for  himself  the  hearty 
affection  and  confidence  of  millions  of  his  fellow-citi- 
zens and  such  a place  as  has  rarely  been  held  by  any 
man,  he  passes  from  us  mourned,  honored,  loved — 
his  memory  a fragrance  in  this  House  and  throughout 
the  Capitol  and  throughout  the  nation.” 

Congressman  Milliken,  of  Maine,  said : 

Mr.  Speaker  : It  becomes  my  sad  duty  to  an- 
nounce to  this  House  the  death  of  James  G.  Blaine. 
Mr.  Blaine  was  for  fourteen  years  a prominent  and 
leading  member  of  this  House.  For  six  years  he  was 
the  distinguished  Speaker  of  the  House.  Every  posi- 
tion he  has  held  he  has  gilded  with  the  light  of  genius, 
and  he  has  given  to  the  public  service  for  a genera- 
tion such  devotion  and  such  industry  and  such  labor 
as  have  brought  him  to  his  death  to-day.  I do  not 
doubt  that  every  member  of  this  House  will  be  glad 
to  pay  him  a tribute  of  respect  by  an  adjournment. 

Mr.  Holman,  of  Indiana,  said : 

Mr.  Speaker,  the  deaths  which  have  been  announced 
so  recently  of  illustrious  citizens  may  well  bring  to 
our  minds  the  prophetic  words  of  the  Hebrew  King: 
“ How  are  the  mighty  fallen  ! ” The  death  of  James 
G.  Blaine  will  profoundly  impress  the  sensibilities  of 
the  country.  A great  man  is  dead.  He  laid  the 


560 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


foundation  of  his  fame  in  this  hall.  Here  were  his 
great  and  early  triumphs.  How  often  have  we  heard 
in  this  hall  the  tones  of  his  ringing  eloquence  ! Great  in 
statesmanship,  known  not  only  to  our  country  but  to 
the  statesmen  of  the  civilized  world,  and  not  only  great 
in  statesmanship,  not  only  one  of  the  illustrious  char- 
acters which  have  illustrated  the  value  of  free  institu- 
tions, but  beyond  that,  he  was  great  in  the  field  of 
literature.  As  the  historian  of  the  grandest  epoch 
in  the  history  of  the  world  he  did  his  work  well. 
His  history,  covering  a period  of  years,  will  go  down  to 
posterity  as  one  of  the  brightest  illustrations  of  the 
time  in  which  he  lived  and  of  the  grand  events  of 
which  he  was  a part.  It  would  seem,  Mr.  Speaker, 
to  be  eminently  proper  and  fitting  that  with  the  an- 
nouncement of  his  death  here  in  this  the  theatre  of 
his  great  achievements,  this  House,  out  of  respect  to 
his  memory,  should  adjourn.  I therefore  move  that 
the  House  do  now  adjourn. 

THE  PRESIDENT  WAS  SHOCKED. 

Within  an  hour  of  the  announcement  of  Mr.  Blaine’s 
death  a newspaper  correspondent  found  President 
Harrison  in  his  private  office  at  the  White  House 
with  one  or  two  members  of  his  Cabinet.  He  ap- 
peared to  be  deeply  moved.  He  said : 

“ I was  greatly  shocked  to  learn  of  Mr.  Blaine’s 
death.  The  impression  made  upon  me  was  no  less 
profound  because  of  the  fact  that  Mr.  Blaine’s  illness 
has  for  some  time  been  believed  to  be  fatal.  The 
physicians  and  relatives  of  Mr.  Blaine  abandoned  hope 


CLOSING  SCENES. 


561 


some  time  ago,  but  his  death  was  none  the  less  un- 
expected and  a great  shock  to  me.  Before  learning 
the  sad  news  I was  preparing  to  call  at  the  Blaine 
residence.  I at  once  paid  a visit  and  left  a message  of 
sympathy  with  James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.” 

Cleveland’s  words  of  praise. 

The  news  of  Mr. 

Blaine’s  death  did  not 
reach  Mr.  Cleveland 
until  the  afternoon.  He 
was  in  his  office  in 
New  York  at  the  time. 

Although  both  oc- 
cupied so  large  a place 
in  the  public  life  of  this 
country  during  the  pre- 
ceding nine  years,  Mr. 

Blaine  and  Mr.  Cleve- 
land did  not  meet  often. 

They  had  headed  oppos- 
ing tickets  in  a national 
election  long  before  they 
met  personally,  and  Mr. 

Cleveland  had  been  elected  and  inaugurated  before 
the  opportunity  arose  for  them  to  become  acquainted. 
Then  very  properly  Mr.  Blaine  made  the  first  call, 
when,  as  Mr.  Cleveland  said,  they  had  a very  pleasant 
interview. 

It  was  suggested  that  these  reminiscent  facts  would 
be  of  unique  and  profound  interest  at  this  time. 

36 


562 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Mr.  Cleveland  said:  “The first  time  I ever  saw  Mr. 
Blaine  I had  a very  pleasant  interview  with  him  at  the 
White  House,  shortly  after  my  inauguration  as  Presi- 
dent. While  I have  seen  but  very  little  of  him  since 
that  time,  yet  in  a personal  way,  in  common  with  all 
other  American  citizens,  I have  not  failed  to  admire 
his  traits,  the  breadth  of  his  information  and  the  alert- 
ness of  his  intellect. 

“A  figure  like  his,”  continued  Mr.  Cleveland,  “ which 
has  been  so  prominently  before  the  people  and  which 
they  have  so  long  seen  in  different  lights,  cannot  fail 
to  be  long  remembered  by  those  of  the  present 
generation,  and  will  certainly  occupy  a large  place  in 
the  history  of  the  country. 

“ In  common  with  all  his  countrymen,”  concluded 
Mr.  Cleveland,  “ I share  the  regret  occasioned  by  the 
death  of  a man  such  as  Mr.  Blaine,  so  well  entitled  to 
be  called  an  American  statesman  irrespective  of  differ- 
ences in  political  beliefs  or  in  opinions  touching  public 
questions.” 

HOW  DEATH  CAME  TO  HIM. 

Though  forewarned  repeatedly  of  the  precarious 
character  of  his  health,  Mr.  Blaine  exhibited  little 
depression  or  despondency  during  the  last  two  or  three 
years  of  his  life.  In  his  own  family  circle,  too,  one 
affliction  came  upon  another,  not  fewer  than  four  deaths 
occurring  between  1890  and  1892.  Nevertheless,  Mr. 
Blaine  kept  up  an  appearance  of  cheerfulness  and  in- 
terest, and  old  friends  found  him  genial  and  compan- 
ionable and  as  fertile  and  brilliant  in  conversation  as 


CLOSING  SCENES. 


563 


he  had  always  been.  As  often  as  his  health  per- 
mitted he  went  out  to  dinners  and  other  social  gather- 
ings, and  he  gave  constant  entertainments  at  home. 
His  fondness  for  society  never  failed,  and  even  when, 
confined  to  the  house,  he  had  given  up  the  habit  of 
seeing  people  downstairs  in  the  general  reception- 
rooms,  he  had  many  callers  come  up  to  the  parlor  on 
the  second  floor  of  the  refitted  Seward  house,  and 
there  chatted  with  them  for  long  periods  with  great 
apparent  pleasure. 

A journalist  who  called  on  Mr.  Blaine  on  the  Sun- 
day before  he  was  taken  with  his  last  illness,  found 
him  in  the  brightest  spirits,  and  enjoyed  a conversa- 
tion on  current  topics  which  must  have  lasted  nearly 
an  hour.  Though  physically  weak  and  noticeably  pallid 
from  his  long  stay  indoors,  he  showed  no  trace  of 
listlessness  or  depression.  Seated  in  an  easy-chair 
near  the  fireplace  in  the  drawing-room  on  the  second 
floor,  he  chatted  about  politics  past  and  present  with 
all  the  interest  and  brilliancy  of  earlier  days.  His 
manner  was  as  cordial  and  spirited  as  ever,  and  though 
disease  had  left  its  marks  in  the  slowness  of  his  ges- 
tures and  the  deliberation  of  his  speech,  his  conversa- 
tionshowed  no  perceptible  abatement  in  range  or  force. 

WORDS  OF  A DYING  MAN. 

The  whole  subject  of  his  withdrawal  from  the  Cab- 
inet in  June,  1892,  was  gone  over  in  a frank  and  unre- 
served way,  Blaine  discussing  that  interesting  and  im- 
portant incident  with  as  little  show  of  feeling  as  if  it 
had  happened  twenty  years  ago. 


'' 


584  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

His  own  retirement  from  the  Cabinet,  he  said,  had 
not  been  prompted  by  personal  motives  altogether; 
nor  did  he,  as  some  false  friends  had  asserted,  cherish, 
either  at  the  time  or  afterward,  any  bitterness  of  feel- 
ing toward  the  President.  He  had  not  expected  nor 
desired  a nomination  from  the  Minneapolis  convention, 
and  had  stood  ready  to  congratulate  with  all  cordiality 
the  Republican  nominees  on  their  election.  Blaine’s 
whole  manner  showed  that  he  had  suffered  no  shade 
of  disappointment  or  ill  feeling  to  disturb  the  personal 
tranquillity  which  he  had  sought  to  secure  for  the 
closing  days  of  his  career  by  his  definite  retirement 
from  public  life. 

Too  much  value  can  scarcely  be  attached  to  these 
frank  expressions  on  the  events  and  incidents  of  June, 
the  closing  chapter  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  long  political  career. 
The  conversation  in  which  they  were  embodied  was  one 
of  the  last  of  any  length  held  by  him  ; for  a few  days 
later  he  became  seriously  ill  again  and  took  to  his  bed, 
from  which  he  never  rose. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 


Last  Honors  to  the  Dead  Statesman. 

The  funeral  of  James  G.  Blaine  was  a simple  one, 
and  the  invitations  to  attend  it  were  based  upon  the 
rules  governing  the  invitations  to  public  functions. 
The  President,  the  Cabinet,  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  the  Senators  and  Rep- 
resentatives in  Congress,  were  invited  to  the  services 
at  the  church,  and  seats  were  provided  for  them  in 
order  of  precedence. 

A brief  service  at  the  house  at  Madison  place  pre- 
ceded the  more  formal  ceremonies  at  the  Church  of 
the  Covenant.  To  this  ceremony  not  more  than  one 
hundred  and  fifty  officials,  associates  of  Mr.  Blaine, 
and  friends  of  the  family  were  invited.  Among  them 
were  the  President,  who  came  accompanied  by  Mrs. 
McKee  and  his  private  secretary ; the  Vice-President 
and  Mrs.  Morton,  with  their  daughter ; Speaker  and 
Mrs.  Crisp,  the  Members  of  the  Cabinet,  with  their 
families;  Chief  Justice  Fuller  and  his  wile,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Andrew  Carnegie,  Mrs.  John  A.  Logan,  whose 
husband  was  on  the  Republican  ticket  with  Blaine  in 
1884;  Mrs.  Garfield,  whose  husband  Mr.  Blaine  was 
with  when  murdered  by  Guiteau ; General  Alger,  Mr. 

(566) 


566 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


and  Mrs.  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Mrs.  Hitt,  Miss 
Macomb,  Miss  Loring,  Senator  and  Mrs.  Cameron 
and  Miss  Cameron,  Senator  and  Mrs.  Chandler,  Gen- 
eral and  Mrs.  Parke,  Mrs.  Eugene  Hale,  Mrs.  T.  S. 
Hamlin,  Mrs.  Alexander  Rodgers,  Senator  and  Mrs. 
Wolcott,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  John  R.  McLean,  Mrs.  John 
Hay,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  F.  C.  Newlands,  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Gordon  Cumming,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Howland,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Marcellus 
Bailey,  Mrs.  Audenreid,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  M.  H.  Dunnell, 
of  Minnesota ; ex-Governor  and  Mrs.  Perham,  of 
Maine ; Sir  Julian  and  Lady  Paunceforte,  Mr.  A.  C. 
Tyler,  Mrs.  Francis  B.  Loring,  Senators  Gordon  and 
Voorhees,  Representative  Holman  and  J.  T.  Devine, 
Mr.  Blaine’s  stenographer  in  the  preparation  of  his 
“Twenty  Years  of  Congress  ; ” Representative  Blount 
and  Mr.  Charles  Emory  Smith,  ex-Minister  to  Russia; 
Representative  and  Mrs.  Dingley,  Representative 
Milliken,  Mrs.  Frye,  a Maine  delegation  of  fourteen 
headed  by  Governor  Cleaves,  and  Mr.  S.  P.  Fessenden, 
of  Connecticut;  Senator  and  Mrs.  Manderson,  Sena- 
tors Allison,  McPherson,  Sherman,  Cockrell,  Gorman, 
Aldrich  and  Morrill;  Senator  and  Miss  Dawes,  Senator 
Hoar,  Senator  and  Mrs.  Washburn,  Senator  Ransom 
and  General  Baird,  Judge  and  Mrs.  Wylie. 

A SIMPLE  CEREMONY. 

Mr.  Elaine’s  body  lay  in  a large  drawing-room  one 
flight  above  the  street.  The  coffin  of  red  cedar,  cov- 
ered with  black  cloth  and  with  a railing  of  silver  run- 
ning all  around  it,  rested  upon  floral  pedestals,  beneath 


LAST  HONORS. 


567 


which  was  stretched  a thick  carpet  of  roses  nine  feet 
long  and  four  feet  wide.  The  room  was  crowded  with 
wreaths  and  crosses  of  flowers,  with  palms,  lilies  and 
huge  masses  of  violets.  The  upper  part  of  the  coffin 
was  covered  over  with  glass.  The  body  was  clothed 
in  black  broadcloth,  and  the  hands  were  folded  across 
the  breast. 

Those  who  had  been  invited  began  to  gather  at  ten 
o’clock.  A long  row  of  carriages  extended  very  soon 
on  either  side  of  the  door.  A dozen  policemen  kept 
the  entrance  clear.  The  crowd  on  the  sidewalk  facing 
the  house  was  quiet.  It  was  not  a large  crowd.  At 
eleven  o’clock  the  President,  who  was  one  of  the  last 
to  arrive,  entered  the  house.  He  glanced  for  a mo- 
ment at  the  thin,  worn  face  in  the  coffin,  and  then  took 
the  seat  which  had  been  reserved  for  him.  Mrs. 
Blaine  entered  immediately  after,  leaning  upon  the 
arm  of  her  son,  followed  by  the  other  members  of  the 
family. 

THE  PALLBEARERS. 

The  service  which  followed  was  very  simple.  The 
Rev.  Dr.  Hamlin,  of  the  Church  of  the  Covenant, 
prayed,  standing  beside  the  coffin.  He  asked  God  to 
comfort  and  uphold  those  whom  the  dead  man  had 
left  behind  him.  The  prayer  was  short.  At  its  con- 
clusion Walter  Damrosch,  Mr.  Blaine’s  son-in-law, 
played  a few  chords  upon  the  piano. 

The  undertaker’s  assistants  hurriedly  gathered  up 
as  many  as  possible  of  the  floral  tributes  and  took 
them  in  a wagon  to  the  church,  while  the  coffin  was 


568 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


carried  downstairs  to  the  hearse.  The  pallbearers 
who  accompanied  it  were  Senators  Hale  and  Frye,  of 
Maine;  Senator  Morgan,  of  Alabama;  Representatives 
Thomas  B.  Reed  and  Boutelle,  of  Maine ; Represent- 
ative Hitt,  of  Illinois,  formerly  Mr.  Blaine’s  Assistant 
Secretary  of  State  ; Representative  Bingham,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, the  State  in  which  Mr.  Blaine  was  born ; 
Gen.  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio,  Mr.  Blaine’s  second 
cousin;  and  John  Hay,  formerly  Assistant  Secretary 
of  State.  The  pallbearers  were  all  selected  by  Mrs. 
Blaine,  and  acted  at  her  request. 

When  the  coffin  was  brought  from  the  house  the 
crowd  had  increased.  There  were  thousands  of  men 
and  women  gathered  about.  All  the  men  removed 
their  hats  and  stood  in  silence  as  the  funeral  proces- 
sion started  for  the  Church  of  the  Covenant  near  by. 

DECORATIONS  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

Meanwhile  the  officials  and  friends  of  the  family 
who,  for  lack  of  space,  could  not  be  invited  to  the  cer- 
emony at  the  house,  had  gathered  in  the  church.  They 
numbered  800,  as  representative  a political  gathering 
probably  as  was  ever  brought  together  in  this  country. 
Nearly  every  branch  of  the  public  service  and  all  im- 
portant departments  of  official  life  in  Washington  were 
represented. 

The  two  middle  rows  of  seats  on  either  side  of  the 
central  aisle  were  roped  off  with  ribbons  of  white  satin. 
Every  attempt  was  made  to  prevent  an  air  of  gloom 
surrounding  the  services.  The  badges  of  the  ushers 
were  of  white  satin,  the  decorations  of  the  altar  were 


LAST  HONORS. 


569 


brilliant  with  coloring — white  and  red  and  violet. 
There  was  not  a particle  of  black  in  all  the  decoration 
of  the  church.  The  seats  fenced  in  with  white  satin 
were  reserved  for  the  family  and  for  those  who  had 
been  invited  because  of  their  official  position. 

The  altar  was  a mass  of  flowers,  and  when  the 
wagon  loads  of  roses,  violets  and  lilies  were  brought 
from  the  house  it  was  almost  impossible  to  find  room 
for  them.  Huge  wreaths  were  hung  upon  the  posts 
of  pews  and  piled  upon  the  floor  at  the  foot  of  the 
altar.  The  floral  carpet  which  Mrs.  Emmons  Blaine 
had  sent  was  spread  upon  the  floor  before  the  altar, 
and  upon  it  were  the  supports  for  the  coffin. 

DISTINGUISHED  PEOPLE  IN  THE  CHURCH. 

At  the  hour  of  twelve  all  those  who  had  been  in- 
vited had  arrived  and  the  church  was  filled.  The  gen- 
eral public  was  not  admitted  to  any  part  of  the  cer- 
emony, and  a number  of  policemen,  with  ropes 
stretched  around  the  church,  kept  the  approaches 
clear.  The  gathering  in  the  church  was  impressive 
and  interesting.  All  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court  sat  together  in  seats  just  back  of  those  reserved 
for  the  family,  with  the  exception  of  Chief-Justice 
Fuller,  who  attended  the  services  at  the  house  and 
sat  with  the  family.  Justices  Field  and  Gray  arrived 
first,  and  immediately  behind  them  followed  Justices 
Blatchford,  Brewer  and  Brown.  They  were  a fine, 
simple-looking  lot  of  men,  with  solemn  laces,  wear- 
ing old-fashioned  clothing  and  tight  black  gloves,  very 
American  and  very  comforting  to  look  at. 


570 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Back  of  them  sat  the  strange  assortment  of  men 
who  go  to  make  up  the  Diplomatic  Corps  in  this 
country.  There  was  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote,  the  Brit- 
ish Minister,  who  came  in  a stunning  equipage  with 
English  coachman  and  footman,  each  more  than  six 
feet  tall.  A very  dignified  spectacle  was  Sir  Julian, 
solemnly  doing  honor  to  the  man  whose  popularity 
was  largely  built  up  on  his  disagreements  with  Great 
Britain.  Across  the  aisle  sat  Mr.  Mavroyeni  Bey,  the 
Turkish  Minister.  Mr.  Tateno,  the  Japanese  Minis- 
ter, sat  next  to  Mr.  Ye,  the  Corean  Charge  d’ Affaires. 
Mr.  Ye  wore  a black  pointed  cap. 

OTHER  DIPLOMATS  PRESENT. 

Prince  Contacuzene,  the  Russian  Minister,  with  his 
secretary ; J.  Mott  Smith,  the  Hawaiian  Minister ; Dr. 
Holbein,  the  German  Minister,  with  Baron  Kettler, 
also  of  his  legation ; Senor  Romero,  of  the  Mexican 
Legation  ; Count  Sponneck,  the  Danish  Minister ; G. 
De  Weckherlin,  the  Minister  from  the  Netherlands; 
Mr.  Claparede,  the  Swiss  Minister ; Senor  Don  Ho- 
racio  Guzman,  the  Nicaraguan  Minister  ; Senor  Men- 
donca,  the  Brazilian  Minister ; M.  Patenotre,  the 
French  Minister ; Dr.  Bustamente,  the  Venezuelan 
Minister;  Mr.  Sousa  Rosa,  the  Portuguese  Minister; 
Mr.  Le  Ghait,  the  Belgian  Minister ; Mr.  Grip,  the 
Swedish  Minister ; Baron  Fava  and  Marquis  Imperi- 
al^ of  the  Italian  Legation,  and  a lot  of  attaches,  gor- 
geous in  raiment  and  personal  attraction,  filled  several 
rows  of  seats. 

Whoever  has  not  been  in  Washington  has  no  idea 


LAST  HONORS. 


671 


of  the  fine  sight  which  the  Diplomatic  Corps  pre- 
sented. These  distinguished  diplomats  travel  all  over 
the  world  in  the  course  of  their  interesting  careers, 
but  they  never  go  to  a country  where  a man  as  great 
in  the  eyes  of  his  fellow-citizens  as  Mr.  Blaine  was  is 
laid  to  rest  with  as  little  fuss  and  feathers  as  they 
witnessed  that  day. 

The  seats  of  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in 
Congress  were  back  of  those  occupied  by  the  Diplo- 
matic Corps.  They  were  filled  by  a crowd  of  men 
well  known  to  the  country,  and  a few  women.  Among 
them  were  Gov.  Cleaves,  of  Maine,  and  a delegation 
from  that  State  ; ex-Senator  Davis,  of  West  Virginia; 
ex-Delegate  Cannon,  of  Utah ; Mr.  and  Mrs.  D.  T. 
McKee,  Warner  Miller,  Dr.  J.  C.  Welling,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Roessle,  and  ex-Senator  Eustis,  of  Louisiana. 

Delegations  from  the  Union  League  Clubs  of  New 
York  and  Philadelphia  and  from  a dozen  other  organ- 
izations throughout  the  country  were  also  seated 
within  the  white  satin  inclosure,  as  were  also  the  heads 
of  the  bureaus  in  the  State  Department, 

THE  PROCESSION  ENTERS  THE  CHURCH. 

The  funeral  procession  from  the  house  reached  the 
church  at  12  o’clock.  Dr.  Teunk  S.  Hamlin,  who  but 
a short  time  before  led  the  service  at  the  funeral  of 
Walker  Blaine,  walked  slowly  up  the  aisle  at  the  head 
of  the  procession,  reading  as  he  walked  from  the 
burial  service,  beginning  with  the  verse,  “ I am  the 
resurrection  and  the  life.”  Slowly  and  solemnly  he 
repeated  the  words  which  emphasize  the  fact  that  am- 


572 


LIFE  OF  HON  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


bition  and  hope  of  preferment  all  stop  at  the  grave. 
“We  bring  nothing  into  this  world,”  he  told  his  hear- 
ers ; “ we  can  take  nothing  from  it.”  This,  of  course, 
was  not  taken  in  too  harshly  literal  a sense  by  his 
hearers,  who  knew  that  Mr.  Blaine  had  taken  with 
him  the  one  thing  which  had  made  his  life  worth  liv- 
ing— the  affection  and  admiration  of  millions  of  his 
countrymen. 

Behind  Dr.  Hamlin  walked  the  honorary  pall- 
bearers, with  the  big  figure  of  “ Tom  ” Reed  towering 
above  all  the  others.  He  walked  with  his  heavy  head 
bowed  down.  Eight  undertakers’  assistants  came 
next,  carrying  the  coffin,  which  was  almost  buried 
from  sight  beneath  a mound  of  flowers. 

MRS.  BLAINE  WAS  ABSENT. 

Mrs.  Blaine  did  noc  attend  the  services  at  the  church. 
Directly  behind  the  coffin  came  her  daughter,  Mrs. 
Damrosch,  leaning  upon  the  arm  of  her  brother,  James 
G.  Blaine — no  longer  James  G.  Blaine,  Jr.  Miss 
Harriet  Blaine,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robert  Blaine,  and  the 
other  members  of  the  family  followed.  All  the  women 
were  heavily  veiled. 

Next  came  the  President,  with  Mrs.  McKee  leaning 
upon  his  arm.  He  was  very  pale,  and  his  head 
appeared  to  be  sunk  more  deeply  than  ever  in  the 
collar  of  his  heavy  overcoat.  He  took  a seat  in  the 
third  row  behind  the  honorary  pall-bearers. 

Fred  Brown,  Mr.  Blaine’s  colored  butler,  rode  on 
the  box  of  the  carriage  in  which  were  Miss  Hattie 
Blaine  and  young  James  G.  Blaine,  and  sat  with  the 


LAST  HONORS. 


573 


family  in  the  church.  It  is  doubtful  whether  Mr. 
Blaine  had  any  more  sincere  mourner  outside  of  his 
immediate  family  than  this  faithful  servant  who  sat 
listening  with  appreciation  to  every  word  of  comfort 
and  wiping  his  eyes  at  every  allusion  to  his  dead  mas- 
ter’s good  qualities. 

Miss  Abigail  Dodge  (Gail  Hamilton),  Mr.  Blaine’s 
cousin,  entered  the  church  and  sat  with  the  ladies  of 
Mr.  Blaine’s  family,  dressed  like  them  in  deep  mourn- 
ing. 

THE  SERVICE. 

When  the  congregation  was  seated  Mr.  Damrosch, 
who  had  taken  the  place  of  the  regular  organist,  played 
for  a short  time,  and  then  came  the  reading  by  Dr. 
Hamlin  of  extracts  from  the  Bible.  Prayer  followed. 
The  prayer  was  in  the  nature  of  a eulogy  on  the  dead 
man.  It  enumerated  his  great  qualities  as  a patriot, 
statesman,  father,  and  husband,  and  condoled  with  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  the  President,  with 
the  State  of  Maine  and  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  with 
all  of  the  commonwealths,  upon  the  loss  which  they 
had  sustained.  Here  in  full  is  the  text  of  the  prayer : 
dr.  hamlin’s  prayer. 

“ Thanks  be  unto  thee,  Almighty  God,  that  we  come 
into  the  presence  of  death  with  such  words  of  triumph 
as  these. 

“Thanks  be  unto  thee,  O Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that 
immortal  life  is  no-  more  a dim  surmise,  a probable 
speculation,  but  an  assured  fact. 

“ Thanks  be  unto  thee,  O Holy  Spirit  of  God,  that 


574 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


thou  hast  revealed  to  the  hearts  and  minds  of  men 
these  truthful  verities  upon  which  we  rest  when  human 
life  passeth  like  a shadow,  when  our  hopes  are  all 
frustrated  and  our  plans  all  put  to  naught  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  great  destroyer. 

“Thanks  be  unto  God,  the  Father,  and  the  Son, 
and  the  Holy  Spirit,  for  Christian  triumph  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  open  grave. 

“We  render  thee  in  this  sacred  and  solemn  place 
and  presence,  O God,  our  tribute  of  gratitude  for  that 
thou  didst  make  thy  servant  whose  ashes  we  are  now 
committing  to  the  resting  place  of  all  the  living.  We 
thank  thee  for  all  that  mental  endowment  with  which 
thou  didst  bless  him,  for  all  the  fidelity  in  culture  and 
refinement  in  the  pursuit  of  all  that  makes  the  human 
mind  clear  and  true  and  strong  and  mighty  that  marked 
his  life. 

“We  thank  thee  for  his  patriotism,  his  serif ne  and 
unchanging  faith  in  the  institutions  of  the  land  he 
loved.  We  thank  thee  for  his  services  to  his  country 
in  days  and  years  of  peril,  through  critical  times 
steadily  holding  to  his  confidence  in  the  great  princi- 
ples that  underlie  our  institutions.  We  thank  thee 
for  his  faith  in  God,  his  faith  in  Jesus  Christ,  his 
acceptance  of  Him  as  his  personal  Saviour  and 
Redeemer.  We  thank  thee  for  his  broad  charity,  his 
kindness  and  sweetness  of  heart  that  impressed  all 
those  that  love  man  and  serve  God.  We  thank  thee 
for  his  strong  serenity  under  the  great  and  crushing 
bereavements  that  in  these  last  years  have  fallen  upon 


LAST  HONORS. 


575 


him  and  upon  his  household.  We  thank  thee  for  his 
fortitude  during  all  these  weeks  of  waiting,  for  his 
patience  and  his  gentleness.  We  thank  thee,  Lord, 
for  all  that  our  departed  brother  through  thy  grace 
was  as  man  and  citizen,  as  patriot,  as  a servant  of  his 
country,  as  husband  and  father  in  the  beautiful  life  of 
the  home. 

“ And  now  we  entreat  thee,  O God,  that  thy  com- 
fort may  come  upon  those  that  are  most  nearly 
bereaved,  that  these  members  of  his  own  household 
and  those  of  near  kindred  may  be  strong  in  faith, 
trusting  in  God  alone ; and  while  there  flows  to  them 
such  a stream  of  sympathy  from  all  parts  of  the  land 
and  of  the  world,  we  pray  thee  that,  receiving  it  with 
gratitude,  they  may  rest  not  in  it,  but  in  the  priceless 
sympathy  of  the  Son  of  God. 

“We  entreat  thee  that  they  may  be  able  to  look, 
not  into  the  open  grave,  but  into  the  open  heavens ; 
not  at  what  they  have  lost,  but  at  what  the  dear  one 
gone  has  left  behind.  And  we  entreat  thee  that  the 
fragrant  and  precious  memories  of  this  dear  husband 
and  father,  friend  and  kinsman,  may  be  their  solace 
in  these  desolate  and  trying  days. 

“We  ask  thy  blessing,  O Lord,  our  God,  upon  the 
Executive  Department  of  the  Government  with  which 
thy  servant  was  so  intimately  associated.  We  com- 
mend to  thee  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
Vice-President  and  all  the  members  of  the  Cabinet 
with  whom  our  departed  brother  labored.  And  we 
entreat  that  upon  them  all  in  this  sense  of  loss  and 


576 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE 


this  new  admonition  of  their  own  mortality,  there  may 
come  a comforting  consciousness  and  serene  trust  in 
God  and  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

“We  pray  Thee,  Our  Father,  for  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  in  whose  councils  for  so  long  thy 
servant  participated,  and  with  such  influence  for  good. 
We  entreat  thee  that  every  member  of  Congress  may 
be  impressed  anew  with  the  need  of  trust  in  God  in 
preparation  for  this  event  that  cometh  alike  to  all,  and 
that  their  work  henceforth  may  be  done  under  the 
consciousness  of  their  responsibility  to  God  under  the 
power  of  an  endless  life. 

“We  ask  thy  blessing  upon  all  our  commonwealths. 
We  commend  to  thee  especially  the  State  in  which 
our  brother  was  born  and  the  State  thit  adopted  him 
and  that  together  rejoice  to-day  in  his  illustrious  ser- 
vice ; and  we  pray  thee  that  the  Executives  and  leg- 
islators of  all  our  commonwealths  may  be  men  of 
God ; that  they  may  trust  and  serve  thee. 

“We  ask  thy  blessing,  O Lord,  upon  all  the  people 
of  the  land,  upon  the  millions  that  with  singular  fidel- 
ity have  loved  him,  whose  voice  so  many  of  them  have 
heard,  whose  counsels  so  many  of  them  have  followed, 
but  who  now  rests  speechless  in  death.  We  entreat 
thee  that  his  patriotism,  his  lofty  purposes,  his  sincere 
and  constant  love  for  the  institutions  of  the  land  may 
animate  all  the  people  and  may  be  a blessed  heritage 
to  every  citizen  of  the  republic. 

“We  commend  to  thee  the  nations  of  the  earth — all 
those  lands  that  have  felt  the  touch  of  his  hand  in  the 


LAST  HONORS. 


577 


great  relations  of  diplomacy,  and  we  pray  thee  that 
there  may  come  to  them  all  a more  profound  trust 
in  God,  in  the  people,  in  the  liberties  wherewith  God 
is  making  people  free,  and  in  all  those  blessed  gifts 
that  come  from  him  to  the  nation  that  loves  and 
serves  the  Lord  of  hosts. 

“And  we  ask  thy  blessing,  O Lord,  upon  this 
church.  We  thank  thee  that  thy  servant  had  part  in 
its  very  beginning ; that  he  did  not  despise  the  day 
of  small  things.  We  thank  thee  that  he  loved  and 
aided  it  in  its  early  days  and  its  progress ; that  he 
worshipped  here  and  sat  at  this  communion  table. 
We  pray  thee  that  thou  will  grant  to  this  church,  as 
thou  taketh  from  it  one  and  another,  the  consolation 
of  thy  holy  Spirit  and  thine  abiding  grace. 

“And  now,  dear  Lord,  as  we  go  hence  and  take  our 
place  about  the  open  grave  and  deposit  there  this  sa- 
cred and  precious  dust,  wilt  thou  go  with  us,  and  as 
this  family  return  to  their  desolate  home  wilt  thou  be 
with  them.  Wilt  thou  make  good  the  void  that  is  in 
their  hearts  ; may  this  many-times  bereaveid,  this  sorely 
afflicted  household  have  the  abundant  comfort  and 
strength  and  grace  of  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord; 
and  we  beseech  thee,  our  Heavenly  Father,  that 
throughout  all  the  land  and  throughout  all  the  world, 
wherever  the  eyes  and  hearts  of  men  are  turning  at 
this  hour  towards  this  place,  wherever  any  are  send- 
ing to  God  the  tributes  of  thanks  for  the  services  of 
this  life,  wherever  there  is  sorrow  to-day,  we  entreat 
thee  that  thy  presence  may  soothe  every  sorrow,  and 
37 


578 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


that  the  hope  of  immortality  may  be  inspired  afresh 
in  every  heart. 

“ Forgive  our  sins ; receive  us  all  into  the  number 
of  thy  dear  children  ; help  us  to  so  live  that  we  shall 
be  ready  at  any  moment  to  hear  thee  say,  ‘Son, 
daughter,  thy  work  on  earth  is  finished  ; come  home ; ’ 
and  so  to  each  at  last  may  there  open  the  doors  of  the 
seat  of  God;  and  may  we  enter  in  to  be  forever 
blessed.” 

At  the  end  of  this  prayer  the  clergyman  and  con- 
gregation repeated  the  Lord’s  Prayer  together  and 
the  services  at  the  church  were  ended. 

TO  THE  GRAVE. 

The  flowers  were  removed  from  the  altar  and  taken 
to  the  cemetery.  The  mourners  entered  their  car- 
riages and,  following  the  hearse,  began  the  procession 
to  the  grave.  About  one  hundred  carriages,  including 
those  of  the  Vice-President  and  members  of  the  Cab- 
inet, were  in  line.  Spectators  were  scattered  on  either 
side  of  the  way  all  along  the  route. 

It  was  a clear  day,  with  only  a few  clouds  for  the 
sun  to  struggle  with  now  and  then.  In  the  prosper- 
ous parts  of  the  city  men  and  women  gathered  at  the 
windows  to  see  the  procession  go  by.  In  the  poorer 
streets  through  which  the  funeral  passed  on  the  way 
to  Georgetown,  mothers,  black  and  white,  brought 
their  children  to  the  doors  and  offered  them  the  fine 
parade  of  carriages  full  of  distinguished  people  as  a 
pleasing  diversion  in  their  quiet  lives. 

It  was  a long  drive  to  the  cemetery,  going  as  the 


LAST  HONORS. 


579 


funeral  procession  did  at  a slow  walk.  The  hearse, 
which  had  left  the  church  at  twelve  forty-five  p.  m., 
reached  Oak  Hill,  the  burying-ground,  shortly  after 
two.  The  cemetery  was  crowded  with  men,  women, 


and  children  who  had  gathered  in  the  morning  to  look 
at  the  open  grave.  With  difficulty  the  funeral  party 
managed  to  clear  a way  through  the  curious  crowd 
from  about  the  Blaine  plot.  The  immediate  relatives, 


580 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


intimate  friends,  and  members  of  the  Cabinet  groupec 
themselves  about  the  grave.  The  ground  was  soft 
muddy,  and  partly  covered  with  snow.  The  general 
crowd  of  sightseers  pressed  about  as  closely  as  possi- 
ble, and  ranged  themselves  on  the  slanting  terraces 
of  graves  that  mark  the  hillside  above  the  Blaine  plot. 
Beside  the  open  grave  there  was  a large  mound  of 
fresh,  red  earth.  Seven  men,  dressed  in  long  blue 
flannel  blouses  reaching  below  the  knee  and  fastened 
at  the  waist  with  big  brass  buckles,  stood  with  long- 
handled  spades  ready  to  pile  in  the  dirt  upon  the 
coffin. 


I 


stt 


si 


(1 


COMMITTED  TO  THE  TOMB. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  body  was  committed  to  the  earth  with 
a short  prayer.  It  was  lowered  into  the  grave  with 
the  flowers  still  lying  upon  the  coffin-lid,  and  imme- 
diately the  seven  grave-diggers  with  long  blouses  fell 
to  piling  in  the  earth.  For  a while  the  women  of  Mr,  j 
Blaine’s  household  stood  sobbing  as  the  work  went 
on.  Before  it  had  been  finished  they  had  been  led  away.  j 

One  after  another  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  with- 
drew. Mr.  Wanamaker  remained  later  than  any  of 
his  associates,  gazing  sadly  upon  the  work  of  the  seven 
men.  Finally  he  too  departed,  leaving  young  James 
G.  Blaine  alone  with  the  crowd  of  curiosity  seekers 
beside  his  father’s  grave.  He  waited  until  the  task 
of  filling  the  grave  and  sealing  the  brick  vault  had 
been  completed.  Then  he  too  went  away. 

For  almost  an  hour  the  crowd  surged  about,  worry- 
ing the  policemen  and  grave-diggers  with  their 


LAST  HONORS. 


581 


attempts  to  despoil  the  grave  of  its  flowers.  One 
policeman  should  be  commended  for  the  manner  in 
which  he  enforced  the  law  and  administered  reproof 
simultaneously.  Those  he  had  to  combat  were  women. 
His  unfailing  and  patient  remonstrance  was : “ Ladies, 
if  you  don’t  know  better  than  to  take  flowers  off  the 
grave  I shall  have  to  teach  you.” 

WHERE  MR,  BLAINE  LIES. 

Beside  the  grave  of  Mr,  Blaine  are  those  of  Emmons 
Blaine  and  Mrs.  Alice  Blaine  Coppinger.  A white 
marble  cross  marks  Mrs.  Coppinger’s  grave.  There 
is  room  perhaps  for  two  more  graves  in  the  plot  in 
which  Mr.  Blaine  lies  buried.  There  is  no  room  for 
anything  more  than  a very  simple  headstone  to  mark 
his  resting-place.  On  Mr  Blaine’s  right,  as  he  lies  in 
his  grave,  is  a headstone  marked  simply  “ Peter 
Palmer,”  and  on  his  left  the  grave  of  Stephen  Glegg 
Rowan,  Vice-Admiral  of  the  United  States  Navy,  who 
lies  buried  beside  his  wife.  Not  far  from  where  Mr. 
Blaine  lies,  in  a more  thickly  settled  point  of  the  ceme- 
tery, is  the  grave  of  John  Howard  Payne,  author  of 
“Home,  Sweet  Home.” 

MRS.  BLAINE  AT  THE  GRAVE. 

At  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  the  crowds  that  had 
filled  the  cemetery  had  dispersed.  Only  a few  chil- 
dren ran  about  the  muddy  walks  and  played  in  the 
half-melted  snow  of  the  graveyard.  A woman,  deeply 
veiled,  walked  down  the  winding  path  to  the  grave 
and  leaned  against  the  trunk  of  the  dead  tree.  It 
was  Mrs.  Blaine. 


582 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


At  her  feet  were  thousands  upon  thousands  of  roses, 
violets  and  lilies,  shutting  out  from  sight  the  scar  j 
which  marked  her  husband’s  resting  place  in  the  earth. 
All  about  were  low  mounds  marking  other  graves, 
some  of  children  and  some  of  old  men.  Many  were 
tramped  down  and  disfigured  by  the  thousands  who 
had  struggled  for  a last  look  at  her  husband’s  coffin. 
Behind  her  the  sun  was  going  down.  Before  her  was 
a deep  ravine,  a swollen  brook  rushing  through  it, 
and  beyond  a gloomy  series  of  red  hills.  Above  the 
hills  she  could  see  the  white  shaft  of  the  Washington 
Monument,  the  dome  of  the  Capitol  and  the  roof  of 
the  State  Department  building,  beyond  which,  but 
visible,  was  the  White  House.  Occasionally  a few 
children  gathered  about  with  their  hands  behind  their 
backs  to  contemplate  the  lady  heavily  veiled.  They 
were  warned  away  by  an  old  man  in  charge  of  the 
cemetery  gate,  who  had  undertaken  the  task  of  pro- 
tecting the  flowers  on  the  grave  until  the  gates  should 
close. 

After  almost  an  hour  spent  by  the  dead  tree  at  the 
head  of  the  grave  Mrs.  Blaine  was  led  away  to  a car- 
riage by  her  son.  It  was  getting  dark.  The  sun  was 
hidden  from  view  behind  the  hilh,  and  the  grave,  with 
its  burden  of  flowers,  lay  in  the  shadow.  Two  or 
three  policemen  who  had  lingered  about  the  gate 
cleared  the  cemetery  of  the  children  and  of  the  few 
curious  ones  who  remained.  The  iron  gates  were 
closed,  and  Blaine  was  left  alone  to  begin  his  long  rest 
beneath  the  sod. 


CHAPTER  XXVin. 


Friendly  Tributes  to  the  Great  Leader. 

The  universal  regret  occasioned  by  Mr.  Blaine’s 
death,  and  the  esteem  in  which  he  was  held,  were 
voiced  in  many  ways.  The  various  State  legislatures 
that  were  in  session  adjourned,  showing  thereby 
respect  for  his  memory.  Glowing  eulogies  filled  the 
columns  of  the  press,  and  prominent  men  vied  with 
one  another  in  speaking  words  of  praise.  Several 
members  of  the  Cabinet  placed  on  record  their  high 
appreciation  of  the  man. 

Said  Secretary  Noble : James  G.  Blaine  died  within 
three  days  of  the  sixty-third  anniversary  of  his  birth 
and  little  less  than  thirty  years  from  the  time  he  en- 
tered Congress,  on  the  first  Monday  of  December, 
1863.  During  this  long  and  most  eventful  period  he 
held  the  attention  and  commanded  the  respect  of  his 
countrymen  to  a most  extraordinary  degree — more,  I 
think,  than  any  other  political  leader  save  Lincoln  or 
Clay.  Like  Clay  his  followers  were  loving  and  en- 
thusiastic, and  alike  they  achieved  great  success  but 
failed  to  reach  the  summit  of  their  ambition — the 
Presidency.  Blaine  was  highly  intellectual  and  refined. 
He  had  great  mental  discipline  and  vigor,  with  physi- 
cal strength  and  the  courage  of  his  convictions.  His 

(583) 


584 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


learning  and  experience  gave  him  immense  resources 
of  precedent  and  illustration,  and  no  man  was  ever 
more  ready  to  see  his  opportunity  or  take  advantage 
of  his  opponent  in  debate. 

The  facility  and  variety  of  his  attack  and  defense 
were  unsurpassed.  He  was  distinguished  as  a Con- 
gressman, as  a Senator,  Cabinet  Minister  and  political 
leader,  displaying  great  wisdom  in  counsel,  and  for- 
mulated the  principles  and  issues  of  his  party  with 
unerring  accuracy.  He  had  epitomized  a great  part 
of  his  public  career  in  his  work,  “Twenty  Years  in 
Congress,”  and  added  to  and  perpetuated  his  fame  by 
the  literary  value  of  this  narrative.  I have  heard 
General  Sherman,  whose  judgment  in  such  matters 
was  acknowledged,  say  that  Blaine’s  book  was  a great 
work  ; that  he  considered  its  lucid  and  incisive  expres- 
sions and  comprehensive  and  accurate  statements  gave 
it  rank  with  Macaulay’s  history.  It  is  one  of  the  most 
valuable  of  books.  Blaine  was  an  American  thor- 
oughly and  invariably — he  loved  our  country  and 
institutions.  His  death  will  be  greatly  lamented,  and 
the  whole  nation  will  do  his  memory  honor.  His 
critics  will  not  be  in  this  country. 

THE  IDOL  OF  HIS  PARTY. 

Secretary  Elkins  said : Mr.  Blaine  was  a wonderful 
man  and  wonderfully  gifted.  He  was  one  of  the 
greatest  statesmen  and  political  leaders  the  country 
has  produced,  and  the  most  conspicuous  leader  of  his 
time.  He  was  the  idol  of  his  party,  the  most  loved 
man  in  it.  He  had,  more  than  any  other  political 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


585 


leader  in  this  country,  the  most  enthusiastic  following 
and  best  and  most  loyal  friends.  He  inspired  his 
party  more  thoroughly  than  any  other  man  in  it.  For 
nearly  twenty  years  he  did  more  than  any  other  leader 
to  shape  its  policy.  His  control  over  men,  his  power 
to  draw  them  to  him  and  command  their  unselfish 
support  was  beyond  that  of  any  other  party  leader  in 
the  history  of  the  country. 

His  loss  will  be  widely  felt  and  mourned,  but  his 
life  will  be  a continuing  inspiration  to  his  party.  Mr. 
Blaine,  though  thoroughly  educated,  full  of  culture  and 
accomplishments,  never  paraded  his  learning.  He 
was  versatile,  full  of  resources  and  more  widely 
informed  than  any  man  or  statesman  of  his  time.  In 
a certain  sense,  he  was  modest,  seldom  speaking  of 
himself,  his  position  or  commanding  influence  in  his 
party  and  in  the  country.  He  was  broad,  liberal  and 
just,  always  generous  to  an  opponent ; tender,  gentle 
and  affectionate  toward  his  friends.  He  sought  the 
Presidency  in. ’76,  after  that  seemingly  abandoning  all 
hope  of  ever  reaching  that  high  place.  In  ’84  he  did 
not  seek  the  nomination,  and  in  ’88  steadfastly  refused 
to  allow  his  name  to  £0  before  the  convention. 

Of  late  years  he  was  not  only  the  central  figure  in 
American  politics,  but  at  all  social  gatherings  and 
wherever  he  went.  In  and  out  of  office  he  attracted 
more  attention  and  excited  more  enthusiasm  than  any 
other  citizen  of  the  republic.  Wherever  he  went  peo- 
ple always  eagerly  turned  to  look  at  him,  or  stopped 
to  see  him  as  he  passed  by.  His  claim  to  greatness 


586  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

will  rest  upon  his  literary  work  and  his  statesmanship. 
Either  would  place  him  in  the  front  rank  of  the  great- 
est men  of  the  republic.  His  “Twenty  Years  in  Con- 
gress” will  stand  as  an  enduring  monument,  and 
always  mark  him  truly  great.  The  strain  put  upon 
him  and  the  effort  in  writing  his  great  work,  I think, 
had  much  to  do  in  breaking  down  his  health.  The 
production  of  such  a work  in  so  short  a time ; so  just 
and  discriminating;  so  fair  to  contemporaries  and  to 
all : so  thoroughly  authentic  and  reliable,  stands  in  the 
history  of  literature  unparalleled. 

Without  distinction  of  party,  his  death  will  be 
mourned  as  a great  loss  to  the  country.  Truly,  a 
great  man  has  passed  away,  and  a great  light  gone 
out. 

LOVE  FOR  PENNSYLVANIANS. 

Postmaster-General  Wanamaker  said:  Eleven  years 
ago  I made  the  acquaintance  of  Mr.  Blaine,  when  at 
his  invitation  I went  to  his  house  with  his  intimate 
personal  friend  for  consultation  about  accepting  pub- 
lic office.  The  friendship  then  begun  ripened  in  the 
1884  campaign,  and  since  1887  has  been  more  or  less 
intimate.  His  kindness  and  enthusiasm,  that  so 
greatly  attracted  every  one,  were  often  manifested  in 
a special  degree  to  Pennsylvanians,  among  whom  he 
was  born.  He  liked  to  talk  of  people  in  Philadel- 
phia who  lived  at  the  time  he  was  teacher  and  editor 
there.  I shall  not  soon  forget  the  last  hours  spent 
with  him  when  he  talked  freely  about  his  feelings  and 
his  plans,  about  a week  before  he  went  upstairs  for 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


587 


the  last  time.  Pennsylvania  may  well  be  proud  of  her 
brilliant  son,  clever  as  Henry  Clay  and  eloquent  as 
Daniel  Webster.  As  an  all-around  statesman  his 
name  will  always  be  cherished  with  the  ten  greatest 
Americans. 

HIS  STURDY  AMERICANISM. 

Secretary  Rusk  said  : I first  met  Mr.  Blaine  in  1868, 
I being  then  Bank  Comptroller  in  Wisconsin,  to  which 
State  he  came  to  make  tariff  speeches.  He  was  then 
one  of  the  most  forcible  speakers  in  the  Republican 
party  on  this  important  question.  The  acquaintance 
then  formed  with  him  has  continued  uninterruptedly 
since,  being  welded  by  our  closer  personal  and  polit- 
ical relations  during  the  Forty-second,  Forty-third  and 
Forty-fourth  Congresses,  in  which  we  were  both  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  Representatives,  he  being 
Speaker  during  the  first  two  Congresses,  a position 
for  which  I warmly  supported  him.  I have  no  hesita- 
tion in  saying  that  in  many  respects  Mr.  Blaine  out- 
ranked any  of  his  contemporaries,  and  none  has 
wielded  a greater  influence  in  shaping  the  fortunes 
of  the  Republican  party. 

One  of  the  qualities  I have  always  esteemed  the 
most  highly  in  James  G.  Blaine  was  his  sturdy,  un- 
swerving Americanism.  He  will  always  be  one  of  the 
conspicuous  figures  in  the  political  history  of  this 
country.  While  serving  with  him  in  President  Har- 
rison’s Cabinet  our  relations  were  of  the  most  cordial 
and  friendly  character.  For  some  time  I noted  with 
deep  regret  that  physically  he  was  not  as  vigorous  as 


588 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


in  former  years.  His  death,  while  not  unexpected, 
will  be  a great  shock  to  the  people  of  the  whole  na- 
tion, irrespective  of  their  political  sentiments. 

HIS  EXALTED  PATRIOTISM. 

Secretary  of  State  Foster  said : Other  of  his  friends 
are  more  competent  to  speak  of  Mr.  Blaine’s  services 
and  genius  in  Congress,  in  politics  and  in  literature. 
In  diplomacy  his  chief  characteristic  was  his  exalted 
Americanism.  He  was  a thorough  believer  in  the 

o 

Monroe  Doctrine,  and  the  reciprocity  policy  which  dis- 
tinguished the  close  of  his  public  career  was  an  out- 
growth of  his  convictions  respecting  that  doctrine. 
His  diplomatic  correspondence  will  rank  among  the 
best  of  his  political  productions.  His  reputation 
abroad  will  mainly  rest  upon  his  acts  as  Secretary  of 
State,  and  it  is  not  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  in  the 
past  ten  years  at  least,  he  has  been  the  best  known 
American  in  foreign  lands. 

Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Foster  said : I first  met 
Mr.  Blaine  when  he  became  a member  of  the  Forty- 
second  Congress,  and  during  his  six  years  service  as 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  At  that 
time  he  was  in  full  health  and  a magnificent  speci- 
men, both  physically  and  mentally,  of  mature  man- 
hood. As  Speaker,  he  was  the  absolute  dictator  of 
the  proceedings  of  the  House,  enjoying  more  fully  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  the  members  than,  perhaps, 
any  other  Speaker,  with  perhaps  the  exception  of 
Henry  Clay,  whose  career  Mr.  Blaine’s  so  much  re- 
sembled. His  career  has  been  one  of  leadership,  and 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


589 


without  doubt  he  possessed  the  confidence,  respect 
and  affection  of  the  vast  majority  of  the  American 
people  more  than  any  man  of  his  time.  His  fame  is 
world-wide.  His  personal  popularity  and  his  hold 
upon  the  popular  affection  was  not  confined  to  his 
own  party.  His  death  will  be  sincerely  mourned. 

COMPARED  WITH  WEBSTER  AND  CLAY. 

Attorney-General  Miller  said  : It  is  customary  to 
speak  of  one,  who,  being  elected  to  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency, becomes  President,  as  an  accidental  President. 
With  reference  to  Mr.  Blaine,  it  may  be  truly  said 
that  his  failure  to  be  President  was  an  accident.  The 
desire  of  an  old  gentleman  to  make  a striking  sentence 
by  alliteration  defeated  the  worthy  ambition  of  a life- 
time, and  in  no  small  degree  changed  the  direction  of 
public  affairs  in  the  nation.  In  the  whole  history  of 
the  country  there  has  scarcely  been  a more  striking 
figure  than  Mr.  Blaine,  and  no  personality  in  the 
country  has  been  more  strongly  impressed  upon  his 
contemporaries. 

At  the  funeral  of  Daniel  Webster  one  of  his  neigh- 
bors, who  lived  near  Marshfield,  looking  on  the  face 
of  the  dead  statesman,  said:  “Daniel  Webster,  the 
world  will  be  lonesome  without  you.”  The  same  may 
be  said  with  propriety  of  James  G.  Blaine.  Mr. 
Blaine,  with  the  possible  exception  of  Henry  Clay,  was 
the  most  brilliant  statesman  and  political  leader  this 
country  has  ever  produced.  An  excellent  judge  of 
character,  he  understood  instinctively  the  strong  and 
weak  points  of  those  with  whom  he  came  in  contact. 


590 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


Full  of  human  sympathy,  he  received  all  who  ap- 
proached him  with  a kindness  and  affability  that  made 
them  at  once  his  friends.  Fie  was  a most  accurate 
judge  of  public  sentiment  and  he  knew,  as  few  men 
did,  how  to  present  a question  of  public  policy  so  as 
to  appeal  to  the  sympathy  and  win  the  support  of  the 
people.  He  was  a born  leader  of  men  and  richly 
endowed  by  nature  with  all  those  qualities  that  make 
a great  statesman. 

In  the  United  States  a thorough  legal  training  is 
almost  indispensable  to  a great  and  diversified  public 
career.  That  without  such  training  Mr.  Blaine  could 
achieve  success  in  the  various  positions  he  has  been 
called  upon  to  fill  is  an  additional  evidence  of  his  ex- 
traordinary natural  powers. 

, ESTIMATE  OF  A SOUTHERNER. 

Speaker  Crisp  said:  The  people  of  the  South  have 
always  entertained  the  kindliest  feeling  for  Mr.  Blaine. 
His  part  in  the  defeat  of  the  first  Force  bill  will  never 
be  forgotten.  It  was  within  his  power  as  Speaker  at 
the  time  that  bill  was  under  consideration  to  have 
brought  about  its  passage,  but  he  resisted  the  strongest 
kind  of  party  pressure  and  absolutely  refused  to  enter- 
tain the  idea  of  a cloture  rule.  If  such  a rule  had 
been  made  it  is  probable  that  the  bill  would  have  been 
passed.  He  rose  above  the  partisan  to  the  height  of 
a patriot.  Mr.  Blaine  was  a great  man — one  of  the 
greatest  this  country  has  ever  produced. 

Hamilton  Fish  was  Secretary  of  State  when  Mr. 
Blaine  was  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


591 


tives.  His  first  expression  on  hearing  of  the  great 
statesman’s  death  was:  “A  great  man  has  gone.” 
Continuing,  he  said : “ His  death  will  be  universally 
regretted,  and  the  unkind  things  that  have  been  said 
about  him  will  be,  I think,  not  repeated.  He  was  an 
affectionate  man  in  his  own  family,  and  during  the 
eight  years  he  lived  near  me  I had  an  opportunity  to 
see  what  an  interest  he  took  in  his  family,  and  what 
love  and  admiration  he  had  for  his  children.  But  his 
death  will  not  only  be  mourned  by  his  widow  and 
children.  For  months  the  whole  country  has  been 
watching  at  his  bedside  and  the  whole  country  will 
mourn  its  loss.  I cannot  say  too  much  of  Mr.  Blaine’s 
ability.  Had  he  not  been  so  great  and  brilliant  he 
might  have  been  President.  He  was  a great  man 
when  he  first  entered  upon  a political  career.  He 
became  greater  as  years  rolled  by.  He  has  been 
accused  of  sensational  things,  but  when  Secretary  of 
State  under  Harrison  he  did  nothing  of  a rash  or 
sensational  sort.  Blaine  was  a man  with  a most  remark- 
able memory  and  in  debate  he  could  quote  figures  for 
hours  without  referring  to  notes.  He  was  certainly 
the  greatest  American  of  his  time,  and  during  the 
latter  years  of  his  life  the  people  had  every  confidence 
in  him,  and  they  felt  assured  that  if  he  ever  had 
reached  the  Presidential  chair  his  administration  would 
have  been  conservative  and  prosperous.  The  nation 
has  lost  its  greatest  citizen  ; his  unique  place  in  history 
will  never  be  filled. 


592 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


A REMARKABLE  MAN. 

William  M.  Evarts,  ex-Secretary  of  State  and  ex- 
Senator,  was  always  a great  admirer  of  Mr.  Blaine’s 
abilities  as  a great  statesman. 

Mr.  Evarts  said : It  is  the  close  of  a very  eventful 
political  career.  Mr.  Blaine  was  one  of  the  most  bril- 
liant public  men  in  the  history  of  the  country.  Besides 
his  brilliant  public  career,  he  attracted  about  him  more 
personal  admiration  and  applause  than  any  man  of 
his  time.  His  hold  in  a place  of  history  and  in  the 
affections  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  will  live 
long  after  his  death.  My  acquaintance  with  Mr. 
Blain-e  was  intimate  and  agreeable  for  many  years, 
and  I followed  with  interest  the  career  of  the  most 
conspicuous  personality  in  recent  public  life.  Mr. 
Blaine  was  an  able  presiding  officer  in  the  House,  and 
in  the  Senate  he  ably  demonstrated  his  capacity  and 
ability  readily  to  grasp  the  great  questions  of  the  day. 
At  one  time  there  was  no  orator  in  America  who  was 
more  than  his  equal,  and  in  debate  he  was  an  antag- 
onist worthy  to  meet.  His  memory  was  something 
marvellous,  and  facts  and  figures,  when  necessary, 
were  always  at  his  tongue’s  end.  He  had  one  great 
ambition.  He  had  the  right  to  it.  There  are  others 
who  aspired  to  the  Presidency,  and  were  as  capable 
as  Mr.  Blaine  of  administering  the  affairs  of  the 
highest  office  in  the  land,  but,  like  Henry  Clay,  it  was 
destined  that  he  should  never  reach  the  White  House. 
But  his  fame  could  not  have  been  greater  had  he 
reached  the  height  of  his  ambition.  His  place  in  his- 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


593 


tory  will  always  remain.  More  ample  testimony  as 
to  his  brilliant  and  varied  career,  accomplishments  and 
services  may  well  await  a later  day. 

blaine’s  own  state  does  him  honor. 

The  following  proclamation  was  issued  from  the 
Executive  Department  on  the  death  of  James  G. 
Blaine. 

State  of  Maine  Executive  Chamber, 

Augusta,  Jan.  27,  1893. 
To  the  People  of  Maine: — 

The  Governor  announces  with  feelings  of  profound 
sorrow  that  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine  died  in  the  city 
of  Washington  this  forenoon  at  the  hour  of  11  o’clock. 

His  long,  faithful  and  distinguished  service  to  his 
State  and  to  the  country  is  fully  recognized  and  appre- 
ciated. His  noble  life  was  filled  with  usefulness.  He 
was  highly  honored  while  living,  and  his  death  is  sin- 
cerely and  deeply  mourned  by  every  household  in  the 
land.  In  recognition  of  his  most  eminent  career,  and 
as  a manifestation  of  the  high  respect  entertained  for 
his  memory,  the  Governor  directs  that  the  national 
flag  be  at  once  displayed  at  half-mast  upon  the  public 
buildings  of  the  State,  and  during  the  funeral  services 
all  the  departments  of  the  Executive  branch  of  the 
State  government  be  closed. 

Henry  B.  Cleaves,  Governor, 
The  Legislature  appointed  a committee  to  attend 
the  funeral  of  Mr.  Blaine,  also  one  to  draw  up  appro- 
priate resolutions,  and  then  adjourned  until  Monday. 
Memorial  services  were  held  by  the  Legislature  on 
38 


594 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


the  day  of  the  funeral.  Governor  Cleaves  and  Gen- 
eral Selden  Connor,  chief  of  staff,  represented  the 
State  at  the  funeral  services. 

GENERAL  REGRET  IN  CHICAGO. 

Although  it  had  been  known  for  weeks  that  Mr. 
Blaine  was  hopelessly  ill,  the  news  of  his  death  came 
with  something  like  a shock  to  the  majority  of  the 
people  of  Chicago.  Everywhere  there  were  heard 
expressions  of  sorrow  and  regret  that  so  able  a 
man  had  been  taken  from  the  service  of  his  country. 
Political  differences  were  obliterated  and  Democrats 
and  Republicans  alike  uttered  tributes  of  respect  for 
the  dead  statesman.  The  general  expressions  re- 
minded one  of  the  scene  in  the  last  Democratic  Na- 
tional Convention,  when  resolutions  of  sympathy  with 
Mr.  Blaine  on  the  death  of  his  son,  Emmons,  were 
passed  by  a rising  vote.  Mr.  Blaine’s  death  was  the 
topic  of  conversation  at  the  clubs,  hotels,  public  offices, 
Board  of  Trade,  Stock  Exchange,  and  all  places  where 
men  congregate.  Mayor  Washburne  ordered  the  flag 
on  the  City  Hall  to  be  lowered  to  half-mast,  and 
Marshal  Hitchcock  caused  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
over  the  Federal  Building  also  to  be  placed  at  half- 
mast. 

The  Hon.  Mackenzie  Bowell,  Minister  of  Trade  and 
Commerce,  who  frequently  met  Mr.  Blaine  during  the 
reciprocity  negotiations  at  Washington,  said  that  he 
did  not  share  in  the  belief  prevalent  that  Mr.  Blaine 
was  unfriendly  toward  Canada.  From  experience  he 
had  learned  to  regard  Mr.  Blaine  as  an  advanced  and 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


595 


liberal-minded  statesman,  ever  disposed  to  do  justice 
to  every  country. 

KIND  WORDS  FROM  ADLAI  E.  STEVENSON. 

“I  shall  ever  retain  most  kindly  memories  of  this 
great  statesman,  and  his  family  have  my  profound 
sympathy  in  this  their  hour  of  deepest  sorrow.” 
These  were  the  words  with  which  Vice-President-elect 
Stevenson  closed  a brief  interview  on  the  death  of  Mr. 
Blaine.  “Mr.  Blaine  was  a great  debater — a man  of 
wonderful  eloquence.  Life,  color,  passion  and  per- 
sonality were  all  thrown  into  his  address.  He  com- 
bined with  his  eloquence  such  a thorough  knowledge 
of  his  subject  and  such  a complete  mastery  of  detail 
that  his  argument  seemed  irresistible. 

“ He  possessed  to  a large  degree  that  magnetism 
which  appeals  to  friend  and  foe — that  something 
which  made  men  follow  his  leadership  wherever  he 
led  them.  As  a popular  idol,  as  a great  leader  of  his 
party,  no  statesman  in  modern  times  had  a more  de- 
voted following,  possibly  none  had  engendered  more 
bitter  opposition  among  sections  of  his  own  followers 
than  Mr.  Blaine.  Mr.  Blaine  had  many  warm  personal 
friends  among  Democrats.” 

o 

TRIBUTE  FROM  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW. 

Mr.  Depew  gave  the  following  highly  appreciative 
estimate  of  the  dead  statesman  : 

Blaine  was  easily  the  most  interesting  and  con- 
spicuous figure  in  the  United  States.  He  held  this 
position  and  had  this  unique  distinction  for  a longer 
period  than  any  other  American  statesman.  He  alone 


596 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


of  our  public  men  aroused  the  curiosity  and  fixed  the 
attention  of  Europe  upon  his  opinions  and  purposes. 
He  was  a factor  of  equal  and  commanding  importance 
in  our  affairs,  whether  in  or  out  of  office.  He  had  a 
following  for  a quarter  of  a century  whose  ardor  and 
enthusiasm  neither  time  nor  defeat  could  cool  or 
quench.  It  is  rare  that  a party  leader  combines  the 
intelligence  which  secures  the  assent  of  his  party  and 
the  personal  qualities  which  win  the  affections  of  his 
partisans.  The  Scotch-Irish  blood  of  Mr.  Blaine  hap- 
pily blended  the  clear,  cold  and  keen  intellect  of  the 
one  race  and  the  susceptibility  and  impressionability 
of  the  other. 

The  secret  of  his  success  is  not  difficult  to  find.  He 
was  always  in  close  touch  with  the  people.  This 
ready  sympathy  with  popular  aspirations  and  quick 
determination  to  meet  them  aroused  the  distrust  of  the 
critic  and  the  terror  of  the  conservative.  For  that 
reason  he  always  had  the  opposition  of  Mug-wumps. 
The  rapidity  with  which  he  arrived  at  conclusions  and 
the  certainty  and  suddenness  with  which  he  acted 
upon  them  created  among  these  classes  distrust  and 
suspicion.  They  charged  him  with  ulterior  motives 
and  secret  machinations. 

But  the  real  source  of  his  power  was  his  frankness 
and  transparent  candor.  The  plain  people  of  the 
country  did  not  misunderstand  him.  He  was  pecu- 
liarly the  representative  of  American  ideas.  His  ad- 
vanced position  and  aggressive  attitude  in  our  foreign 
relations  excited  the  liveliest  apprehensions  in  Europe 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


597 


and  hostility  at  home.  His  action  on  those  questions 
was  the  natural  result  of  the  intense  pride  and  ambi- 
tion in  the  progress  and  power  of  the  United  States 
which  were  the  moving  influences  of  his  life. 

The  American  people,  as  a rule,  look  with  great 
doubt  upon  spectacular  exhibitions  by  public  men.  If, 
however,  the  dramatic  surprise  has  in  it  the  elements 
of  victory,  then  they  are  captured  by  the  episode,  as 
they  were  by  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  on  the  Fourth  of 
July,  or  Sherman’s  march  to  the  sea. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  defiant  attitude  and  daring  counter- 
assault upon  his  enemies  in  the  midst  of  the  canvass- 
ing for  a Presidential  nomination,  when  h-e  rushed 
down  the  aisle  of  the  House  of  Representatives  and 
himself  read  and  presented  the  letters  which  it  was 
charged  would  Incriminate  him,  was  one  of  the  most 
brilliant,  daring  and  triumphant  movements  in  par- 
liamentary history.  ' It  sent  a thrill  of  pride  through 
the  households  of  his  friends,  and  of  admiration 
through  those  of  his  enemies,  all  over  the  land. 

H is  sudden  and  angry  attack  upon  the  McKinley 
bill  before  the  committee  which  had  it  in  charge,  when 
he  smashed  his  hat  upon  the  copy  of  the  bill  and 
declared  that  there  was  nothing  in  it  for  the  farmer, 
led  to  the  examination  and  revision  which  enabled  that 
bill  to  become  a law. 

HIS  WONDERFUL  MEMORY. 

Senator  Sawyer,  of  Wisconsin,  tells  the  following  as 
to  Mr.  Blaine’s  wonderful  memory  for  names  and 
faces:'  “In  1874,”  he  said,  “ Mr.  Blaine  made  a speech 


598 


LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 


in  Wisconsin  and  he  stopped  with  me.  While  he  was 
there  I gave  a dinner  in  Mr.  Blaine’s  honor,  to  which 
I invited  Mr.  Meyer,  of  Fond-du-Lac.  In  1891,  more 
than  sixteen  years  afterward,  Mr.  Meyer  came  here 
and  I took  him  to  call  on  Mr.  Blaine.  Before  we  got 
there  we  met  Mr.  Blaine,  and  when  within  about  forty 
feet  of  him  he  walked  quickly  forward  and  without  any 
hesitation  said  : ‘ Mr.  C.  L.  J.  Meyer,  how  do  you  do  ? ’ ” 

A gentleman  of  the  party  with  Senator  Sawyer, 
said : “ I was  with  Mr.  Blaine  when  he  visited  Lan- 
caster, O.,  during  a campaign.  Mr.  Blaine  had  lived 
there,  and  he  got  a great  reception.  He  remembered 
all  the  old  residents.  Finally  some  one  brought  in  a 
man  whom  they  said  he  would  not  remember. 

“Mr.  Blaine  replied:  ‘Yes,  I do,  give  me  a little 
time.’  -Pretty  soon  he  remarked  to  the  man,  ‘I  never 
saw  you  but  once,’  and  then  he  told  this  story : 

“ ‘ When  I was  a boy  there  was  great  excitement  one 
day  because  a convict  had  escaped  from  the  Columbus 
Penitentiary,  and  had  been  tracked  into  that  neigh- 
borhood. Police  arrested  him,  and  I (Mr.  Blaine)  was 
one  of  the  crowd  around.  The  man  was  taken  to  a 
blacksmith  shop  and  had  fetters  riveted  on  him  by  the 
blacksmith.  You  (turning  to  the  man)  and  I walked 
home  to  Lancaster  tog-ether  after  that.’  ” 

o 

THE  SORROW  OF  DIPLOMATS. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Blaine  occasioned  great  regret 
among  the  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps  at  the 
Capital,  with  nearly  all  of  whom  his  relations  were 
quite  intimate.  Baron  Fava,  the  Italian  Minister,  dean 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


599 


of  the  corps,  said:  “Personally,  the  death  of  Mr. 
Blaine  is  a great  affliction.  He  was  in  office  as  Sec- 
retary of  State  when  I reached  Washington,  nearly 
thirteen  years  ago,  and  went  with  me  to  the  President 
when  I presented  my  credentials.  Since  then  our 
relations  have  been  very  pleasant.  The  loss  to  the 
country  of  one  of  its  greatest  men  I can  appreciate, 
and  I desire  to  express  the  sorrow,  not  only  of  myself, 
but  of  all  my  associates  in  the  Diplomatic  College,  at 
the  sad  event  which  has  so  afflicted  your  country.” 

Mr.  Le  Ghait,  the  Belgian  Minister,  who  was  with 
Baron  Fava  when  the  reporter  saw  him,  gave  his  con- 
currence to  the  expressions  of  sorrow,  and  said  that 
the  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps  would  desire  to 
manifest  in  the  most  pronounced  manner  their  appre- 
ciation of  the  worth  of  the  dead  statesman,  and  would 
take  part  as  a body  in  his  funeral  if  it  were  a public 
ceremonial,  as  they  understood  it  would  be. 

MESSAGES  OF  SYMPATHY. 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  even  approximately  the 
number  of  callers  who  left  cards  at  the  Blaine  mansion 
on  the  day  of  his  death.  Mr.  Blaine  was  known  the 
world  over  and  from  every  part  of  the  globe  mes- 
sages of  sympathy  and  sorrow  are  coming.  Here  are 
a few  telegrams  given  out  this  evening : 

President-elect  Grover  Cleveland. — His  brilliant 
statesmanship  will  always  be  an  inspiration  to  the 
nation  he  has  served  so  long  and  so  well.  Permit  me 
to  extend  my  sympathy  on  the  death  of  your  distin- 
guished husband. 


600  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

Gov.  Roswell  P.  Flower,  of  New  York. — My  great 
respect  and  admiration  for  your  late  husband  prompts 
me  to  send  this  word  of  sympathy  in  your  bereave- 
ment. The  country  will  mourn  his  loss  as  that  of  a 
brilliant  statesman  and  true  friend. 

Gov.  Pattison,  of  Pennsylvania. — The  sad  message 
of  the  death  of  Mr.  Blaine  has  just  reached  me.  You 
have  my  heartfelt  sympathy.  The  people  of  his 
native  State  were  greatly  devoted  to  him  while 
living  and  mourn  with  you  his  death. 

Gov,  Crounse,  of  Nebraska. — The  people  of  Ne- 
braska weep  with  you  over  the  death  of  your  distin- 
guished husband.  The  solace  for  our  sorrow  comes 
from  the  brilliant  inheritance  he  has  bequeathed  the 
nation. 

Gov.  Cleaves,  of  Maine. — Permit  me  to  express  to 
you  the  great  sorrow  felt  by  the  people  of  Maine  at 
the  death  of  Mr.  Blaine.  You  are  assured  of  their 
deepest  sympathy  and  that  the  entire  States  mourns 
with  you. 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  Minister  to  Great  Britain. — We 
lose  a dear  friend  and  deeply  sympathize  with  you 
and  your  children  in  your  great  affliction. 

Chief-Justice  Melville  W.  Fuller. — Accept  my  sincere 
sympathy. 

Gov.  McKinley,  of  Ohio. — Please  receive  our  sincere 
sympathy  on  the  death  of  your  noble  husband.  The 
people  of  Ohio  share  in  your  great  sorrow  and  lament 
the  death  of  an  illustrious  statesman. 

Gen.  R.  A.  Alger. — The  nation  has  lost  its  foremost 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


601 


and  best  beloved  citizen,  but  the  name  of  your  hus- 
band and  the  love  of  all  classes,  parties  and  creeds 
for  him  shall  never  die. 

lames  S.  Clarkson. — We  send  you  loving  sympathy 
from  the  sorrowing  hearts  of  a household  in  which 
love  of  Mr.  Blaine  has  long  been  a sweet  and  sacred 
thing. 

J.  B.  Foraker. — Mrs.  Foraker  joins  me  in  tender- 
ing sympathy.  The  death  of  Mr.  Blaine  is  a national 
loss  that  will  be  recognized  and  deplored  by  all  Ameri- 
cans regardless  of  political  differences. 

Andrew  Carnegie. — The  sad  news  is  everywhere. 
The  whole  city  seems  stricken  with  grief.  We  shall, 
of  course,  return  to  pay  our  last  tribute. 

Gov.  Boies,  of  Iowa. — The  whole  nation  mourns 
the  death  of  your  gifted  husband.  Nowhere  within 
its  borders  is  sorrow  for  him  or  sympathy  for  you 
more  sincere  than  among  his  multitude  of  friends  in 
Iowa. 

COMMENTS  BY  NEWSPAPERS. 

From  the  Inter-Ocean,  Chicago. 

The  death  of  James  G.  Blaine,  though  on  account 
of  his  long  illness  fully  anticipated,  will  cause  a spasm 
of  grief  throughout  the  country.  Anticipation  of 
death  is  not  always  the  realization  of  that  great  change. 
It  is  human  never  to  be  ready  for  the  death  of  loved 
ones,  and  it  is  only  when  the  eternal  harvester  cuts 
the  cord  and  removes  every  shred  that  can  sustain 
hope  that  we  realize  that  they  are  gone  from  us  for- 
ever. And  certainly  Mr.  Blaine  was  a man  loved  and 


602  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

cherished  by  the  American  people.  He  was  one  of 
them,  and  they  clung  to  him  through  good  and  evil 
report  with  a tenacity  that  defied  all  efforts,  both  of 
friends  and  foes.  Other  characters  may  have  cast 
grander  shadows  over  the  nation  and  impressed  the 
people  with  a sense  of  greater  obligation  for  services 
rendered,  but  no  other  excited  their  imaginations  and 
stirred  their  feelings  to  such  an  extent  as  did  James 
G.  Blaine. 

It  must  be  said  of  Mr.  Blaine  as  of  all  other  great 
political  leaders,  that  he  was  not  always  wise  nor  was  he 
always  just,  but  whom  the  people  much  love  they  forgive 
much,  and  if  they  ever  charged  up  any  of  these  errors 
of  judgment  or  temper  against  Mr.  Blaine,  they  wrote 
them  in  the  sand  and  the  lines  disappeared  with  the 
waves  of  returning  enthusiasm  which  invariably  came 
when  he  again  spoke  to  them.  Mr.  Blaine  was  a man 
of  comprehensive  information  with  a wonderful  faculty 
for  placing  that  information  interestingly  and  clearly 
before  others.  He  was  bold  yet  diplomatic  both  in 
action  and  speech.  His  state  papers  will  take  rank 
with  those  of  our  greatest  secretaries.  There  was  a 
directness  and  American  rinof  about  them  that  found 
an  echo  in  every  American  heart. 

It  is,  however,  as  the  political  leader  that  Mr.  Blaine 
will  live  in  history  and  in  the  memory  of  his  country- 
men. As  such  he  is  not  comparable  with  any  of  his 
contemporaries,  nor  is  it  probable  that  his  like  will 
again  be  seen  in  American  politics  for  a long 
time. 


FRIENDLY  TRIBUTES. 


603 


From  the  Courier-Journal,  Louisville. 

Among  the  modern  leaders  of  American  party 
politics  James  G.  Blaine  stood  easily  first.  In  the 
power  of  drawing  to  himself  the  admiration  of  great 
masses  of  the  people,  and  of  arousing  the  enthusiasm 
of  his  followers,  he  had  no  equal  in  either  political 
camp. 

A certain  lack  of  prestige  which  marked  his  brief 
service  in  the  Senate  may  be  traced  directly  to  the 
circumstance  that  he  was  not  a trained  lawyer.  No 
man  has  ever  made  a career  in  the  Senate — that  crave- 

O 

yard  of  Presidential  hopes  and  coffin  of  slain  ambi- 
tions— who  was  not.  But  as  a commoner  upon  the 
floor  of  the  national  House  of  Representatives,  Mr. 
Blaine  was  a Titan.  He  was  a Titan  before  the 
people.  He  was  a Titan  among  his  political  asso- 
ciates in  the  closet  and  at  the  round  table  where 
party  plans  are  laid  and  party  plans  decided. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  lot  was  cast  in  high  party  lines.  In 
political  controversy  he  neither  asked  nor  gave  quarter. 
But  in  his  private  intercourse  he  was  altogether  free 
from  political  prejudices,  unreserved  and  generous  to 
his  adversaries,  genial  to  all,  and  altogether  delightful 
as  a companion.  He  was  not  so  august  as  Clay  nor 
so  unguarded  as  Douglas,  but  he  will  rank  with  those 
for  a party  leader  and  be  classed  with  them  and  com- 
pared to  them  by  the  biographers,  for  as  political 
chieftains  and  popular  debaters  the  trio  possessed 
much  in  common. 

Peace  to  the  ashes  of  a noble  adversary ! All 


604  LIFE  OF  HON.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE. 

honor  to  the  name  of  a great  American  ! At  last  the 
Plumed  Knight  has  joined  the  knightly  throng  whom 
the  ages  have  assembled  on  the  other  side. 

From  the  American,  Baltimore. 

Mr.  Blaine  was  the  foremost  figure  of  his  time  in 
American  public  life,  and  this  was  due  to  the  extraor- 
dinary qualities  of  the  man.  His  name  came  to  be 
reckoned  among  the  half-dozen  names  which  consti- 
tute the  crowning  galaxy  of  American  statesmanship. 
No  man  in  American  politics  filled  a broader  space 
for  a longer  period  than  Mr.  Blaine,  and  the  country 
loses  him  while  in  the  maturity  of  his  splendid  powers. 

From  the  Constitution,  Atlanta. 

Mr.  Blaine’s  death  removes  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
and  picturesque  figures  in  modern  politics.  Com- 
paring him  with  Henry  Clay  as  a partisan,  Blaine 
had  a better  hold  on  the  public  mind,  though  Clay  was 
a greater  man  as  a statesman,  while  not  cutting  such 
a figure  in  politics.  The  people,  regardless  of  party, 
instinctively  knew  that  at  his  best  Mr.  Blaine  was  a 
representative  American,  a man  ardently  in  love  with 
his  whole  country  and  its  institutions. 


